Richard Pomfret
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199248872
- eISBN:
- 9780191596797
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248877.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
Regional trading arrangements have been a recurring, and often challenging, feature of the global trading system established after 1945. This book analyses the economic, historical, and political ...
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Regional trading arrangements have been a recurring, and often challenging, feature of the global trading system established after 1945. This book analyses the economic, historical, and political reasons behind these challenges, which arose even though the multilateral trading system was serving the world well over the second half of the twentieth century. The book's three main parts deal with the history, theory, and empirical evidence on the effects of discriminatory trade policies in general, and of regionalism in particular.Less
Regional trading arrangements have been a recurring, and often challenging, feature of the global trading system established after 1945. This book analyses the economic, historical, and political reasons behind these challenges, which arose even though the multilateral trading system was serving the world well over the second half of the twentieth century. The book's three main parts deal with the history, theory, and empirical evidence on the effects of discriminatory trade policies in general, and of regionalism in particular.
Nigel Yates
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198270133
- eISBN:
- 9780191683916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198270133.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History, History of Christianity
This book presents principles that governed the restoration of old churches and the building of new ones between the late 16th and the early 19th centuries, and have continued to do so, though with ...
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This book presents principles that governed the restoration of old churches and the building of new ones between the late 16th and the early 19th centuries, and have continued to do so, though with the emphasis more on theological outlook and less on what is merely ‘convenient’ and ‘decent’, the adjectives most frequently used to describe the liturgical arrangements of the 17th and 18th centuries. It is now more than fifty years since G. W. O. Addleshaw and F. Etchells published their pioneering study of The Architectural Setting of Anglican Worship in 1948. The book discusses new architectural and archival evidence with the results of related historical research carried out over the last half century. There has been a major shift of emphasis from largely institutional church history to a consideration of ecclesiastical matters in a much wider context where ecclesiastical history is seen to be an integral part of economic and social history.Less
This book presents principles that governed the restoration of old churches and the building of new ones between the late 16th and the early 19th centuries, and have continued to do so, though with the emphasis more on theological outlook and less on what is merely ‘convenient’ and ‘decent’, the adjectives most frequently used to describe the liturgical arrangements of the 17th and 18th centuries. It is now more than fifty years since G. W. O. Addleshaw and F. Etchells published their pioneering study of The Architectural Setting of Anglican Worship in 1948. The book discusses new architectural and archival evidence with the results of related historical research carried out over the last half century. There has been a major shift of emphasis from largely institutional church history to a consideration of ecclesiastical matters in a much wider context where ecclesiastical history is seen to be an integral part of economic and social history.
Hussein Kassim
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199252091
- eISBN:
- 9780191599224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252092.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter approaches the theme of Europeanization somewhat differently from the other contributions to the book. Using the term in its broadest sense, it examines the administrative response on ...
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This chapter approaches the theme of Europeanization somewhat differently from the other contributions to the book. Using the term in its broadest sense, it examines the administrative response on the part of member states to the demands of European Union (EU) membership and considers the institutional arrangements they have put in place to manage their participation in EU decision-making. European integration subjects national governments to unique and exacting pressures and imposes strict requirements on their participation in processes of EU decision-making. This chapter considers these demands by examining and comparing national responses in terms of the ambitions developed by the member states, their coordination strategies, and the structures they have put in place to manage their involvement in the Union. Finally, it considers the underlying determinants that shape national coordination arrangements.Less
This chapter approaches the theme of Europeanization somewhat differently from the other contributions to the book. Using the term in its broadest sense, it examines the administrative response on the part of member states to the demands of European Union (EU) membership and considers the institutional arrangements they have put in place to manage their participation in EU decision-making. European integration subjects national governments to unique and exacting pressures and imposes strict requirements on their participation in processes of EU decision-making. This chapter considers these demands by examining and comparing national responses in terms of the ambitions developed by the member states, their coordination strategies, and the structures they have put in place to manage their involvement in the Union. Finally, it considers the underlying determinants that shape national coordination arrangements.
Tom W. N. Parker
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198184430
- eISBN:
- 9780191674259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198184430.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature
This conclusion concludes that the frequency in the reiterations of particular sets of numbers within the sonnet sequences of the Sidney circle is an enough conviction that intentional patterning did ...
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This conclusion concludes that the frequency in the reiterations of particular sets of numbers within the sonnet sequences of the Sidney circle is an enough conviction that intentional patterning did existed. The Renaissance was a period governed by appreciation of harmony and aesthetic considerations, hence sonnet sequence within a harmonic pattern were deeply appreciated. In the works of Fulke Greville, Robert Sidney and Phillip Sidney, the recurrence of the same set of numbers in the formal arrangements of the sonnet sequences implied the purpose and implication of harmonic sequences — intentional patterning and formal sonnet sequences were indications of the technicalities that sought to belie the perceived shallowness of sonnets and poetry. While fastidious attention is directed to the superficial and surface features of poems, the formal sonnet sequences allows if not forces a reader to look beyond the superficiality of poetry to the sweat and blood invested by the poets to the algorithms and sequences of their craft.Less
This conclusion concludes that the frequency in the reiterations of particular sets of numbers within the sonnet sequences of the Sidney circle is an enough conviction that intentional patterning did existed. The Renaissance was a period governed by appreciation of harmony and aesthetic considerations, hence sonnet sequence within a harmonic pattern were deeply appreciated. In the works of Fulke Greville, Robert Sidney and Phillip Sidney, the recurrence of the same set of numbers in the formal arrangements of the sonnet sequences implied the purpose and implication of harmonic sequences — intentional patterning and formal sonnet sequences were indications of the technicalities that sought to belie the perceived shallowness of sonnets and poetry. While fastidious attention is directed to the superficial and surface features of poems, the formal sonnet sequences allows if not forces a reader to look beyond the superficiality of poetry to the sweat and blood invested by the poets to the algorithms and sequences of their craft.
Olivier Cadot, Antoni Estevadeordal, Akiko Suwa-Eisenmann, and Thierry Verdier
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199290482
- eISBN:
- 9780191603471
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199290482.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter focuses on the difference between free trade agreements with rules of origin and customs unions. The first part develops a model to assess the trade and production in intermediate and ...
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This chapter focuses on the difference between free trade agreements with rules of origin and customs unions. The first part develops a model to assess the trade and production in intermediate and final goods under these two forms of preferential trading arrangements. The second part performs a cross-sectional econometric analysis of bilateral trade in finished motor vehicles and parts in the OECD area. The findings suggest that ROO can be an effective barrier against third-party suppliers of intermediate goods, and that the ‘border effect’ on trade is mitigated within customs unions.Less
This chapter focuses on the difference between free trade agreements with rules of origin and customs unions. The first part develops a model to assess the trade and production in intermediate and final goods under these two forms of preferential trading arrangements. The second part performs a cross-sectional econometric analysis of bilateral trade in finished motor vehicles and parts in the OECD area. The findings suggest that ROO can be an effective barrier against third-party suppliers of intermediate goods, and that the ‘border effect’ on trade is mitigated within customs unions.
Olivier Cadot, Antoni Estevadeordal, Akiko Suwa-Eisenmann, and Thierry Verdier
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199290482
- eISBN:
- 9780191603471
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199290482.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter breaks new ground in dissecting preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) by focusing on rules of origin (ROO), a crucial yet poorly understood market access discipline included in ...
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This chapter breaks new ground in dissecting preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) by focusing on rules of origin (ROO), a crucial yet poorly understood market access discipline included in virtually every PTA. It presents a global mapping of the existing ROO regimes, and puts forth an analytical coding scheme for the types of product-specific and regime-wide ROO employed in these regimes. The most immediate contribution of this chapter is to advance the understanding of the ROO regimes around the world, and provide analytical tools for empirical studies on ROO’s economic effects.Less
This chapter breaks new ground in dissecting preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) by focusing on rules of origin (ROO), a crucial yet poorly understood market access discipline included in virtually every PTA. It presents a global mapping of the existing ROO regimes, and puts forth an analytical coding scheme for the types of product-specific and regime-wide ROO employed in these regimes. The most immediate contribution of this chapter is to advance the understanding of the ROO regimes around the world, and provide analytical tools for empirical studies on ROO’s economic effects.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Explores how, and under what circumstances, international authorities should withdraw from the administration of a territory. Whereas elections were once viewed as the capstone of international ...
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Explores how, and under what circumstances, international authorities should withdraw from the administration of a territory. Whereas elections were once viewed as the capstone of international involvement, as in Cambodia, transitional authorities today are focused additionally on the development of institutional safeguards (for minority groups, for instance) that, it is hoped, will endure beyond the transitional period. Other approaches include a phased exit strategy whereby the pace of transfer is commensurate with the demonstrated ability of the local leadership to meet specified benchmarks. Follow-on measures—a role for which regional organizations may be particularly well suited—are also important to reinforce positive results, as are regional stabilization measures, such as the incentive structure represented by the prospect of membership in regional and international organizations.Less
Explores how, and under what circumstances, international authorities should withdraw from the administration of a territory. Whereas elections were once viewed as the capstone of international involvement, as in Cambodia, transitional authorities today are focused additionally on the development of institutional safeguards (for minority groups, for instance) that, it is hoped, will endure beyond the transitional period. Other approaches include a phased exit strategy whereby the pace of transfer is commensurate with the demonstrated ability of the local leadership to meet specified benchmarks. Follow-on measures—a role for which regional organizations may be particularly well suited—are also important to reinforce positive results, as are regional stabilization measures, such as the incentive structure represented by the prospect of membership in regional and international organizations.
Robert K. Christensen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199204762
- eISBN:
- 9780191603860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199204764.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The Westphalian paradigm suggests that sovereign nation-states formally constitute the only legitimate institutions of international policy creation, enactment, and enforcement. This paper seeks to ...
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The Westphalian paradigm suggests that sovereign nation-states formally constitute the only legitimate institutions of international policy creation, enactment, and enforcement. This paper seeks to highlight the policy potency of nongovernmental organizations by turning to a debate that questions the relevancy of the Westphalian paradigm. One of the most contentious points in this debate is the role and legitimacy of the various actors involved in globalization. The mechanism of ‘soft law’ is discussed, which allows non-state actors to participate — in an increasingly formalized way — in policy processes traditionally and even exclusively populated by sovereign nation states. Ostrom et al.’s Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework is used to clarify the institutional implications of non-sovereigns in policy formation. Ultimately, the soft law mechanism illustrates that the informal sector is gaining access — as and through NGOs — to powerful policy networks where formal sovereignty is decreasingly relevant.Less
The Westphalian paradigm suggests that sovereign nation-states formally constitute the only legitimate institutions of international policy creation, enactment, and enforcement. This paper seeks to highlight the policy potency of nongovernmental organizations by turning to a debate that questions the relevancy of the Westphalian paradigm. One of the most contentious points in this debate is the role and legitimacy of the various actors involved in globalization. The mechanism of ‘soft law’ is discussed, which allows non-state actors to participate — in an increasingly formalized way — in policy processes traditionally and even exclusively populated by sovereign nation states. Ostrom et al.’s Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework is used to clarify the institutional implications of non-sovereigns in policy formation. Ultimately, the soft law mechanism illustrates that the informal sector is gaining access — as and through NGOs — to powerful policy networks where formal sovereignty is decreasingly relevant.
Matthew Flinders and Matthew Denton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
Having set out the structure of the state, this chapter seeks to uncover the manner in which public bodies are controlled by their parent department (or departments), and particularly how an ...
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Having set out the structure of the state, this chapter seeks to uncover the manner in which public bodies are controlled by their parent department (or departments), and particularly how an effective balance between independence and control is maintained. Research suggests that the governance arrangements vary greatly between departments and that the issue of internal control has been a critical concern amongst politicians and policy-makers for several decades.Less
Having set out the structure of the state, this chapter seeks to uncover the manner in which public bodies are controlled by their parent department (or departments), and particularly how an effective balance between independence and control is maintained. Research suggests that the governance arrangements vary greatly between departments and that the issue of internal control has been a critical concern amongst politicians and policy-makers for several decades.
Alexander Samely
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199296736
- eISBN:
- 9780191712067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296736.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter explains the main categories by which rabbinic documents can be sorted into groups. It introduces thirteen key small forms which make up the bulk of rabbinic literature. Also it presents ...
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This chapter explains the main categories by which rabbinic documents can be sorted into groups. It introduces thirteen key small forms which make up the bulk of rabbinic literature. Also it presents five main arrangement principles according to which the small forms are put together in extended texts. An artificial synthesis of rabbinic ideas about God, the Torah, and Israel is developed, and why such syntheses have no direct evidence to support them, is also explained.Less
This chapter explains the main categories by which rabbinic documents can be sorted into groups. It introduces thirteen key small forms which make up the bulk of rabbinic literature. Also it presents five main arrangement principles according to which the small forms are put together in extended texts. An artificial synthesis of rabbinic ideas about God, the Torah, and Israel is developed, and why such syntheses have no direct evidence to support them, is also explained.
Robert Elgie (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and ...
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Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.Less
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.
Vincent Wright
Hussein Kassim, Anand Menon, and B. Guy Peters (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199248056
- eISBN:
- 9780191601545
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248052.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, ...
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This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, institutions and processes put in place by national governments in Brussels. The companion volume, published in 2000, examines the national co-ordination of EU policy at the domestic level. This second book offers a comprehensive, comparative analysis of national co-ordination at the European level. It investigates the way in which eleven member states—Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom—co-ordinate their European policy in Brussels. It examines their co-ordination ambitions, the value attached to co-ordination and their conception of it, and the strategies adopted by the member states for defining and defending a national position in EU policy-making. It looks in detail at the organization and operation of the permanent representations—the principal institution charged by governments with safeguarding the ‘national interest’ in Brussels—and at how, to what extent (indeed, whether) they succeed in reconciling their responsibilities as both agencies of the national government and part of the EU decision-making system. The book assesses the effectiveness of the various national arrangements in achieving their intended goals, and identifies the factors that influence or determine performance at the European level. The institutions, structures, and processes utilized by the member states in Brussels are compared with a view to discovering whether there is evidence of convergence around a common model or whether national differences persist. All of the chapters except for the Conclusion are extensively revised versions of papers presented at a workshop, held at Nuffield College, Oxford, on 13–14 May 1999.Less
This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, institutions and processes put in place by national governments in Brussels. The companion volume, published in 2000, examines the national co-ordination of EU policy at the domestic level. This second book offers a comprehensive, comparative analysis of national co-ordination at the European level. It investigates the way in which eleven member states—Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom—co-ordinate their European policy in Brussels. It examines their co-ordination ambitions, the value attached to co-ordination and their conception of it, and the strategies adopted by the member states for defining and defending a national position in EU policy-making. It looks in detail at the organization and operation of the permanent representations—the principal institution charged by governments with safeguarding the ‘national interest’ in Brussels—and at how, to what extent (indeed, whether) they succeed in reconciling their responsibilities as both agencies of the national government and part of the EU decision-making system. The book assesses the effectiveness of the various national arrangements in achieving their intended goals, and identifies the factors that influence or determine performance at the European level. The institutions, structures, and processes utilized by the member states in Brussels are compared with a view to discovering whether there is evidence of convergence around a common model or whether national differences persist. All of the chapters except for the Conclusion are extensively revised versions of papers presented at a workshop, held at Nuffield College, Oxford, on 13–14 May 1999.
Nicole Bolleyer
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199570607
- eISBN:
- 9780191721953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570607.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This chapter starts out with an assessment of the country-specific literatures on Canadian, Swiss, and US federalism and reveals essential gaps each literature has developed. It provides a ...
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This chapter starts out with an assessment of the country-specific literatures on Canadian, Swiss, and US federalism and reveals essential gaps each literature has developed. It provides a comparative overview over the types of intergovernmental arrangements covered in the study (including national and regional, generalist and policy-specific arrangements in eight policy fields). On this basis, the chapter provides an in-depth analysis of intergovernmental institutionalization in Canadian federalism. Composed of power-concentration governments, the case study demonstrates the negative impact flowing from majoritarian dynamics as expected by the theoretical framework. Frequent government alternation, thus, rapidly changing government interests, high electoral pressure creating incentives to shift blame to other governments, high losses in government autonomy and pronounced partisan differences between governments regularly undermine institution-building. Accordingly, intergovernmental arrangements are overall weakly institutionalized. Intergovernmental relations are competitive and driven by short-term calculus leading to ad hoc coordination as the dominant interaction mode in Canadian federalism.Less
This chapter starts out with an assessment of the country-specific literatures on Canadian, Swiss, and US federalism and reveals essential gaps each literature has developed. It provides a comparative overview over the types of intergovernmental arrangements covered in the study (including national and regional, generalist and policy-specific arrangements in eight policy fields). On this basis, the chapter provides an in-depth analysis of intergovernmental institutionalization in Canadian federalism. Composed of power-concentration governments, the case study demonstrates the negative impact flowing from majoritarian dynamics as expected by the theoretical framework. Frequent government alternation, thus, rapidly changing government interests, high electoral pressure creating incentives to shift blame to other governments, high losses in government autonomy and pronounced partisan differences between governments regularly undermine institution-building. Accordingly, intergovernmental arrangements are overall weakly institutionalized. Intergovernmental relations are competitive and driven by short-term calculus leading to ad hoc coordination as the dominant interaction mode in Canadian federalism.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the ...
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This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the premise that all three objectives are desirable, and poses the question: which institutional arrangements will best facilitate effective representation, political stability, and interethnic accommodation in the emerging democracies of southern Africa? The answer to this question is sought through a comparative analysis of the effect of institutional structures in five case study countries – Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – chosen because all have made the transition from non-democratic government to multiparty competition with varying degrees of success, and they represent at least half of the southern African region, so they comprise a useful cross section of democratic types, societal dynamics, and institutional arrangements. The study uses a hybrid methodology drawn from both new institutionalist and cultural, ‘rich descriptive’, traditions, hence, it utilizes comparative electoral systems methodology; at the same time, the discussions of the case studies are based on detailed social and politically historical descriptions. The Introduction is arranged in five main parts which: address the relevance of question of the best institutional arrangements for democratization; define the dependent (object of study), intervening, and independent (macro-institutional explanatory) variables used in the study; explain why the focus of the study is on political institutions, and discuss various alternative approaches that could have been taken; and give an outline of the contents of the chapters that follow.Less
This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the premise that all three objectives are desirable, and poses the question: which institutional arrangements will best facilitate effective representation, political stability, and interethnic accommodation in the emerging democracies of southern Africa? The answer to this question is sought through a comparative analysis of the effect of institutional structures in five case study countries – Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – chosen because all have made the transition from non-democratic government to multiparty competition with varying degrees of success, and they represent at least half of the southern African region, so they comprise a useful cross section of democratic types, societal dynamics, and institutional arrangements. The study uses a hybrid methodology drawn from both new institutionalist and cultural, ‘rich descriptive’, traditions, hence, it utilizes comparative electoral systems methodology; at the same time, the discussions of the case studies are based on detailed social and politically historical descriptions. The Introduction is arranged in five main parts which: address the relevance of question of the best institutional arrangements for democratization; define the dependent (object of study), intervening, and independent (macro-institutional explanatory) variables used in the study; explain why the focus of the study is on political institutions, and discuss various alternative approaches that could have been taken; and give an outline of the contents of the chapters that follow.
Theo Van Leeuwen
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195323306
- eISBN:
- 9780199869251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323306.003.0005
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
Arguing that our understandings of space are always constructed in relation to, and on the basis of, the spatial framings of social practices, hence also on the way bodies are positioned in space, ...
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Arguing that our understandings of space are always constructed in relation to, and on the basis of, the spatial framings of social practices, hence also on the way bodies are positioned in space, this chapter describes the semiotic resources of English and visual communication for representing space. Focusing both on spatial positions and spatial transitions, the chapter introduces discursive resources for describing as well as interpreting spatial arrangements. By demonstrating the important role of moral evaluation in the representation of space, the chapter opens up spatial representation as an important issue for critical discourse analysisLess
Arguing that our understandings of space are always constructed in relation to, and on the basis of, the spatial framings of social practices, hence also on the way bodies are positioned in space, this chapter describes the semiotic resources of English and visual communication for representing space. Focusing both on spatial positions and spatial transitions, the chapter introduces discursive resources for describing as well as interpreting spatial arrangements. By demonstrating the important role of moral evaluation in the representation of space, the chapter opens up spatial representation as an important issue for critical discourse analysis
Gøsta Esping‐Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The introduction discusses the idea of a mature welfare state, and shows that the welfare state of the 1970s can be regarded as mature basically because few, if any, major changes have occurred since ...
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The introduction discusses the idea of a mature welfare state, and shows that the welfare state of the 1970s can be regarded as mature basically because few, if any, major changes have occurred since then. Not only did the welfare state stabilize but so also did the embracing welfare regime. Looks at the welfare state crisis and the paradoxes within this, noting (as at the beginning of the book) that the shocks come principally from the labour market and declining family stability, thus bringing growing pressures on the welfare state itself, and implying that it needs to be examined. Suggests that it would be much more fruitful to analyse the crisis as pertaining to welfare regimes. Argues that the essence of the problem lies in the growing disjuncture between existing institutional arrangements and emerging risk profiles: the bottom‐line analytical question is how and under what conditions welfare regimes are being recast to respond to the new—post‐industrial—economic realities. The first two sections look at the public attitudes to the welfare state, and the welfare state as a Trojan horse. The following sections discuss new risks and new equalities of welfare regimes—how they deal with the Trojan horse—under the following headings: Managing the Labour Market; Labour Market Risks and Welfare Regimes; Family Risks and Welfare Regimes; and Welfare State Adaptation to Exogenous Shocks and New Risks.Less
The introduction discusses the idea of a mature welfare state, and shows that the welfare state of the 1970s can be regarded as mature basically because few, if any, major changes have occurred since then. Not only did the welfare state stabilize but so also did the embracing welfare regime. Looks at the welfare state crisis and the paradoxes within this, noting (as at the beginning of the book) that the shocks come principally from the labour market and declining family stability, thus bringing growing pressures on the welfare state itself, and implying that it needs to be examined. Suggests that it would be much more fruitful to analyse the crisis as pertaining to welfare regimes. Argues that the essence of the problem lies in the growing disjuncture between existing institutional arrangements and emerging risk profiles: the bottom‐line analytical question is how and under what conditions welfare regimes are being recast to respond to the new—post‐industrial—economic realities. The first two sections look at the public attitudes to the welfare state, and the welfare state as a Trojan horse. The following sections discuss new risks and new equalities of welfare regimes—how they deal with the Trojan horse—under the following headings: Managing the Labour Market; Labour Market Risks and Welfare Regimes; Family Risks and Welfare Regimes; and Welfare State Adaptation to Exogenous Shocks and New Risks.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the third of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the political institutions of the EU and its policy processes. The first section elaborates on these aspects ...
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This chapter is the third of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the political institutions of the EU and its policy processes. The first section elaborates on these aspects of legitimacy or regime support, and presents a conceptual framework. The second examines cross‐national variations and variations over time in regime support, including public satisfaction with the basic principles, decision‐making processes, and institutional arrangements of the EU. The third section analyses alternative explanations for these variations in regime support, including the role of (political) cultural legacies, social background, and policy performance‐ and leadership‐based factors. The conclusion considers the implications of this analysis for understanding the future of the EU.Less
This chapter is the third of four on the question of legitimacy in the EU, and deals with the political institutions of the EU and its policy processes. The first section elaborates on these aspects of legitimacy or regime support, and presents a conceptual framework. The second examines cross‐national variations and variations over time in regime support, including public satisfaction with the basic principles, decision‐making processes, and institutional arrangements of the EU. The third section analyses alternative explanations for these variations in regime support, including the role of (political) cultural legacies, social background, and policy performance‐ and leadership‐based factors. The conclusion considers the implications of this analysis for understanding the future of the EU.
Terence H. McLaughlin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Terence Mclaughlin’s essay addresses the conceptual and practical complexities involved in identifying and evaluating the nature, status, and institutional context of common (public) education in ...
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Terence Mclaughlin’s essay addresses the conceptual and practical complexities involved in identifying and evaluating the nature, status, and institutional context of common (public) education in pluralist societies. He explores some of the neglected burdens and dilemmas faced by common schools in pluralist, multicultural, and liberal–democratic societies. The potential weight and complexity of these burdens and dilemmas is reflected in Stephen Macedo’s observation that common schools give rise to questions relating to some of the ‘deepest divisions’ and ‘most intractable conflicts’ characterizing the public lives of modern states. The chapter has five sections: Section 5.1 outlines some general considerations relating to common schooling and a conception of common education, pointing out that the relationship between the two is a contingent one – the adequacy of a particular institutional arrangement, such as the common school, depends critically on the extent to which it embodies an adequate conception of common education; Section 5.2 offers a sketch of some general features of such conceptions; in Sections 5.3 and 5.4, respectively, some of the burdens and dilemmas of common schooling are explored; Section 5.5 addresses neglected questions relating to the pre-eminently practical burdens and dilemmas highlighted in the previous two sections. McLaughlin’s chapter is especially helpful in identifying a number of the most important considerations in the presumption in favour of common schools as the most suitable arrangement for advancing common education, and his essay maps the conceptual, curricular, pedagogical, and policy issues that must be addressed in clarifying and defending the role of common schools and common education in liberal–democratic societies.Less
Terence Mclaughlin’s essay addresses the conceptual and practical complexities involved in identifying and evaluating the nature, status, and institutional context of common (public) education in pluralist societies. He explores some of the neglected burdens and dilemmas faced by common schools in pluralist, multicultural, and liberal–democratic societies. The potential weight and complexity of these burdens and dilemmas is reflected in Stephen Macedo’s observation that common schools give rise to questions relating to some of the ‘deepest divisions’ and ‘most intractable conflicts’ characterizing the public lives of modern states. The chapter has five sections: Section 5.1 outlines some general considerations relating to common schooling and a conception of common education, pointing out that the relationship between the two is a contingent one – the adequacy of a particular institutional arrangement, such as the common school, depends critically on the extent to which it embodies an adequate conception of common education; Section 5.2 offers a sketch of some general features of such conceptions; in Sections 5.3 and 5.4, respectively, some of the burdens and dilemmas of common schooling are explored; Section 5.5 addresses neglected questions relating to the pre-eminently practical burdens and dilemmas highlighted in the previous two sections. McLaughlin’s chapter is especially helpful in identifying a number of the most important considerations in the presumption in favour of common schools as the most suitable arrangement for advancing common education, and his essay maps the conceptual, curricular, pedagogical, and policy issues that must be addressed in clarifying and defending the role of common schools and common education in liberal–democratic societies.
Hussein Kassim and B. Guy Peters
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199248056
- eISBN:
- 9780191601545
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248052.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This concluding chapter addresses the main issues raised in the Introduction and presents the general findings that emerge from the country studies. It has three main aims. First, it puts forward ...
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This concluding chapter addresses the main issues raised in the Introduction and presents the general findings that emerge from the country studies. It has three main aims. First, it puts forward three arguments on the basis of the national investigations of policy co-ordination at the European level, and comparisons of permanent representations: the first argument is that that all the member states have responded to the co-ordination need that arises from EU policy-making and most aspire to a careful crafting of policy, but that the nature of their response varies according to the prevailing national attitude to European integration, features of the national political and administrative opportunity structures, policy style, and available resources; the second argument is that, although there are some similarities between national arrangements with respect to some aspects of organization and core functions, there are also several very substantial differences—neither the ‘convergence hypothesis’ nor the ‘continuing divergence hypothesis’ outlined in the Introduction is confirmed by the case studies, but there is evidence that many of the factors identified by each are at work; the third argument is related to effectiveness—each set of national arrangements has its own particular strengths and weaknesses, but one common factor affecting performance is the efficiency of domestic co-ordination procedures. The second aim of the Conclusion is to consider the wider implications of the findings both for the functioning of the European Union as a system and for theorizing about the EU; with respect to the former, national arrangements in Brussels do little to overcome the problem of segmentation that characterizes the EU, but concerning the latter, the case studies suggest that the intergovernmentalist image is at odds with how national policy preferences are actually formed and the nature of the role played by the permanent representations; the alternative image approach outlined above, and described in the Introduction, offers a better guide on both counts. The third and final aim of the chapter is to compare national co-ordination practices at the domestic level with those found at the European level; the contention put forward is that the domestic co-ordination of EU policy is more effective than processes at the European level.Less
This concluding chapter addresses the main issues raised in the Introduction and presents the general findings that emerge from the country studies. It has three main aims. First, it puts forward three arguments on the basis of the national investigations of policy co-ordination at the European level, and comparisons of permanent representations: the first argument is that that all the member states have responded to the co-ordination need that arises from EU policy-making and most aspire to a careful crafting of policy, but that the nature of their response varies according to the prevailing national attitude to European integration, features of the national political and administrative opportunity structures, policy style, and available resources; the second argument is that, although there are some similarities between national arrangements with respect to some aspects of organization and core functions, there are also several very substantial differences—neither the ‘convergence hypothesis’ nor the ‘continuing divergence hypothesis’ outlined in the Introduction is confirmed by the case studies, but there is evidence that many of the factors identified by each are at work; the third argument is related to effectiveness—each set of national arrangements has its own particular strengths and weaknesses, but one common factor affecting performance is the efficiency of domestic co-ordination procedures. The second aim of the Conclusion is to consider the wider implications of the findings both for the functioning of the European Union as a system and for theorizing about the EU; with respect to the former, national arrangements in Brussels do little to overcome the problem of segmentation that characterizes the EU, but concerning the latter, the case studies suggest that the intergovernmentalist image is at odds with how national policy preferences are actually formed and the nature of the role played by the permanent representations; the alternative image approach outlined above, and described in the Introduction, offers a better guide on both counts. The third and final aim of the chapter is to compare national co-ordination practices at the domestic level with those found at the European level; the contention put forward is that the domestic co-ordination of EU policy is more effective than processes at the European level.
Edward D. Mansfield and Helen V. Milner
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691135298
- eISBN:
- 9781400842537
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691135298.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) play an increasingly prominent role in the global political economy, two notable examples being the European Union and the North American Free Trade ...
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Preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) play an increasingly prominent role in the global political economy, two notable examples being the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement. These agreements foster economic integration among member states by enhancing their access to one another's markets. Yet despite the importance of PTAs to international trade and world politics, until now little attention has been focused on why governments choose to join them and how governments design them. This book offers valuable new insights into the political economy of PTA formation. Many economists have argued that the roots of these agreements lie in the promise they hold for improving the welfare of member states. Others have posited that trade agreements are a response to global political conditions. This book argues that domestic politics provide a crucial impetus to the decision by governments to enter trade pacts. Drawing on this argument, the book explains why democracies are more likely to enter PTAs than nondemocratic regimes, and why as the number of veto players—interest groups with the power to block policy change—increases in a prospective member state, the likelihood of the state entering a trade agreement is reduced. The book provides a novel view of the political foundations of trade agreements.Less
Preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) play an increasingly prominent role in the global political economy, two notable examples being the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement. These agreements foster economic integration among member states by enhancing their access to one another's markets. Yet despite the importance of PTAs to international trade and world politics, until now little attention has been focused on why governments choose to join them and how governments design them. This book offers valuable new insights into the political economy of PTA formation. Many economists have argued that the roots of these agreements lie in the promise they hold for improving the welfare of member states. Others have posited that trade agreements are a response to global political conditions. This book argues that domestic politics provide a crucial impetus to the decision by governments to enter trade pacts. Drawing on this argument, the book explains why democracies are more likely to enter PTAs than nondemocratic regimes, and why as the number of veto players—interest groups with the power to block policy change—increases in a prospective member state, the likelihood of the state entering a trade agreement is reduced. The book provides a novel view of the political foundations of trade agreements.
