Davide Rodogno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151335
- eISBN:
- 9781400840014
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151335.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book looks at the rise of humanitarian intervention in the nineteenth century, from the fall of Napoleon to World War I. Examining the concept from a historical perspective, the book explores ...
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This book looks at the rise of humanitarian intervention in the nineteenth century, from the fall of Napoleon to World War I. Examining the concept from a historical perspective, the book explores the understudied cases of European interventions and noninterventions in the Ottoman Empire and brings a new view to this international practice for the contemporary era. While it is commonly believed that humanitarian interventions are a fairly recent development, the book demonstrates that almost two centuries ago an international community, under the aegis of certain European powers, claimed a moral and political right to intervene in other states' affairs to save strangers from massacre, atrocity, or extermination. On some occasions, these powers acted to protect fellow Christians when allegedly “uncivilized” states, like the Ottoman Empire, violated a “right to life.” Exploring the political, legal, and moral status, as well as European perceptions, of the Ottoman Empire, the book investigates the reasons that were put forward to exclude the Ottomans from the so-called Family of Nations. It considers the claims and mixed motives of intervening states for aiding humanity, the relationship between public outcry and state action or inaction, and the bias and selectiveness of governments and campaigners. An original account of humanitarian interventions some two centuries ago, the book investigates the varied consequences of European involvement in the Ottoman Empire and the lessons that can be learned for similar actions today.Less
This book looks at the rise of humanitarian intervention in the nineteenth century, from the fall of Napoleon to World War I. Examining the concept from a historical perspective, the book explores the understudied cases of European interventions and noninterventions in the Ottoman Empire and brings a new view to this international practice for the contemporary era. While it is commonly believed that humanitarian interventions are a fairly recent development, the book demonstrates that almost two centuries ago an international community, under the aegis of certain European powers, claimed a moral and political right to intervene in other states' affairs to save strangers from massacre, atrocity, or extermination. On some occasions, these powers acted to protect fellow Christians when allegedly “uncivilized” states, like the Ottoman Empire, violated a “right to life.” Exploring the political, legal, and moral status, as well as European perceptions, of the Ottoman Empire, the book investigates the reasons that were put forward to exclude the Ottomans from the so-called Family of Nations. It considers the claims and mixed motives of intervening states for aiding humanity, the relationship between public outcry and state action or inaction, and the bias and selectiveness of governments and campaigners. An original account of humanitarian interventions some two centuries ago, the book investigates the varied consequences of European involvement in the Ottoman Empire and the lessons that can be learned for similar actions today.
R. J. Vincent
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198277712
- eISBN:
- 9780191598890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198277717.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
While the expression ‘human rights’ is not associated with any publicist before the twentieth century, Grotius's concept of law begins with the individual. International society does not consist of ...
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While the expression ‘human rights’ is not associated with any publicist before the twentieth century, Grotius's concept of law begins with the individual. International society does not consist of states alone, but of a great society of humankind. However, Grotius was ambiguous on the rights of the individual as against the state, and seemed to deny individuals the right of resistance against the unjust acts of their own rulers. While he generally supported what is now called non‐interventionism in international relations, he accepted that when a tyrant practices atrocities towards his subjects, military intervention by a foreign sovereign on their behalf may be legitimate. In the twentieth century, declarations and international covenants on human rights reduce the domain defended by the principle of non‐intervention.Less
While the expression ‘human rights’ is not associated with any publicist before the twentieth century, Grotius's concept of law begins with the individual. International society does not consist of states alone, but of a great society of humankind. However, Grotius was ambiguous on the rights of the individual as against the state, and seemed to deny individuals the right of resistance against the unjust acts of their own rulers. While he generally supported what is now called non‐interventionism in international relations, he accepted that when a tyrant practices atrocities towards his subjects, military intervention by a foreign sovereign on their behalf may be legitimate. In the twentieth century, declarations and international covenants on human rights reduce the domain defended by the principle of non‐intervention.
Jeffrey C. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195326222
- eISBN:
- 9780199944064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326222.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This book explains why the Holocaust has come to be considered the central event of the 20th century, and what this means. It debates how the Holocaust has evolved over the years, and the profound ...
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This book explains why the Holocaust has come to be considered the central event of the 20th century, and what this means. It debates how the Holocaust has evolved over the years, and the profound effects it will have on the way we envision the future. Presenting controversial work, and following up with challenging and equally provocative responses to it, the book offers a sweeping historical reconstruction of the Jewish mass murder as it evolved in the popular imagination of Western peoples, as well as an examination of its consequences. The book's inquiry points to a broad cultural transition that took place in Western societies after World War II—from confidence in moving past the most terrible of Nazi wartime atrocities to pessimism about the possibility for overcoming violence, ethnic conflict, and war. The Holocaust has become the central tragedy of modern times, an event which can no longer be overcome, but one that offers possibilities to extend its moral lessons beyond Jews to victims of other types of secular and religious strife. Following the main chapter's controversial thesis is a series of responses by distinguished scholars in the humanities and social sciences, considering the implications of the universal moral relevance of the Holocaust. A final response comes in a postscript, focusing on the repercussions of the Holocaust in Israel.Less
This book explains why the Holocaust has come to be considered the central event of the 20th century, and what this means. It debates how the Holocaust has evolved over the years, and the profound effects it will have on the way we envision the future. Presenting controversial work, and following up with challenging and equally provocative responses to it, the book offers a sweeping historical reconstruction of the Jewish mass murder as it evolved in the popular imagination of Western peoples, as well as an examination of its consequences. The book's inquiry points to a broad cultural transition that took place in Western societies after World War II—from confidence in moving past the most terrible of Nazi wartime atrocities to pessimism about the possibility for overcoming violence, ethnic conflict, and war. The Holocaust has become the central tragedy of modern times, an event which can no longer be overcome, but one that offers possibilities to extend its moral lessons beyond Jews to victims of other types of secular and religious strife. Following the main chapter's controversial thesis is a series of responses by distinguished scholars in the humanities and social sciences, considering the implications of the universal moral relevance of the Holocaust. A final response comes in a postscript, focusing on the repercussions of the Holocaust in Israel.
Neville Wylie
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199547593
- eISBN:
- 9780191720581
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547593.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter returns to the development of Anglo‐German relations by considering the impact of the Gestapo's shooting of fifty British prisoners involved in the ‘great escape’ from Stalag Luft III in ...
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This chapter returns to the development of Anglo‐German relations by considering the impact of the Gestapo's shooting of fifty British prisoners involved in the ‘great escape’ from Stalag Luft III in March 1944. It examines how the event transformed British thinking, both towards its POWs and the German regime more generally, and explores the policy ‐options open to the British government in defending its men against death and ill‐treatment at the hands of their captors, particularly in the final days and weeks of the war. While the massacre of the great escapers inevitably cast doubt on Germany's willingness to adhere to the POW regime, the chapter explores how the existence of the POW convention placed constraints on German behaviour and prevented the regime from inflicting on British POWs the same level of violence and intimidation routinely meted out to other categories of POWs in German hands. As a result, although the events of 1944 undermined British confidence in the POW regime and the power of reciprocity to hold Germany to its legal obligations, German officials continued to acknowledge the existence of external constraints and to tailor their behaviour and policy accordingly.Less
This chapter returns to the development of Anglo‐German relations by considering the impact of the Gestapo's shooting of fifty British prisoners involved in the ‘great escape’ from Stalag Luft III in March 1944. It examines how the event transformed British thinking, both towards its POWs and the German regime more generally, and explores the policy ‐options open to the British government in defending its men against death and ill‐treatment at the hands of their captors, particularly in the final days and weeks of the war. While the massacre of the great escapers inevitably cast doubt on Germany's willingness to adhere to the POW regime, the chapter explores how the existence of the POW convention placed constraints on German behaviour and prevented the regime from inflicting on British POWs the same level of violence and intimidation routinely meted out to other categories of POWs in German hands. As a result, although the events of 1944 undermined British confidence in the POW regime and the power of reciprocity to hold Germany to its legal obligations, German officials continued to acknowledge the existence of external constraints and to tailor their behaviour and policy accordingly.
Ennis Barrington Edmonds
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195133769
- eISBN:
- 9780199834167
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195133765.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
Rastafari is about the delegitimation of Babylon – the forces of oppression and exploitation that Africans faced under colonialism and its legacies – and the revitalization of African culture and ...
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Rastafari is about the delegitimation of Babylon – the forces of oppression and exploitation that Africans faced under colonialism and its legacies – and the revitalization of African culture and sensibilities in the African Diaspora. This delegitimation is expressed as “beating down Babylon,” and is accomplished by condemning Jamaica and the West for its historical atrocities, economic exploitation, mental slavery or cultural imperialism, and political trickery. The attempt to revitalize African culture and sensibilities focuses on the reappropriation of Africa as the spiritual and cultural home of Rastas and all Africans in the Diaspora, on the lion as the symbol of Rastafarian self‐assertiveness and confidence in response to the coward Anancyism of alienated slave personality, and on the cultivation of dreadlocks, “dread talk,” and “ital levity” (natural or organic living).Less
Rastafari is about the delegitimation of Babylon – the forces of oppression and exploitation that Africans faced under colonialism and its legacies – and the revitalization of African culture and sensibilities in the African Diaspora. This delegitimation is expressed as “beating down Babylon,” and is accomplished by condemning Jamaica and the West for its historical atrocities, economic exploitation, mental slavery or cultural imperialism, and political trickery. The attempt to revitalize African culture and sensibilities focuses on the reappropriation of Africa as the spiritual and cultural home of Rastas and all Africans in the Diaspora, on the lion as the symbol of Rastafarian self‐assertiveness and confidence in response to the coward Anancyism of alienated slave personality, and on the cultivation of dreadlocks, “dread talk,” and “ital levity” (natural or organic living).
Otto Kircheimer
John Herz (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0026
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter focuses on the “Statement on Atrocities,” which contains a joint declaration concerning war crimes and war criminals. Issued by the Tripartite Conference over the signatures of U.S. ...
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This chapter focuses on the “Statement on Atrocities,” which contains a joint declaration concerning war crimes and war criminals. Issued by the Tripartite Conference over the signatures of U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Josef Stalin, the report details that the declaration constitutes the first common announcement of intentions on the part of all three major powers. The chapter considers parallel statements issued on October 25, 1941, by Roosevelt and Churchill, which drew the attention of the world to the shooting of hostages during World War II and announced that retribution would be exacted from the guilty. It also addresses the question of the effect of the Moscow Declaration on Germany and the use which can be made of it in psychological warfare operations.Less
This chapter focuses on the “Statement on Atrocities,” which contains a joint declaration concerning war crimes and war criminals. Issued by the Tripartite Conference over the signatures of U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Josef Stalin, the report details that the declaration constitutes the first common announcement of intentions on the part of all three major powers. The chapter considers parallel statements issued on October 25, 1941, by Roosevelt and Churchill, which drew the attention of the world to the shooting of hostages during World War II and announced that retribution would be exacted from the guilty. It also addresses the question of the effect of the Moscow Declaration on Germany and the use which can be made of it in psychological warfare operations.
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0027
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses problems concerning the treatment of war criminals. The report explains that the United Nations have announced as one of their major war aims the prosecution and punishment of ...
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This chapter discusses problems concerning the treatment of war criminals. The report explains that the United Nations have announced as one of their major war aims the prosecution and punishment of war criminals. The Moscow “Statement on Atrocities,” following upon numerous official utterances of Allied leaders, has outlined certain procedures. The chapter considers additional steps that are deemed necessary to enable the Allied powers to implement the Moscow Statement and to coordinate their policy on war crimes and war criminals. For example, it is necessary to determine which of the manifold Axis policies and activities should be singled out as “war crimes.” Another issue that needs to be addressed concerns the arrest, detention, and extradition of war criminals.Less
This chapter discusses problems concerning the treatment of war criminals. The report explains that the United Nations have announced as one of their major war aims the prosecution and punishment of war criminals. The Moscow “Statement on Atrocities,” following upon numerous official utterances of Allied leaders, has outlined certain procedures. The chapter considers additional steps that are deemed necessary to enable the Allied powers to implement the Moscow Statement and to coordinate their policy on war crimes and war criminals. For example, it is necessary to determine which of the manifold Axis policies and activities should be singled out as “war crimes.” Another issue that needs to be addressed concerns the arrest, detention, and extradition of war criminals.
Davide Rodogno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151335
- eISBN:
- 9781400840014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151335.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book examines the European roots of humanitarian intervention as a concept and international practice during the nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on the politics and policies of ...
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This book examines the European roots of humanitarian intervention as a concept and international practice during the nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on the politics and policies of Great Britain and France. It challenges two assumptions: first, that humanitarian intervention is a phenomenon of international relations that appeared after the end of the Cold War and second, that it emerged abruptly during the nineteenth century. Focusing on the Ottoman Empire, the book investigates when, where, who, how, and for what reasons a humanitarian intervention was undertaken from 1815 to 1914. It argues that the primary motivation of humanitarian intervention is to end massacre, atrocity, and extermination or to prevent the repetition of such events, to protect civilian populations mistreated and unprotected by the target-state government, agents, or authorities. This introduction discusses the concept of rights, including natural rights, before the nineteenth century and provides an overview of the questions, assumptions, and issues raised in the book.Less
This book examines the European roots of humanitarian intervention as a concept and international practice during the nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on the politics and policies of Great Britain and France. It challenges two assumptions: first, that humanitarian intervention is a phenomenon of international relations that appeared after the end of the Cold War and second, that it emerged abruptly during the nineteenth century. Focusing on the Ottoman Empire, the book investigates when, where, who, how, and for what reasons a humanitarian intervention was undertaken from 1815 to 1914. It argues that the primary motivation of humanitarian intervention is to end massacre, atrocity, and extermination or to prevent the repetition of such events, to protect civilian populations mistreated and unprotected by the target-state government, agents, or authorities. This introduction discusses the concept of rights, including natural rights, before the nineteenth century and provides an overview of the questions, assumptions, and issues raised in the book.
Davide Rodogno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151335
- eISBN:
- 9781400840014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151335.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the international context of humanitarian interventions during the nineteenth century in order to understand why humanitarian intervention emerged as an international practice ...
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This chapter examines the international context of humanitarian interventions during the nineteenth century in order to understand why humanitarian intervention emerged as an international practice in the Ottoman Empire. It also sets the geopolitical context of humanitarian intervention, when Ottoman Christians were victims of massacre, atrocities, and extermination. The chapter begins with a discussion of the concept and practice of intervention in nineteenth-century international relations, explaining the term “intervention.” It then provides a brief overview of the history of the Eastern Question—the question of the survival or the death of the “sick Man of Europe”—before contextualizing the meaning of “massacre,” “atrocity,” and “extermination.” It also distinguishes between the Capitulations and intervention and concludes with an analysis of the extent to which military interventions against massacre built on the Capitulations.Less
This chapter examines the international context of humanitarian interventions during the nineteenth century in order to understand why humanitarian intervention emerged as an international practice in the Ottoman Empire. It also sets the geopolitical context of humanitarian intervention, when Ottoman Christians were victims of massacre, atrocities, and extermination. The chapter begins with a discussion of the concept and practice of intervention in nineteenth-century international relations, explaining the term “intervention.” It then provides a brief overview of the history of the Eastern Question—the question of the survival or the death of the “sick Man of Europe”—before contextualizing the meaning of “massacre,” “atrocity,” and “extermination.” It also distinguishes between the Capitulations and intervention and concludes with an analysis of the extent to which military interventions against massacre built on the Capitulations.
Catriona Pennell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199590582
- eISBN:
- 9780191738777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199590582.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
Even in 1914, the opening stages of war were characterized by unprecedented violence and huge losses. This chapter reconstructs and explains the terms in which contemporaries imagined and experienced ...
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Even in 1914, the opening stages of war were characterized by unprecedented violence and huge losses. This chapter reconstructs and explains the terms in which contemporaries imagined and experienced the violence of war. The first section establishes what people knew about the opening movements of war. The second addresses fear of invasion in Britain (particularly along the vulnerable east coast), reactions to atrocity stories, and the morale‐boosting myths that appeared at this time as a result of these fears. The final section examines the reactions to experiences of violence, in particular the bombardment of the north‐east coast of Britain on 16 December 1914, and civilian encounters with Belgian refugees and military casualties—the primary victims of violence.Less
Even in 1914, the opening stages of war were characterized by unprecedented violence and huge losses. This chapter reconstructs and explains the terms in which contemporaries imagined and experienced the violence of war. The first section establishes what people knew about the opening movements of war. The second addresses fear of invasion in Britain (particularly along the vulnerable east coast), reactions to atrocity stories, and the morale‐boosting myths that appeared at this time as a result of these fears. The final section examines the reactions to experiences of violence, in particular the bombardment of the north‐east coast of Britain on 16 December 1914, and civilian encounters with Belgian refugees and military casualties—the primary victims of violence.
Paul Laity
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199248353
- eISBN:
- 9780191714672
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248353.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book covers the late Victorian and Edwardian peace movement, the campaigns of which made a significant impact on political debate, especially during the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871), the ...
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This book covers the late Victorian and Edwardian peace movement, the campaigns of which made a significant impact on political debate, especially during the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871), the Bulgarian Atrocities campaign (1876–1878), Britain's conflict with Egypt (1882), the South African War (1899–1902), and the intensifying international crisis before 1914. The movement's activists included Richard Cobden, Herbert Spencer, Keir Hardie, J. A. Hobson, and Norman Angell. Among the first to benefit from the opening of the Peace Society Archive, the book focuses on the specialised associations at the heart of the peace movement. It identifies the existence of different programmes for the achievement of a just, permanent peace, and offers a new interpretation of the reaction of peace campaigners to war in 1914.Less
This book covers the late Victorian and Edwardian peace movement, the campaigns of which made a significant impact on political debate, especially during the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871), the Bulgarian Atrocities campaign (1876–1878), Britain's conflict with Egypt (1882), the South African War (1899–1902), and the intensifying international crisis before 1914. The movement's activists included Richard Cobden, Herbert Spencer, Keir Hardie, J. A. Hobson, and Norman Angell. Among the first to benefit from the opening of the Peace Society Archive, the book focuses on the specialised associations at the heart of the peace movement. It identifies the existence of different programmes for the achievement of a just, permanent peace, and offers a new interpretation of the reaction of peace campaigners to war in 1914.
PAUL LAITY
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199248353
- eISBN:
- 9780191714672
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248353.003.03
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The crisis in the Near East presented the peace movement in Britain with its most severe test since the Crimean War. The Peace Society and the Workmen's Peace Association found themselves campaigning ...
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The crisis in the Near East presented the peace movement in Britain with its most severe test since the Crimean War. The Peace Society and the Workmen's Peace Association found themselves campaigning against Benjamin Disraeli's pro-Turkish gunboat politics in 1876, then countering the agitation among a section of progressives for a crusade against Turkey and, finally, in the spring of 1878, opposing war with Russia. The Bulgarian atrocities — the repression by the Turkish Government in April and May 1876 of a nationalist rising within its empire — provoked moral outrage in Britain, especially among non-conformists and working men. The peace associations were also learning to cope with a new phenomenon: an orchestrated popular agitation calling for war. During this time, the Peace Society was having financial problems due in part due to its collector, Lewis Appleton.Less
The crisis in the Near East presented the peace movement in Britain with its most severe test since the Crimean War. The Peace Society and the Workmen's Peace Association found themselves campaigning against Benjamin Disraeli's pro-Turkish gunboat politics in 1876, then countering the agitation among a section of progressives for a crusade against Turkey and, finally, in the spring of 1878, opposing war with Russia. The Bulgarian atrocities — the repression by the Turkish Government in April and May 1876 of a nationalist rising within its empire — provoked moral outrage in Britain, especially among non-conformists and working men. The peace associations were also learning to cope with a new phenomenon: an orchestrated popular agitation calling for war. During this time, the Peace Society was having financial problems due in part due to its collector, Lewis Appleton.
Miloš Ković
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199574605
- eISBN:
- 9780191595134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574605.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
Disraeli's position was weakened by the entry of Serbia and Montenegro into the war against the Ottoman Empire, and especially by the Bulgarian atrocities and the start of the Bulgarian agitation. ...
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Disraeli's position was weakened by the entry of Serbia and Montenegro into the war against the Ottoman Empire, and especially by the Bulgarian atrocities and the start of the Bulgarian agitation. The resistance of public opinion tied his hands and prevented him from pursuing policies based on decisive moves and sabre‐rattling. Although a significant proportion of public opinion believed that Disraeli was prepared to go to war in the interests of the Ottoman Empire, he was also prepared to take part in its division, provided that Britain's prestige remained intact and that it be given possession of Constantinople together with some other strongholds. The Bulgarian agitation shook him, yet every time that he yielded ground he tried to cover this up with provocative speeches. At the same time, Russia's support for Serbia and Montenegro and her public interest in Bulgaria convinced him that she was his main opponent.Less
Disraeli's position was weakened by the entry of Serbia and Montenegro into the war against the Ottoman Empire, and especially by the Bulgarian atrocities and the start of the Bulgarian agitation. The resistance of public opinion tied his hands and prevented him from pursuing policies based on decisive moves and sabre‐rattling. Although a significant proportion of public opinion believed that Disraeli was prepared to go to war in the interests of the Ottoman Empire, he was also prepared to take part in its division, provided that Britain's prestige remained intact and that it be given possession of Constantinople together with some other strongholds. The Bulgarian agitation shook him, yet every time that he yielded ground he tried to cover this up with provocative speeches. At the same time, Russia's support for Serbia and Montenegro and her public interest in Bulgaria convinced him that she was his main opponent.
T. K. Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199583713
- eISBN:
- 9780191723056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583713.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the loyalist militants that sought to keep Ulster within the United Kingdom and Upper Silesia within the German Reich through participation in violence. It compares the ...
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This chapter examines the loyalist militants that sought to keep Ulster within the United Kingdom and Upper Silesia within the German Reich through participation in violence. It compares the relationship of these militants to the state and wider loyal communities that they claimed to defend. Here, the far greater willingness of German loyalists in Upper Silesia to indulge in transgressive practices such as rape and mutilation is noted. It is argued that loyalist violence in Ulster and Upper Silesia served differing purposes at the local level. Loyalist violence in Ulster was primarily concerned with the limited task of maintaining an existing boundary between rival communities that could be easily defended. By contrast, loyalist violence was more concerned with the much more ambitious task of creating a ‘national’ boundary within what remained a recognisably homogenous Upper Silesian society.Less
This chapter examines the loyalist militants that sought to keep Ulster within the United Kingdom and Upper Silesia within the German Reich through participation in violence. It compares the relationship of these militants to the state and wider loyal communities that they claimed to defend. Here, the far greater willingness of German loyalists in Upper Silesia to indulge in transgressive practices such as rape and mutilation is noted. It is argued that loyalist violence in Ulster and Upper Silesia served differing purposes at the local level. Loyalist violence in Ulster was primarily concerned with the limited task of maintaining an existing boundary between rival communities that could be easily defended. By contrast, loyalist violence was more concerned with the much more ambitious task of creating a ‘national’ boundary within what remained a recognisably homogenous Upper Silesian society.
T. K. Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199583713
- eISBN:
- 9780191723056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583713.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the involvement of Irish and Polish nationalists in violence. It first considers how far political developments and internal communal divisions can be held to account for the ...
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This chapter examines the involvement of Irish and Polish nationalists in violence. It first considers how far political developments and internal communal divisions can be held to account for the nature and intensity of their violence. In Ulster, relations between the constitutional nationalists of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and Republicans are re-evaluated. The mutual tension of their relationship is not downplayed, but it is argued that the participation of both wings in communal defence has been unduly ignored. Over all, a stark contrast is highlighted between the two case studies: that Polish nationalists in Upper Silesia practised acts of grotesque violence far more frequently than did their Irish nationalist counterparts in Ulster. The very ambiguity of identity in Upper Silesia helped determine the more extreme types of violence practised there.Less
This chapter examines the involvement of Irish and Polish nationalists in violence. It first considers how far political developments and internal communal divisions can be held to account for the nature and intensity of their violence. In Ulster, relations between the constitutional nationalists of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and Republicans are re-evaluated. The mutual tension of their relationship is not downplayed, but it is argued that the participation of both wings in communal defence has been unduly ignored. Over all, a stark contrast is highlighted between the two case studies: that Polish nationalists in Upper Silesia practised acts of grotesque violence far more frequently than did their Irish nationalist counterparts in Ulster. The very ambiguity of identity in Upper Silesia helped determine the more extreme types of violence practised there.
Katharina von Kellenbach
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199937455
- eISBN:
- 9780199345861
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199937455.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book traces the presence of guilt and its denial in the lives of imprisoned Nazi perpetrators after 1945. Based on archival documents and the correspondence between perpetrators and prison ...
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This book traces the presence of guilt and its denial in the lives of imprisoned Nazi perpetrators after 1945. Based on archival documents and the correspondence between perpetrators and prison chaplains who provided pastoral care in Allied internment camps and military and West German prisons, the book provides intimate insights into Nazi perpetrators’ self-perception and self-reflection beyond their public postures in courtrooms and the media. The book proceeds chronologically and examines how individual convicts of Nazi crimes articulated, or more often denied, moral responsibility in the decades following their participation in atrocities. The biblical story of the mark Cain is used as a metaphor to understand the critical role of transparency and critical engagement in the moral recovery of genocidal perpetrators, who do not feel culpable for moral wrongdoing. In the aftermath of mass violence, the book argues, reconciliation and moral repair depend on memory and not its erasure. The public exposure of perpetrators in courtrooms and the media created opportunities for conversations that dislodged ideological convictions and facilitated the emergence of awareness of culpable wrongdoing, not only in the minds of individual perpetrators, but, more importantly, in their families and the wider community. The life stories that emerge from these historical portraits show that any moral recovery by agents of mass atrocities occurs gradually and in response to persistent pressure and engaged dialogues that delegitimize the persuasive power of dehumanizing ideologies.Less
This book traces the presence of guilt and its denial in the lives of imprisoned Nazi perpetrators after 1945. Based on archival documents and the correspondence between perpetrators and prison chaplains who provided pastoral care in Allied internment camps and military and West German prisons, the book provides intimate insights into Nazi perpetrators’ self-perception and self-reflection beyond their public postures in courtrooms and the media. The book proceeds chronologically and examines how individual convicts of Nazi crimes articulated, or more often denied, moral responsibility in the decades following their participation in atrocities. The biblical story of the mark Cain is used as a metaphor to understand the critical role of transparency and critical engagement in the moral recovery of genocidal perpetrators, who do not feel culpable for moral wrongdoing. In the aftermath of mass violence, the book argues, reconciliation and moral repair depend on memory and not its erasure. The public exposure of perpetrators in courtrooms and the media created opportunities for conversations that dislodged ideological convictions and facilitated the emergence of awareness of culpable wrongdoing, not only in the minds of individual perpetrators, but, more importantly, in their families and the wider community. The life stories that emerge from these historical portraits show that any moral recovery by agents of mass atrocities occurs gradually and in response to persistent pressure and engaged dialogues that delegitimize the persuasive power of dehumanizing ideologies.
Claudia Card
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195145083
- eISBN:
- 9780199833115
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195145089.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Aesthetics
Taking atrocities as paradigms of evil, this book develops the theory that evils (plural) are foreseeable, intolerable harms produced by culpable wrongdoing. It places this theory in relation to ...
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Taking atrocities as paradigms of evil, this book develops the theory that evils (plural) are foreseeable, intolerable harms produced by culpable wrongdoing. It places this theory in relation to others put forward by historically influential philosophers (Jeremy Bentham, Friedrich Nietzsche, Immanuel Kant, the ancient Stoics), places the concept of evil in relation to other ethically important concepts (such as justice and equality), and considers case studies: rape in war, domestic violence, child abuse, and “gray zones” understood as certain predicaments of people who are at once victims and perpetrators.Contesting Nietzsche's rejection of the concept “evil,” this book holds it important to distinguish as evils the very worst wrongs and show how they differ from ordinary wrongs (which are bad but do not make lives intolerable); it finds the concept “evil” rooted not in the envy of the impotent (as Nietzsche thought) but in the belief in entitlement to decent treatment. On the atrocity theory, the nature and severity of harm, rather than degrees of perpetrator culpability, distinguish evils from ordinary wrongs. Intermediate between stoicism and utilitarianism, the atrocity theory treats both wrongful willing and harm as essential components of evils but finds neither all wrongful willing (but only what produces intolerable harm) nor all intolerable harm (but only what issues from wrongful willing) to be evil. Like Kant (in the Stoic tradition), it treats evil as an ethical concept, but it extends Kant's moral psychology in reexamining the possibility (which he rejected) of what he called “diabolical evil,” namely, doing evil for evil's sake.Unjust inequalities need not be evils, although they are wrong; to be an evil, an injustice must be intolerably harmful, not merely exhibit arbitrary inequality. Hence, political activists, including feminists, should prioritize addressing genuine evils (such as war rape) over eliminating such inequities as the arbitrary exclusion of women from certain occupations. Two chapters examine legacies of past evils, considering forgiveness, mercy, gratitude (for mercy or forgiveness), guilt, and punishment in reflecting on how best to live with evils we have not escaped suffering or avoided perpetrating. The final chapter uses Primo Levi's concept of “gray zones” to construct an all‐too‐human account of diabolical evil, namely, the deliberate and successful pursuit of moral corruption of others as an alternative to the conception Kant rejected.Less
Taking atrocities as paradigms of evil, this book develops the theory that evils (plural) are foreseeable, intolerable harms produced by culpable wrongdoing. It places this theory in relation to others put forward by historically influential philosophers (Jeremy Bentham, Friedrich Nietzsche, Immanuel Kant, the ancient Stoics), places the concept of evil in relation to other ethically important concepts (such as justice and equality), and considers case studies: rape in war, domestic violence, child abuse, and “gray zones” understood as certain predicaments of people who are at once victims and perpetrators.
Contesting Nietzsche's rejection of the concept “evil,” this book holds it important to distinguish as evils the very worst wrongs and show how they differ from ordinary wrongs (which are bad but do not make lives intolerable); it finds the concept “evil” rooted not in the envy of the impotent (as Nietzsche thought) but in the belief in entitlement to decent treatment. On the atrocity theory, the nature and severity of harm, rather than degrees of perpetrator culpability, distinguish evils from ordinary wrongs. Intermediate between stoicism and utilitarianism, the atrocity theory treats both wrongful willing and harm as essential components of evils but finds neither all wrongful willing (but only what produces intolerable harm) nor all intolerable harm (but only what issues from wrongful willing) to be evil. Like Kant (in the Stoic tradition), it treats evil as an ethical concept, but it extends Kant's moral psychology in reexamining the possibility (which he rejected) of what he called “diabolical evil,” namely, doing evil for evil's sake.
Unjust inequalities need not be evils, although they are wrong; to be an evil, an injustice must be intolerably harmful, not merely exhibit arbitrary inequality. Hence, political activists, including feminists, should prioritize addressing genuine evils (such as war rape) over eliminating such inequities as the arbitrary exclusion of women from certain occupations. Two chapters examine legacies of past evils, considering forgiveness, mercy, gratitude (for mercy or forgiveness), guilt, and punishment in reflecting on how best to live with evils we have not escaped suffering or avoided perpetrating. The final chapter uses Primo Levi's concept of “gray zones” to construct an all‐too‐human account of diabolical evil, namely, the deliberate and successful pursuit of moral corruption of others as an alternative to the conception Kant rejected.
Martha K. Hugginsv, Mika Haritos-Fatouros, and Philip G. Zimbardo
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520234468
- eISBN:
- 9780520928916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520234468.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter explains the theoretical and methodological questions associated with the objective of this book to reconstruct social memory about atrocity. It examines whether different styles of ...
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This chapter explains the theoretical and methodological questions associated with the objective of this book to reconstruct social memory about atrocity. It examines whether different styles of human rights record keeping influence social memory about state violence, and whether social and research perception of atrocity workers influence how their violence is written about and remembered. The chapter also investigates whether the moral sensitivity of researchers to writing an ethnography of atrocity shapes what they write and what become the facts of public knowledge.Less
This chapter explains the theoretical and methodological questions associated with the objective of this book to reconstruct social memory about atrocity. It examines whether different styles of human rights record keeping influence social memory about state violence, and whether social and research perception of atrocity workers influence how their violence is written about and remembered. The chapter also investigates whether the moral sensitivity of researchers to writing an ethnography of atrocity shapes what they write and what become the facts of public knowledge.
Martha K. Hugginsv, Mika Haritos-Fatouros, and Philip G. Zimbardo
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520234468
- eISBN:
- 9780520928916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520234468.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter lays out the strategies for locating and interviewing the Brazilian policemen who had carried out state-sponsored atrocities, discussing the scope and characteristics of the study ...
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This chapter lays out the strategies for locating and interviewing the Brazilian policemen who had carried out state-sponsored atrocities, discussing the scope and characteristics of the study sample, along with the methodological challenges associated with studying police in general and police atrocity perpetrators in particular. It describes the violence worker demographics and explains the interview procedures with the imprisoned subjects, also discussing the strategy for making the interviewees admit their involvement in violence work.Less
This chapter lays out the strategies for locating and interviewing the Brazilian policemen who had carried out state-sponsored atrocities, discussing the scope and characteristics of the study sample, along with the methodological challenges associated with studying police in general and police atrocity perpetrators in particular. It describes the violence worker demographics and explains the interview procedures with the imprisoned subjects, also discussing the strategy for making the interviewees admit their involvement in violence work.
Ian K. Steele
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195084269
- eISBN:
- 9780199853977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195084269.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The chapter discusses the first attack of Fort William Henry. Governor Vaudreuil of the French army was determined to take Fort William Henry and made this perfectly clear to everyone. The chapter ...
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The chapter discusses the first attack of Fort William Henry. Governor Vaudreuil of the French army was determined to take Fort William Henry and made this perfectly clear to everyone. The chapter also discusses the recruitment of Indians to the pays d'en haut. The chapter also touches on the atrocities of war including scalping, burning, and sometimes consumption of the flesh of the prisoners in the Indian camps. “A Sort of Council of War” including colonial officers which decided three central questions. A siege was carried out to breach Fort William Henry. By the morning of August 6, 1757, the attack against Fort William Henry has already started which ended in a truce between the parties to repair the damages brought about by the attacks.Less
The chapter discusses the first attack of Fort William Henry. Governor Vaudreuil of the French army was determined to take Fort William Henry and made this perfectly clear to everyone. The chapter also discusses the recruitment of Indians to the pays d'en haut. The chapter also touches on the atrocities of war including scalping, burning, and sometimes consumption of the flesh of the prisoners in the Indian camps. “A Sort of Council of War” including colonial officers which decided three central questions. A siege was carried out to breach Fort William Henry. By the morning of August 6, 1757, the attack against Fort William Henry has already started which ended in a truce between the parties to repair the damages brought about by the attacks.
