Andrew Altman and Christopher Heath Wellman
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199564415
- eISBN:
- 9780191721434
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564415.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This book advances a novel theory of international justice that combines the orthodox liberal notion that the lives of individuals are what ultimately matter morally with the putatively antiliberal ...
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This book advances a novel theory of international justice that combines the orthodox liberal notion that the lives of individuals are what ultimately matter morally with the putatively antiliberal idea of an irreducibly collective right of self‐governance. The individual and his or her rights are placed at center stage insofar as political states are judged legitimate if they adequately protect the human rights of their constituents and respect the rights of all others. Yet, the book argues that legitimate states have a moral right to self‐determination and that this right is inherently collective, irreducible to the individual rights of the persons who constitute them. Exploring the implications of these ideas, the book addresses issues pertaining to democracy, secession, international criminal law, armed intervention, political assassination, global distributive justice, and immigration. A number of the positions taken in the book run against the grain of current academic opinion: there is no human right to democracy; separatist groups can be morally entitled to secede from legitimate states; the fact that it is a matter of brute luck whether one is born in a wealthy state or a poorer one does not mean that economic inequalities across states must be minimized or even kept within certain limits; most existing states have no right against armed intervention; and it is morally permissible for a legitimate state to exclude all would‐be immigrants.Less
This book advances a novel theory of international justice that combines the orthodox liberal notion that the lives of individuals are what ultimately matter morally with the putatively antiliberal idea of an irreducibly collective right of self‐governance. The individual and his or her rights are placed at center stage insofar as political states are judged legitimate if they adequately protect the human rights of their constituents and respect the rights of all others. Yet, the book argues that legitimate states have a moral right to self‐determination and that this right is inherently collective, irreducible to the individual rights of the persons who constitute them. Exploring the implications of these ideas, the book addresses issues pertaining to democracy, secession, international criminal law, armed intervention, political assassination, global distributive justice, and immigration. A number of the positions taken in the book run against the grain of current academic opinion: there is no human right to democracy; separatist groups can be morally entitled to secede from legitimate states; the fact that it is a matter of brute luck whether one is born in a wealthy state or a poorer one does not mean that economic inequalities across states must be minimized or even kept within certain limits; most existing states have no right against armed intervention; and it is morally permissible for a legitimate state to exclude all would‐be immigrants.
Ignacio Cano and Patrícia Salvão Ferreira
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, ...
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This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.Less
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.
Alexandra Barahona De Brito, Carmen Gonzalez Enriquez, and Paloma Aguilar (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen ...
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The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen countries in Central and South America, Central, Eastern and South Europe and South Africa are analysed in detail. The main variables affecting the implementation of truth and justice policies (purges, truth commissions and trials, among other policies) are: the balance between old and new regime forces; the availability of institutional, human and financial resources, the nature of the ideological preferences and commitments of the elites in question; the mobilization of social groups pressing in favour of these policies; and the importance of human rights in the international arena. The duration and degree of institutionalization of dictatorship is also important. A prolonged dictatorship makes it harder for a new democracy to implement truth and justice policies, particularly when repression occurred in the distant past and if repression gained social complicity. The magnitude and methods of repression used against opposition forces in the dictatorship also shape transitional truth and justice: torture, assassination, and disappearances and clandestine repression in general (as in Central and South America, South Africa) require a different response to official institutionalized ‘softer’ repression (as in Portugal, Spain and Eastern Europe). The findings indicate that, with hindsight, there appears to be no direct relation between the implementation of policies of backward-looking truth and justice and the quality of new democracies. Democracy is just as strong and deep in Spain, Hungary and Uruguay, where there was no punishment or truth telling, as it is in Portugal, the Czech Republic or Argentina, which experienced purges and trials. However, such policies are justified not merely on instrumental grounds, but also for ethical reasons, and they symbolize a break with a violent, undemocratic past.Less
The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen countries in Central and South America, Central, Eastern and South Europe and South Africa are analysed in detail. The main variables affecting the implementation of truth and justice policies (purges, truth commissions and trials, among other policies) are: the balance between old and new regime forces; the availability of institutional, human and financial resources, the nature of the ideological preferences and commitments of the elites in question; the mobilization of social groups pressing in favour of these policies; and the importance of human rights in the international arena. The duration and degree of institutionalization of dictatorship is also important. A prolonged dictatorship makes it harder for a new democracy to implement truth and justice policies, particularly when repression occurred in the distant past and if repression gained social complicity. The magnitude and methods of repression used against opposition forces in the dictatorship also shape transitional truth and justice: torture, assassination, and disappearances and clandestine repression in general (as in Central and South America, South Africa) require a different response to official institutionalized ‘softer’ repression (as in Portugal, Spain and Eastern Europe). The findings indicate that, with hindsight, there appears to be no direct relation between the implementation of policies of backward-looking truth and justice and the quality of new democracies. Democracy is just as strong and deep in Spain, Hungary and Uruguay, where there was no punishment or truth telling, as it is in Portugal, the Czech Republic or Argentina, which experienced purges and trials. However, such policies are justified not merely on instrumental grounds, but also for ethical reasons, and they symbolize a break with a violent, undemocratic past.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Like George Washington’s, Lincoln’s faith has been closely scrutinized, hotly debated, and often misunderstood. Both men attributed their success in war to divine providence, proclaimed days of ...
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Like George Washington’s, Lincoln’s faith has been closely scrutinized, hotly debated, and often misunderstood. Both men attributed their success in war to divine providence, proclaimed days of public thanksgiving and prayer as president, rarely mentioned Jesus, and were intensely private about their personal beliefs. Lincoln was never baptized, never received communion, and never joined a church, but he had a thorough knowledge of the Bible and peppered his speeches with biblical references and allusions. Lincoln cited the Scriptures and discussed theologically significant questions in his addresses more than the avowedly Christian statesmen of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Some friends and associates claimed he remained an unbeliever all his life who attended church and employed religious language to win voters, gain support for policies, and convince Americans to trust him. Others who knew the 16th president equally well contended that he became an orthodox Christian who regularly read the Bible, prayed habitually, and frequently used scriptural passages and illustrations to express his personal convictions. Many investigators conclude that in his later years Lincoln had a profound sense of God’s presence, accepted many central scriptural tenets, and valiantly strove to follow Christian ethics. Through years of wrestling with God, Lincoln developed a deep but unconventional faith. Although he did not become a born-again evangelical, he became increasingly receptive to Protestant orthodoxy. More than any other 19th-century president, he became known for seeking to base public policies on scriptural principles. Lincoln’s religious views helped shape his political philosophy and actions, most notably the way he dealt with slavery and interpreted the Civil War. After his assassination, Lincoln was deeply mourned and frequently eulogized as a martyr who offered a redeeming sacrifice for the nation’s sins. He became the second great hero of the nation’s civil religion.Less
Like George Washington’s, Lincoln’s faith has been closely scrutinized, hotly debated, and often misunderstood. Both men attributed their success in war to divine providence, proclaimed days of public thanksgiving and prayer as president, rarely mentioned Jesus, and were intensely private about their personal beliefs. Lincoln was never baptized, never received communion, and never joined a church, but he had a thorough knowledge of the Bible and peppered his speeches with biblical references and allusions. Lincoln cited the Scriptures and discussed theologically significant questions in his addresses more than the avowedly Christian statesmen of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Some friends and associates claimed he remained an unbeliever all his life who attended church and employed religious language to win voters, gain support for policies, and convince Americans to trust him. Others who knew the 16th president equally well contended that he became an orthodox Christian who regularly read the Bible, prayed habitually, and frequently used scriptural passages and illustrations to express his personal convictions. Many investigators conclude that in his later years Lincoln had a profound sense of God’s presence, accepted many central scriptural tenets, and valiantly strove to follow Christian ethics. Through years of wrestling with God, Lincoln developed a deep but unconventional faith. Although he did not become a born-again evangelical, he became increasingly receptive to Protestant orthodoxy. More than any other 19th-century president, he became known for seeking to base public policies on scriptural principles. Lincoln’s religious views helped shape his political philosophy and actions, most notably the way he dealt with slavery and interpreted the Civil War. After his assassination, Lincoln was deeply mourned and frequently eulogized as a martyr who offered a redeeming sacrifice for the nation’s sins. He became the second great hero of the nation’s civil religion.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Like Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy attended church regularly while president and used religious rhetoric extensively in his speeches, especially in discussing his campaign for world peace. Eisenhower, ...
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Like Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy attended church regularly while president and used religious rhetoric extensively in his speeches, especially in discussing his campaign for world peace. Eisenhower, however, provided strong governmental support for the Judeo-Christian tradition, whereas Kennedy maintained a much stricter separation between church and state. The Democrat’s vitality, idealism, powerful rhetoric, and charisma inspired many younger Americans to social activism. Kennedy’s faith is difficult to analyze. As the nation’s only Catholic president, whose religious affiliation was a major issue in the 1960 election, he is central to an examination of religion and the presidency. Moreover, his assassination and funeral evoked a torrent of religious language, analysis, and emotion and reinforced the importance of civil religion in American society. On the other hand, his faith had much less influence on his thinking and policies than that of the other presidents analyzed in this book. In addition, beneath his exuberant, commanding public persona were private vices that contradicted his Catholic faith. Given Kennedy’s pragmatic style of governing, perspective toward Catholicism, and lack of a coherent philosophy, there does not seem to be much relationship between his policies and his faith. Nevertheless, he did present moral rationales for his stances on numerous issues, including education, juvenile delinquency, women’s rights, world hunger, poverty, and the Alliance for Progress. To assess Kennedy’s approach, three issues are examined: the Peace Corps, civil rights, and the limited test ban treaty. The most intense religious controversy during Kennedy’s tenure was provoked by the 1962 Supreme Court case that ruled that school-sponsored prayers as part of a regularly scheduled devotional exercise violated the Constitution.Less
Like Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy attended church regularly while president and used religious rhetoric extensively in his speeches, especially in discussing his campaign for world peace. Eisenhower, however, provided strong governmental support for the Judeo-Christian tradition, whereas Kennedy maintained a much stricter separation between church and state. The Democrat’s vitality, idealism, powerful rhetoric, and charisma inspired many younger Americans to social activism. Kennedy’s faith is difficult to analyze. As the nation’s only Catholic president, whose religious affiliation was a major issue in the 1960 election, he is central to an examination of religion and the presidency. Moreover, his assassination and funeral evoked a torrent of religious language, analysis, and emotion and reinforced the importance of civil religion in American society. On the other hand, his faith had much less influence on his thinking and policies than that of the other presidents analyzed in this book. In addition, beneath his exuberant, commanding public persona were private vices that contradicted his Catholic faith. Given Kennedy’s pragmatic style of governing, perspective toward Catholicism, and lack of a coherent philosophy, there does not seem to be much relationship between his policies and his faith. Nevertheless, he did present moral rationales for his stances on numerous issues, including education, juvenile delinquency, women’s rights, world hunger, poverty, and the Alliance for Progress. To assess Kennedy’s approach, three issues are examined: the Peace Corps, civil rights, and the limited test ban treaty. The most intense religious controversy during Kennedy’s tenure was provoked by the 1962 Supreme Court case that ruled that school-sponsored prayers as part of a regularly scheduled devotional exercise violated the Constitution.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0040
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
Antony had been detained by Trebonius outside Pompey's Curia while Caesar's assassination was taking place inside. According to Cicero, some months earlier, while Caesar was in difficulty in Spain, ...
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Antony had been detained by Trebonius outside Pompey's Curia while Caesar's assassination was taking place inside. According to Cicero, some months earlier, while Caesar was in difficulty in Spain, Trebonius had been in contact with Antony — a fact that was potentially embarrassing to both parties, and for this reason Trebonius now had the task of keeping Antony away from the scene. To enter upon the minefield of conjecture would be futile, but it is very difficult to imagine a politician and man of action as experienced and circumspect as Antony suspecting nothing at all: it was far from normal for him to be stopped on some pretext on his way into the Senate, least of all on a day of great tension when Caesar himself, usually so contemptuous of superstition, had seemed reluctant to enter the Senate.Less
Antony had been detained by Trebonius outside Pompey's Curia while Caesar's assassination was taking place inside. According to Cicero, some months earlier, while Caesar was in difficulty in Spain, Trebonius had been in contact with Antony — a fact that was potentially embarrassing to both parties, and for this reason Trebonius now had the task of keeping Antony away from the scene. To enter upon the minefield of conjecture would be futile, but it is very difficult to imagine a politician and man of action as experienced and circumspect as Antony suspecting nothing at all: it was far from normal for him to be stopped on some pretext on his way into the Senate, least of all on a day of great tension when Caesar himself, usually so contemptuous of superstition, had seemed reluctant to enter the Senate.
Tamar Hermann
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the late 1960s, and especially after the 1973 war, peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) concerned to resolving the Arab–Israeli conflict, peacefully began to emerge in Israel, and ...
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In the late 1960s, and especially after the 1973 war, peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) concerned to resolving the Arab–Israeli conflict, peacefully began to emerge in Israel, and in the 1980s, P/CROs became an integral, although mainly unpopular part of Israeli political life. P/CROs’ activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments. Discord amongst P/CROs over the Oslo Accords of 1993, and the conservative turn taken by the Israeli government and society after Rabin's assassination, left Israeli P/CROs weak and ineffectual by the mid 1990s. Furthermore, they had always been hamstrung by the public's perception of the P/CRO political agenda as naïve and idealistic, by their extraparliamentary status in a country that prioritized parliamentary politics, and by their homogeneous membership – older, middle class, highly educated, urban, secular Ashkenazi Jews, many of them born in the USA. While the Israeli government ultimately took advantage of the propeace attitude fostered by the P/CROs and adopted much of the program advocated by P/CROs, it consistently denied them any credit for or role in the peace process.Less
In the late 1960s, and especially after the 1973 war, peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) concerned to resolving the Arab–Israeli conflict, peacefully began to emerge in Israel, and in the 1980s, P/CROs became an integral, although mainly unpopular part of Israeli political life. P/CROs’ activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments. Discord amongst P/CROs over the Oslo Accords of 1993, and the conservative turn taken by the Israeli government and society after Rabin's assassination, left Israeli P/CROs weak and ineffectual by the mid 1990s. Furthermore, they had always been hamstrung by the public's perception of the P/CRO political agenda as naïve and idealistic, by their extraparliamentary status in a country that prioritized parliamentary politics, and by their homogeneous membership – older, middle class, highly educated, urban, secular Ashkenazi Jews, many of them born in the USA. While the Israeli government ultimately took advantage of the propeace attitude fostered by the P/CROs and adopted much of the program advocated by P/CROs, it consistently denied them any credit for or role in the peace process.
Andrew Altman and Christopher Heath Wellman
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199564415
- eISBN:
- 9780191721434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564415.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
The use of armed force against one state by another state or by a group of states involves some of the most complex and urgent issues of international justice. In recent years, a consensus has begun ...
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The use of armed force against one state by another state or by a group of states involves some of the most complex and urgent issues of international justice. In recent years, a consensus has begun to develop around the idea that such force is morally permissible only if it is necessary to prevent or end massive human rights violations amounting to a “supreme humanitarian emergency.” This chapter argues that this consensus should be abandoned in favor of a more permissive, two‐pronged approach. Specifically, armed intervention is morally permissible when (a) the target state is illegitimate and (b) the risk to human rights is not disproportionate to the rights violations that one can reasonably expect to avert. The chapter then considers a more targeted response to end human rights abuses: the assassination of leaders of grossly illegitimate regimes. Assassination seems to be murder, pure and simple, but in fact it is not so. After sketching how a system of internationally authorized assassination might work, the chapter analyzes its practical and moral drawbacks and finds that the question of whether such a system would morally be permissible is an open one.Less
The use of armed force against one state by another state or by a group of states involves some of the most complex and urgent issues of international justice. In recent years, a consensus has begun to develop around the idea that such force is morally permissible only if it is necessary to prevent or end massive human rights violations amounting to a “supreme humanitarian emergency.” This chapter argues that this consensus should be abandoned in favor of a more permissive, two‐pronged approach. Specifically, armed intervention is morally permissible when (a) the target state is illegitimate and (b) the risk to human rights is not disproportionate to the rights violations that one can reasonably expect to avert. The chapter then considers a more targeted response to end human rights abuses: the assassination of leaders of grossly illegitimate regimes. Assassination seems to be murder, pure and simple, but in fact it is not so. After sketching how a system of internationally authorized assassination might work, the chapter analyzes its practical and moral drawbacks and finds that the question of whether such a system would morally be permissible is an open one.
Sean A. Scott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195395990
- eISBN:
- 9780199866557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395990.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, History of Religion
Lincoln's assassination silenced any leanings toward leniency toward the South. In sermons delivered on Easter Sunday and in the weeks after the murder, ministers called for harsh punishment of Rebel ...
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Lincoln's assassination silenced any leanings toward leniency toward the South. In sermons delivered on Easter Sunday and in the weeks after the murder, ministers called for harsh punishment of Rebel leaders. Many claimed that the president had been providentially removed because of his willingness to forgive traitors in favor of national unity. Some envisioned Andrew Johnson as a dispenser of justice perfectly suited for the challenges of the hour. After four years of war, religious civilians claimed that God had providentially directed national events to achieve his divine purposes and that the purified American nation, freed of slavery, would be the leading agent carrying out his will.Less
Lincoln's assassination silenced any leanings toward leniency toward the South. In sermons delivered on Easter Sunday and in the weeks after the murder, ministers called for harsh punishment of Rebel leaders. Many claimed that the president had been providentially removed because of his willingness to forgive traitors in favor of national unity. Some envisioned Andrew Johnson as a dispenser of justice perfectly suited for the challenges of the hour. After four years of war, religious civilians claimed that God had providentially directed national events to achieve his divine purposes and that the purified American nation, freed of slavery, would be the leading agent carrying out his will.
Peter Knight
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624102
- eISBN:
- 9780748671199
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624102.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
As a seminal event in late twentieth-century American history, the Kennedy assassination has permeated the American and world consciousness in a wide variety of ways. It has long fascinated American ...
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As a seminal event in late twentieth-century American history, the Kennedy assassination has permeated the American and world consciousness in a wide variety of ways. It has long fascinated American writers, filmmakers, and artists, and this book offers a critical introduction to the way the event has been constructed in a range of discourses. It looks at a variety of historical, political, and cultural attempts to understand Kennedy's death. Representations include: journalism from the time; historical accounts and memoirs; official investigations, government reports and sociological inquiries; the huge number of conspiracy-minded interpretations; novels, plays and other works of literature; and the Zapruder footage, photography, avant-garde art and Hollywood films. Considering the continuities and contradictions in how the event has been represented, the author focuses on how it has been seen through the lens of ideas about conspiracy, celebrity and violence. He also explores how the arguments about exactly what happened on 22 November 1963 have come to serve as a substitute way of debating the significance of Kennedy's legacy and the meaning of the 1960s more generally.Less
As a seminal event in late twentieth-century American history, the Kennedy assassination has permeated the American and world consciousness in a wide variety of ways. It has long fascinated American writers, filmmakers, and artists, and this book offers a critical introduction to the way the event has been constructed in a range of discourses. It looks at a variety of historical, political, and cultural attempts to understand Kennedy's death. Representations include: journalism from the time; historical accounts and memoirs; official investigations, government reports and sociological inquiries; the huge number of conspiracy-minded interpretations; novels, plays and other works of literature; and the Zapruder footage, photography, avant-garde art and Hollywood films. Considering the continuities and contradictions in how the event has been represented, the author focuses on how it has been seen through the lens of ideas about conspiracy, celebrity and violence. He also explores how the arguments about exactly what happened on 22 November 1963 have come to serve as a substitute way of debating the significance of Kennedy's legacy and the meaning of the 1960s more generally.
Robin Okey
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199213917
- eISBN:
- 9780191707490
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213917.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Concentrating on the politics of the Habsburg Monarchy's self-proclaimed ‘cultural mission’ in occupied Bosnia in the period from 1878 to the outbreak of war in 1914, this book addresses two related ...
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Concentrating on the politics of the Habsburg Monarchy's self-proclaimed ‘cultural mission’ in occupied Bosnia in the period from 1878 to the outbreak of war in 1914, this book addresses two related issues: the impact of ‘Europeanization’ in a backward society, and the crystallization of the identities which have since dominated Bosnian life. On the basis of wide reading in the Austrian, Hungarian, and south Slav sources, including the Hungarian-language papers of the two leading administrators of Bosnia, Benjamin von Kállay and István Burián, this book provides fresh and wide-ranging perspectives on a whole range of issues, including the ‘Orientalist’ assumptions of Austrian policy, the struggle of administrators for the moral high ground with nascent Serb and Croat intelligentsias, Kállay's controversial policy of the ‘Bosnian nation’, and the strategy and personality of the intriguing Burián. The book also opens up the hitherto unexplored background to student terrorism in the secondary schools of pre-1914 Bosnia, from which the assassin of Archduke Franz Ferdinand was to emerge. Beyond this immediate historical context, the book also sheds much light on wider issues such as the construction of Serb and Croat nationhood in Bosnia, the beginnings of the Europeanization of Bosnian Muslims, and the new divisions created by the rapid pace of social, economic, and intellectual change as the nineteenth turned into the twentieth century.Less
Concentrating on the politics of the Habsburg Monarchy's self-proclaimed ‘cultural mission’ in occupied Bosnia in the period from 1878 to the outbreak of war in 1914, this book addresses two related issues: the impact of ‘Europeanization’ in a backward society, and the crystallization of the identities which have since dominated Bosnian life. On the basis of wide reading in the Austrian, Hungarian, and south Slav sources, including the Hungarian-language papers of the two leading administrators of Bosnia, Benjamin von Kállay and István Burián, this book provides fresh and wide-ranging perspectives on a whole range of issues, including the ‘Orientalist’ assumptions of Austrian policy, the struggle of administrators for the moral high ground with nascent Serb and Croat intelligentsias, Kállay's controversial policy of the ‘Bosnian nation’, and the strategy and personality of the intriguing Burián. The book also opens up the hitherto unexplored background to student terrorism in the secondary schools of pre-1914 Bosnia, from which the assassin of Archduke Franz Ferdinand was to emerge. Beyond this immediate historical context, the book also sheds much light on wider issues such as the construction of Serb and Croat nationhood in Bosnia, the beginnings of the Europeanization of Bosnian Muslims, and the new divisions created by the rapid pace of social, economic, and intellectual change as the nineteenth turned into the twentieth century.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as ...
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Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as much as any other event during his lifetime, and it rapidly achieved a mythic quality. His Irishness was stressed in many of the reports and obituaries accompanying his passing. Much sympathy was expressed for Cecil Wilson. She persuaded Charles Callwell, an Irishman and a long-time friend and colleague of Wilson's, to write her fallen husband's biography. The result was the two-volume Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: His Life and Diaries, published in 1927. In death, Henry Wilson remained a kind of founding martyr for the Northern Ireland state.Less
Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as much as any other event during his lifetime, and it rapidly achieved a mythic quality. His Irishness was stressed in many of the reports and obituaries accompanying his passing. Much sympathy was expressed for Cecil Wilson. She persuaded Charles Callwell, an Irishman and a long-time friend and colleague of Wilson's, to write her fallen husband's biography. The result was the two-volume Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: His Life and Diaries, published in 1927. In death, Henry Wilson remained a kind of founding martyr for the Northern Ireland state.
Thomas E. Skidmore
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195332698
- eISBN:
- 9780199868162
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195332698.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter begins by discussing the transfer of the sash of office to Getúlio Vargas. It examines the Brazilian society and the question of economic development. It notes the formulae of growth and ...
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This chapter begins by discussing the transfer of the sash of office to Getúlio Vargas. It examines the Brazilian society and the question of economic development. It notes the formulae of growth and the increasing social tensions. It also discusses the 1953 new political strategy led by Vargas and the attempt of economic stabilization. It also mentions Vargas’s neglect of the middle class. It notes his exercise of test of power during February 1954 as well as his equivocation and polarization. It then investigates issues of assassination and suicide.Less
This chapter begins by discussing the transfer of the sash of office to Getúlio Vargas. It examines the Brazilian society and the question of economic development. It notes the formulae of growth and the increasing social tensions. It also discusses the 1953 new political strategy led by Vargas and the attempt of economic stabilization. It also mentions Vargas’s neglect of the middle class. It notes his exercise of test of power during February 1954 as well as his equivocation and polarization. It then investigates issues of assassination and suicide.
Peter Knight
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624102
- eISBN:
- 9780748671199
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624102.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. Over the four decades since Kennedy's violent death in Dealey Plaza, the event has been interpreted and represented in ever-widening ...
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This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. Over the four decades since Kennedy's violent death in Dealey Plaza, the event has been interpreted and represented in ever-widening contexts, but several themes have become constant. The iconic phrases and images that sum up the event — the grassy knoll, the sniper's lair, the magic bullet, the head-snap, Jackie scrambling over the back of the limousine — have become a kind of verbal and visual shorthand for a loss of faith in the authorities and the official version of events, and a more general sense of nostalgic grief for the demise of the promise of youth and idealism supposedly embodied by Kennedy. In short, the flashbulb memories of the assassination provide an instant iconography of the 1960s in general and the loss of an exceptionalist sense of American national destiny in particular. With the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, the meaning of the Kennedy assassination has shifted once again. No longer is the death of JFK the most significant traumatic event for living Americans. If the news networks learned on the job during the Kennedy assassination how to cover a breaking story of major importance, then they had perfected the art by the time of the terrorist attacks.Less
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. Over the four decades since Kennedy's violent death in Dealey Plaza, the event has been interpreted and represented in ever-widening contexts, but several themes have become constant. The iconic phrases and images that sum up the event — the grassy knoll, the sniper's lair, the magic bullet, the head-snap, Jackie scrambling over the back of the limousine — have become a kind of verbal and visual shorthand for a loss of faith in the authorities and the official version of events, and a more general sense of nostalgic grief for the demise of the promise of youth and idealism supposedly embodied by Kennedy. In short, the flashbulb memories of the assassination provide an instant iconography of the 1960s in general and the loss of an exceptionalist sense of American national destiny in particular. With the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, the meaning of the Kennedy assassination has shifted once again. No longer is the death of JFK the most significant traumatic event for living Americans. If the news networks learned on the job during the Kennedy assassination how to cover a breaking story of major importance, then they had perfected the art by the time of the terrorist attacks.
Andrew Lintott
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216444
- eISBN:
- 9780191712180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216444.003.0018
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter begins with a discussion of Ciceros's letters following the assassination of Caesar. It then discusses his philosophical projects, which include De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of Ciceros's letters following the assassination of Caesar. It then discusses his philosophical projects, which include De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De Fato. Cicero's works on practical ethics, De Amicitia (On Friendship) and De Officiis (On Duties), and correspondence with Matius are considered.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of Ciceros's letters following the assassination of Caesar. It then discusses his philosophical projects, which include De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De Fato. Cicero's works on practical ethics, De Amicitia (On Friendship) and De Officiis (On Duties), and correspondence with Matius are considered.
Alan H. Sommerstein
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199568314
- eISBN:
- 9780191723018
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568314.003.0009
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter shows that killing by night is a major theme of Aeschylus' Oresteia, from the sack of Troy, through the storm that wrecked the returning Greek fleet, to the murder of Klytaimestra and ...
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This chapter shows that killing by night is a major theme of Aeschylus' Oresteia, from the sack of Troy, through the storm that wrecked the returning Greek fleet, to the murder of Klytaimestra and Aigisthos and Athena's description of the functions of the Areopagos Council. It suggests a connection with the murder of Ephialtes, which according to Diodoros took place at night (and which, pace David Stockton, was murder, not natural death); evidence is adduced that this assassination was still a topic of current debate in 458 BC. Some of Athena's words can be read as criticism of the Areopagos Council for failing to punish (or even for having among its own members) those popularly believed to be responsible for Ephialtes' death.Less
This chapter shows that killing by night is a major theme of Aeschylus' Oresteia, from the sack of Troy, through the storm that wrecked the returning Greek fleet, to the murder of Klytaimestra and Aigisthos and Athena's description of the functions of the Areopagos Council. It suggests a connection with the murder of Ephialtes, which according to Diodoros took place at night (and which, pace David Stockton, was murder, not natural death); evidence is adduced that this assassination was still a topic of current debate in 458 BC. Some of Athena's words can be read as criticism of the Areopagos Council for failing to punish (or even for having among its own members) those popularly believed to be responsible for Ephialtes' death.
Jon Hall
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195329063
- eISBN:
- 9780199870233
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195329063.003.0006
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter considers the role of polite language in the political negotiations that followed Caesar's assassination in 44 B.C. It examines in particular the correspondence of Mark Antony with the ...
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This chapter considers the role of polite language in the political negotiations that followed Caesar's assassination in 44 B.C. It examines in particular the correspondence of Mark Antony with the leaders of the conspirators, Marcus Brutus and Cassius Longinus, and the letters exchanged between Cicero and Munatius Plancus. In the former case, Brutus and Cassius appear to deploy a highly respectful and restrained manner in order to present themselves as solid, conservative types, an image necessary given their radical use of violence against Caesar. Antony, by contrast, seems to have adopted a harsher, more abusive style in his later public letters in order to define himself more starkly as a Caesarian staunchly opposed to the assassins. In the following year, Cicero and Munatius Plancus employed affiliative politeness with remarkable energy during their high-stake political negotiations. The latter's eventual defection to Antony highlights the duplicitous potential inherent in this type of language, even though both parties seem to have been well aware of the political game they were playing. In this connection, Cicero's correspondence with Octavian and Dolabella during this period is also examined.Less
This chapter considers the role of polite language in the political negotiations that followed Caesar's assassination in 44 B.C. It examines in particular the correspondence of Mark Antony with the leaders of the conspirators, Marcus Brutus and Cassius Longinus, and the letters exchanged between Cicero and Munatius Plancus. In the former case, Brutus and Cassius appear to deploy a highly respectful and restrained manner in order to present themselves as solid, conservative types, an image necessary given their radical use of violence against Caesar. Antony, by contrast, seems to have adopted a harsher, more abusive style in his later public letters in order to define himself more starkly as a Caesarian staunchly opposed to the assassins. In the following year, Cicero and Munatius Plancus employed affiliative politeness with remarkable energy during their high-stake political negotiations. The latter's eventual defection to Antony highlights the duplicitous potential inherent in this type of language, even though both parties seem to have been well aware of the political game they were playing. In this connection, Cicero's correspondence with Octavian and Dolabella during this period is also examined.
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines the political implications of the latest attempt on Adolf Hitler's life in relation to German morale at the time of the report. It first considers some of the principles for the ...
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This chapter examines the political implications of the latest attempt on Adolf Hitler's life in relation to German morale at the time of the report. It first considers some of the principles for the evaluation of German morale: for example, the ruling group in Nazi Germany was made up of four segments: Nazi Party hierarchy, Armed Forces leadership, industrial and financial leaders, and high civil servants. In addition, in the course of World War II, the political power of the industrial leadership and of the civil servants had diminished to such a degree that they could assert themselves only by attempting to influence either Party or Army. The chapter proceeds by linking the timing of the attempt on Hitler's life to the impending transfer of the Home Army to Heinrich Himmler. It also analyzes the political character of the group behind the conspiracy to kill Hitler before concluding with a discussion of the political consequences of the failed assassination attempt.Less
This chapter examines the political implications of the latest attempt on Adolf Hitler's life in relation to German morale at the time of the report. It first considers some of the principles for the evaluation of German morale: for example, the ruling group in Nazi Germany was made up of four segments: Nazi Party hierarchy, Armed Forces leadership, industrial and financial leaders, and high civil servants. In addition, in the course of World War II, the political power of the industrial leadership and of the civil servants had diminished to such a degree that they could assert themselves only by attempting to influence either Party or Army. The chapter proceeds by linking the timing of the attempt on Hitler's life to the impending transfer of the Home Army to Heinrich Himmler. It also analyzes the political character of the group behind the conspiracy to kill Hitler before concluding with a discussion of the political consequences of the failed assassination attempt.
F. S. L. LYONS
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199583744
- eISBN:
- 9780191702365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583744.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter focuses on the Irish War of Independence during the period from 1919 to 1921. It discusses the refusal of the newly elected Sinn Féin members of parliament to take their seats at ...
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This chapter focuses on the Irish War of Independence during the period from 1919 to 1921. It discusses the refusal of the newly elected Sinn Féin members of parliament to take their seats at Westminster and their decision to instead assemble in Dublin. The chapter explains the Sinn Féin members' creation of an executive government and their declaration of independence. It also describes the violent confrontation between Irish and British forces, and the pattern of assassination and counter-assassination.Less
This chapter focuses on the Irish War of Independence during the period from 1919 to 1921. It discusses the refusal of the newly elected Sinn Féin members of parliament to take their seats at Westminster and their decision to instead assemble in Dublin. The chapter explains the Sinn Féin members' creation of an executive government and their declaration of independence. It also describes the violent confrontation between Irish and British forces, and the pattern of assassination and counter-assassination.
Noam Lubell
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199584840
- eISBN:
- 9780191594540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584840.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter examines the human rights primarily affected by extraterritorial force against non-state actors. Extraterritorial forcible measures used by states against individuals often include state ...
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This chapter examines the human rights primarily affected by extraterritorial force against non-state actors. Extraterritorial forcible measures used by states against individuals often include state agents (acting outside their own sovereign territory) being responsible for one or more of: lethal or potentially lethal force, ill-treatment of persons in their custody, abduction, and deprivation of liberty. These are examined in turn, as is the possibility of restricting or derogating from these rights.Less
This chapter examines the human rights primarily affected by extraterritorial force against non-state actors. Extraterritorial forcible measures used by states against individuals often include state agents (acting outside their own sovereign territory) being responsible for one or more of: lethal or potentially lethal force, ill-treatment of persons in their custody, abduction, and deprivation of liberty. These are examined in turn, as is the possibility of restricting or derogating from these rights.
