Sarah Percy
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199214334
- eISBN:
- 9780191706608
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214334.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The main aim of this book is to argue that the use of private force by states has been restricted by a norm against mercenary use. It traces the evolution of this norm, from mercenaries in medieval ...
More
The main aim of this book is to argue that the use of private force by states has been restricted by a norm against mercenary use. It traces the evolution of this norm, from mercenaries in medieval Europe through to private security companies in modern day Iraq, telling a story about how the mercenaries of yesterday have evolved into those of today in the process. The norm against mercenaries has two components. First, mercenaries are considered to be immoral because they use force outside legitimate, authoritative control. Second, mercenaries are considered to be morally problematic because they fight wars for selfish, financial reasons as opposed to fighting for some kind of larger conception of the common good. The book examines four puzzles about mercenary use, and argues that they can only be explained by understanding the norm against mercenaries. First, the book argues that moral disapproval of mercenaries led to the disappearance of independent mercenaries from medieval Europe. Second, the transition from armies composed of mercenaries to citizen armies in the 19th century can only be understood with attention to the norm against mercenaries. Third, it is impossible to understand why international law regarding mercenaries, created in the 1970s and 1980s, is so ineffective without understanding the norm. Finally, the disappearance of companies like Executive Outcomes and Sandline and the development of today's private security industry cannot be understood without the norm.Less
The main aim of this book is to argue that the use of private force by states has been restricted by a norm against mercenary use. It traces the evolution of this norm, from mercenaries in medieval Europe through to private security companies in modern day Iraq, telling a story about how the mercenaries of yesterday have evolved into those of today in the process. The norm against mercenaries has two components. First, mercenaries are considered to be immoral because they use force outside legitimate, authoritative control. Second, mercenaries are considered to be morally problematic because they fight wars for selfish, financial reasons as opposed to fighting for some kind of larger conception of the common good. The book examines four puzzles about mercenary use, and argues that they can only be explained by understanding the norm against mercenaries. First, the book argues that moral disapproval of mercenaries led to the disappearance of independent mercenaries from medieval Europe. Second, the transition from armies composed of mercenaries to citizen armies in the 19th century can only be understood with attention to the norm against mercenaries. Third, it is impossible to understand why international law regarding mercenaries, created in the 1970s and 1980s, is so ineffective without understanding the norm. Finally, the disappearance of companies like Executive Outcomes and Sandline and the development of today's private security industry cannot be understood without the norm.
Matthew S. Seligmann
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199261505
- eISBN:
- 9780191718618
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261505.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Why did the British government declare war on Germany in August 1914? Was it because Germany posed a threat to British national security? Today many prominent historians would argue that this was not ...
More
Why did the British government declare war on Germany in August 1914? Was it because Germany posed a threat to British national security? Today many prominent historians would argue that this was not the case and that a million British citizens died needlessly in the trenches for a misguided cause. However, this book counters such revisionist arguments. It disputes the suggestion that the British government either got its facts wrong about the German threat or even, as some have claimed, deliberately ‘invented’ it in order to justify an otherwise unnecessary alignment with France and Russia. By examining the military and naval intelligence assessments forwarded from Germany to London by Britain's service attachés in Berlin, its ‘men on the spot’, this book clearly demonstrates that the British authorities had every reason to be alarmed. From these crucial intelligence documents, previously thought to have been lost, this book proves that in the decade before the First World War, the British government was kept well-informed about military and naval developments in the Reich. In particular, the attachés consistently warned that German ambitions to challenge Britain posed a real and imminent danger to national security. As a result, the book concludes that far from being mistaken or invented, the British government's perception of a German threat before 1914 was rooted in hard and credible intelligence.Less
Why did the British government declare war on Germany in August 1914? Was it because Germany posed a threat to British national security? Today many prominent historians would argue that this was not the case and that a million British citizens died needlessly in the trenches for a misguided cause. However, this book counters such revisionist arguments. It disputes the suggestion that the British government either got its facts wrong about the German threat or even, as some have claimed, deliberately ‘invented’ it in order to justify an otherwise unnecessary alignment with France and Russia. By examining the military and naval intelligence assessments forwarded from Germany to London by Britain's service attachés in Berlin, its ‘men on the spot’, this book clearly demonstrates that the British authorities had every reason to be alarmed. From these crucial intelligence documents, previously thought to have been lost, this book proves that in the decade before the First World War, the British government was kept well-informed about military and naval developments in the Reich. In particular, the attachés consistently warned that German ambitions to challenge Britain posed a real and imminent danger to national security. As a result, the book concludes that far from being mistaken or invented, the British government's perception of a German threat before 1914 was rooted in hard and credible intelligence.
Melissa Terras
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199204557
- eISBN:
- 9780191708121
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204557.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, British and Irish History: BCE to 500CE
The ink and stylus tablets discovered at the Roman fort of Vindolanda are a unique resource for scholars of ancient history. However, the stylus tablets in particular are extremely difficult to read. ...
More
The ink and stylus tablets discovered at the Roman fort of Vindolanda are a unique resource for scholars of ancient history. However, the stylus tablets in particular are extremely difficult to read. This book details the development of what appears to be the first system constructed to aid experts in the process of reading an ancient document, exploring the extent to which techniques from artificial intelligence can be used to develop a system that could aid historians in reading the stylus texts. Using knowledge elicitation techniques (borrowed from artificial intelligence and engineering science), a model is proposed for how experts construct a reading of a text. A prototype system is presented that can read in image data and produce realistic and plausible textual interpretations of the writing that appears on the documents. Incorporating knowledge elicited from experts working on the texts, and utilizing image processing techniques developed in engineering science to analyze the stylus tablets, the book includes a corpora of letter forms generated from the Vindolanda text corpus, and a detailed description of the architecture of the system. This research presents the first stages towards developing a cognitive visual system that can propagate realistic interpretations from image data.Less
The ink and stylus tablets discovered at the Roman fort of Vindolanda are a unique resource for scholars of ancient history. However, the stylus tablets in particular are extremely difficult to read. This book details the development of what appears to be the first system constructed to aid experts in the process of reading an ancient document, exploring the extent to which techniques from artificial intelligence can be used to develop a system that could aid historians in reading the stylus texts. Using knowledge elicitation techniques (borrowed from artificial intelligence and engineering science), a model is proposed for how experts construct a reading of a text. A prototype system is presented that can read in image data and produce realistic and plausible textual interpretations of the writing that appears on the documents. Incorporating knowledge elicited from experts working on the texts, and utilizing image processing techniques developed in engineering science to analyze the stylus tablets, the book includes a corpora of letter forms generated from the Vindolanda text corpus, and a detailed description of the architecture of the system. This research presents the first stages towards developing a cognitive visual system that can propagate realistic interpretations from image data.
Mark Connelly
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199278602
- eISBN:
- 9780191707056
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278602.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This book fully revises standard regimental history by establishing the framework and background to the regiment's role in the Great War. It tests the current theories about the British Army in the ...
More
This book fully revises standard regimental history by establishing the framework and background to the regiment's role in the Great War. It tests the current theories about the British Army in the war and some of the conclusions of modern military historians. In recent years, a fascinating reassessment of the combat performance of the British Army in the Great War has stressed the fact that the British Army ascended a ‘learning curve’ during the conflict resulting in a modern military machine of awesome power. Research carried out thus far has been on a grand scale with very few examinations of smaller units. This study of the battalion of the Buffs has tested these theoretical ideas. The central questions addressed in this study are: the factors that dominated the officer-man relationship during the war; how identity and combat efficiency was maintained in the light of heavy casualties; the relative importance of individual characters to the efficiency of a battalion as opposed to the ‘managerial structures’ of the BEF; the importance of brigade and division to the performance of a battalion; the effective understanding and deployment of new weapons; the reactions of individual men to the trials of war; and the personal and private reactions of the soldiers' communities in Kent. This book adds a significant new chapter to our understanding of the British army on the Western Front, and the way its home community in East Kent reacted to experience. It reveals the way in which the regiment adjusted to the shock of modern warfare, and the bloody learning curve the Buffs ascended as they shared the British Expeditionary Force's march towards final victory.Less
This book fully revises standard regimental history by establishing the framework and background to the regiment's role in the Great War. It tests the current theories about the British Army in the war and some of the conclusions of modern military historians. In recent years, a fascinating reassessment of the combat performance of the British Army in the Great War has stressed the fact that the British Army ascended a ‘learning curve’ during the conflict resulting in a modern military machine of awesome power. Research carried out thus far has been on a grand scale with very few examinations of smaller units. This study of the battalion of the Buffs has tested these theoretical ideas. The central questions addressed in this study are: the factors that dominated the officer-man relationship during the war; how identity and combat efficiency was maintained in the light of heavy casualties; the relative importance of individual characters to the efficiency of a battalion as opposed to the ‘managerial structures’ of the BEF; the importance of brigade and division to the performance of a battalion; the effective understanding and deployment of new weapons; the reactions of individual men to the trials of war; and the personal and private reactions of the soldiers' communities in Kent. This book adds a significant new chapter to our understanding of the British army on the Western Front, and the way its home community in East Kent reacted to experience. It reveals the way in which the regiment adjusted to the shock of modern warfare, and the bloody learning curve the Buffs ascended as they shared the British Expeditionary Force's march towards final victory.
Peter Flaschel and Alfred Greiner
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199751587
- eISBN:
- 9780199932825
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199751587.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
The conclusions summarize the main results. In particular, neither the Marx' reserve army mechanism nor mass unemployment as a disciplining device, as in Kalecki's work, are necessary for the ...
More
The conclusions summarize the main results. In particular, neither the Marx' reserve army mechanism nor mass unemployment as a disciplining device, as in Kalecki's work, are necessary for the functioning of a capitalistic system. The introduction of minimum and maximum real wages can attenuate the negative consequences of booms and recessions provided that markets, including the labor market, are sufficiently flexible implying that employers must not be constrained in their hiring and firing decisions. Further, lower and upper bounds for real wages can be seen as one ingredient of a flexicurity economy that intends to overcome the conflict between capital and labor. Thus, flexicurity capitalism can be considered as a Western type of competitive socialism, as envisaged by Schumpeter, that does not only successfully solve the coordination problem but also the incentive problem in the principal-agent scenario.Less
The conclusions summarize the main results. In particular, neither the Marx' reserve army mechanism nor mass unemployment as a disciplining device, as in Kalecki's work, are necessary for the functioning of a capitalistic system. The introduction of minimum and maximum real wages can attenuate the negative consequences of booms and recessions provided that markets, including the labor market, are sufficiently flexible implying that employers must not be constrained in their hiring and firing decisions. Further, lower and upper bounds for real wages can be seen as one ingredient of a flexicurity economy that intends to overcome the conflict between capital and labor. Thus, flexicurity capitalism can be considered as a Western type of competitive socialism, as envisaged by Schumpeter, that does not only successfully solve the coordination problem but also the incentive problem in the principal-agent scenario.
J. G. Fuller
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201786
- eISBN:
- 9780191675010
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201786.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
The front-line soldiers of the First World War endured appalling conditions in the trenches and suffered unprecedented slaughter in battle. Their morale, as much as the strategy of their commanders, ...
More
The front-line soldiers of the First World War endured appalling conditions in the trenches and suffered unprecedented slaughter in battle. Their morale, as much as the strategy of their commanders, played the crucial part in determining the outcome of ‘the war to end all wars’. This book examines the experience of the soldiers of the British and Dominion armies. How did the troops regard their plight? What did they think they were fighting for? The book draws on a variety of contemporary sources, including over a hundred magazines produced by the soldiers themselves. It looks at the trench journalism which played an important role in the lives of the ordinary soldiers. Other themes explored include the nature of patriotism, discipline, living conditions, and leisure activities such as sport, concert parties, and the music hall. The book's vivid study throws new light on the question of warfare, and in particular on how the British and Dominion armies differed from those of their allies and opponents, which were wracked by mutiny or defeat as the war went on.Less
The front-line soldiers of the First World War endured appalling conditions in the trenches and suffered unprecedented slaughter in battle. Their morale, as much as the strategy of their commanders, played the crucial part in determining the outcome of ‘the war to end all wars’. This book examines the experience of the soldiers of the British and Dominion armies. How did the troops regard their plight? What did they think they were fighting for? The book draws on a variety of contemporary sources, including over a hundred magazines produced by the soldiers themselves. It looks at the trench journalism which played an important role in the lives of the ordinary soldiers. Other themes explored include the nature of patriotism, discipline, living conditions, and leisure activities such as sport, concert parties, and the music hall. The book's vivid study throws new light on the question of warfare, and in particular on how the British and Dominion armies differed from those of their allies and opponents, which were wracked by mutiny or defeat as the war went on.
Karma Nabulsi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294078
- eISBN:
- 9780191599972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294077.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: ...
More
This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (Chapter 1), social (this chapter) and intellectual (Chapter 3). It explores the social history of army occupation and resistance to it in nineteenth century Europe – from the Napoleonic period to the Franco-Prussian war– and places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political context. In particular it examines the range of army practices under occupation, and the effect that they had on civilian life. The different sections of the chapter discuss: pillaging, looting, requisitions and billeting; reprisals; hostage-taking; types of civilian behaviour –obedience to the occupier, political and armed acts of resistance, organized acts of resistance –guerrillas and franc-tireurs; levee en masse and other assorted insurrections; ideologies of resistance; religion as a source of resistance; and the influence of nationalism and patriotism.Less
This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (Chapter 1), social (this chapter) and intellectual (Chapter 3). It explores the social history of army occupation and resistance to it in nineteenth century Europe – from the Napoleonic period to the Franco-Prussian war– and places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political context. In particular it examines the range of army practices under occupation, and the effect that they had on civilian life. The different sections of the chapter discuss: pillaging, looting, requisitions and billeting; reprisals; hostage-taking; types of civilian behaviour –obedience to the occupier, political and armed acts of resistance, organized acts of resistance –guerrillas and franc-tireurs; levee en masse and other assorted insurrections; ideologies of resistance; religion as a source of resistance; and the influence of nationalism and patriotism.
Omer Bartov
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195079036
- eISBN:
- 9780199854455
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195079036.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this ...
More
This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this book aims to challenge the notion that the German army during World War II was apolitical and to reveal how thoroughly permeated it was by Nazi ideology. Focusing on ordinary German soldiers on the Eastern front, the book shows how government propaganda and indoctrination motivated the troops not only to fight well but to commit unprecedented crimes against humanity. This institutionalized brainwashing revolved around two interrelated elements: the radical demonization of the Soviet enemy and the deification of the führer. Consequently, most of the troops believed the war in the Eastern theater was a struggle to dam the Jewish/Bolshevik/Asiatic flood that threatened Western civilization. This book demonstrates how Germany's soldiers were transformed into brutal instruments of a barbarous policy.Less
This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this book aims to challenge the notion that the German army during World War II was apolitical and to reveal how thoroughly permeated it was by Nazi ideology. Focusing on ordinary German soldiers on the Eastern front, the book shows how government propaganda and indoctrination motivated the troops not only to fight well but to commit unprecedented crimes against humanity. This institutionalized brainwashing revolved around two interrelated elements: the radical demonization of the Soviet enemy and the deification of the führer. Consequently, most of the troops believed the war in the Eastern theater was a struggle to dam the Jewish/Bolshevik/Asiatic flood that threatened Western civilization. This book demonstrates how Germany's soldiers were transformed into brutal instruments of a barbarous policy.
S. P. Mackenzie
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202448
- eISBN:
- 9780191675362
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202448.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
It was not until the 20th century, the era of total war, that ideological considerations became a real issue in Army education. Only with the appearance of mass conscript armies, at a time of general ...
More
It was not until the 20th century, the era of total war, that ideological considerations became a real issue in Army education. Only with the appearance of mass conscript armies, at a time of general literacy and increasingly direct political participation by the general population in the life of the nation, did attention seriously begin to focus on possible links between Army education, morale, and socio-political outlook. This book aims to explore these links by examining the reasons for, and the nature of, the various current-affairs and citizenship schemes put forward. The timeframe and layout chosen reflect the rise and decline of current-affairs and citizenship education within the Army, beginning with the first experiments in the latter part of the First World War and ending as the vestiges of the schemes of the Second World War passed away at the end of the 1940s.Less
It was not until the 20th century, the era of total war, that ideological considerations became a real issue in Army education. Only with the appearance of mass conscript armies, at a time of general literacy and increasingly direct political participation by the general population in the life of the nation, did attention seriously begin to focus on possible links between Army education, morale, and socio-political outlook. This book aims to explore these links by examining the reasons for, and the nature of, the various current-affairs and citizenship schemes put forward. The timeframe and layout chosen reflect the rise and decline of current-affairs and citizenship education within the Army, beginning with the first experiments in the latter part of the First World War and ending as the vestiges of the schemes of the Second World War passed away at the end of the 1940s.
Ronald Hutton
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203926
- eISBN:
- 9780191676048
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203926.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, History of Religion
At the close of his pioneering study of the period 1658–60, Godfrey Davies suggested six main reasons for the Restoration: the constant unpopularity of the army and of godly reform, the divisions of ...
More
At the close of his pioneering study of the period 1658–60, Godfrey Davies suggested six main reasons for the Restoration: the constant unpopularity of the army and of godly reform, the divisions of the republican leaders, the waning of ideological fervour among the soldiers, the lack of interest of the reformers in social evils, the corruption of ‘Puritanism’ by power, and the death of Cromwell who alone had sustained the Interregnum for so long. As the preceding chapter has reworked and supplemented the sources upon which that book was based, this chapter reconsiders these conclusions in turn.Less
At the close of his pioneering study of the period 1658–60, Godfrey Davies suggested six main reasons for the Restoration: the constant unpopularity of the army and of godly reform, the divisions of the republican leaders, the waning of ideological fervour among the soldiers, the lack of interest of the reformers in social evils, the corruption of ‘Puritanism’ by power, and the death of Cromwell who alone had sustained the Interregnum for so long. As the preceding chapter has reworked and supplemented the sources upon which that book was based, this chapter reconsiders these conclusions in turn.
Ashley Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207641
- eISBN:
- 9780191677762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207641.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
Generally, those who participated in the British army have articulated how they are proud to have been part of the efforts during the Second World War, and these men have rarely complained that they ...
More
Generally, those who participated in the British army have articulated how they are proud to have been part of the efforts during the Second World War, and these men have rarely complained that they were merely ‘used’. However, some of these veterans have expressed grievances, as they feel that their efforts and accomplishments had remained unrecognized by society, since their points of comparison are the modern-day reports of Botswana soldiers returning home from various missions with the United Nations. As such, this chapter includes the sentiments of these war veterans regarding how they barely receive any monetary compensation for their efforts, and that the earlier celebrations of their victories have come to an end.Less
Generally, those who participated in the British army have articulated how they are proud to have been part of the efforts during the Second World War, and these men have rarely complained that they were merely ‘used’. However, some of these veterans have expressed grievances, as they feel that their efforts and accomplishments had remained unrecognized by society, since their points of comparison are the modern-day reports of Botswana soldiers returning home from various missions with the United Nations. As such, this chapter includes the sentiments of these war veterans regarding how they barely receive any monetary compensation for their efforts, and that the earlier celebrations of their victories have come to an end.
Sarah Percy
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199214334
- eISBN:
- 9780191706608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214334.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the three arguments that seek to explain why states stopped using mercenaries in the 19th century. The first argument is largely realist, making the case that material changes ...
More
This chapter focuses on the three arguments that seek to explain why states stopped using mercenaries in the 19th century. The first argument is largely realist, making the case that material changes pressured states to adopt citizen armies. The second argument is based more on the role of ideas, arguing that the developing relationship between states and citizens and the increasing role of neutrality in international law combined to render the use of mercenaries obsolete. The third argument suggests that while ideas and material pressures are important antecedent conditions, the change to a citizen army is best explained by domestic politics and path dependency.Less
This chapter focuses on the three arguments that seek to explain why states stopped using mercenaries in the 19th century. The first argument is largely realist, making the case that material changes pressured states to adopt citizen armies. The second argument is based more on the role of ideas, arguing that the developing relationship between states and citizens and the increasing role of neutrality in international law combined to render the use of mercenaries obsolete. The third argument suggests that while ideas and material pressures are important antecedent conditions, the change to a citizen army is best explained by domestic politics and path dependency.
Nicholas Morris*
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the ...
More
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.Less
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.
S. P. Mackenzie
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202448
- eISBN:
- 9780191675362
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202448.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
Current-affairs and citizenship education in the Army did not overall produce the dramatic results forecast either by its more enthusiastic proponents or by its more ardent foes. It was the ...
More
Current-affairs and citizenship education in the Army did not overall produce the dramatic results forecast either by its more enthusiastic proponents or by its more ardent foes. It was the anticipated results, rather than the actual effect, which gave rise to sharp and sometimes bitter controversies. The development of current-affairs and citizenship education in the Army largely mirrored developments in society as a whole. The attention given to the citizen-soldier's political opinions in the latter part of the First World War and the demobilization period paralleled the increasing power and independence of ‘the common man’ and the authorities' uneasiness over signs of increasing militancy in the workforce. The weaving of socio-political considerations into the fabric of the various schemes was inextricably linked to the question of Army morale. Indeed, it was the need to improve morale which allowed this to happen at all.Less
Current-affairs and citizenship education in the Army did not overall produce the dramatic results forecast either by its more enthusiastic proponents or by its more ardent foes. It was the anticipated results, rather than the actual effect, which gave rise to sharp and sometimes bitter controversies. The development of current-affairs and citizenship education in the Army largely mirrored developments in society as a whole. The attention given to the citizen-soldier's political opinions in the latter part of the First World War and the demobilization period paralleled the increasing power and independence of ‘the common man’ and the authorities' uneasiness over signs of increasing militancy in the workforce. The weaving of socio-political considerations into the fabric of the various schemes was inextricably linked to the question of Army morale. Indeed, it was the need to improve morale which allowed this to happen at all.
Karma Nabulsi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294078
- eISBN:
- 9780191599972
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294077.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines wars and military occupation, and the ideas underlying them. The search for these ideas is conducted in the domain of the laws of war, a body of rules that sought to regulate the ...
More
This book examines wars and military occupation, and the ideas underlying them. The search for these ideas is conducted in the domain of the laws of war, a body of rules that sought to regulate the practices of war and those permitted to fight in it. This work introduces three ideologies: the martial, Grotian, and republican. These traditions were rooted in incommensurable conceptions of the good life, and the overall argument is that their differences lay at the heart of the failure fully to resolve the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants at successive diplomatic conferences of Brussels in 1874, the Hague in 1899 and 1907, and Geneva in 1949. Based on a wide range of sources and a plurality of intellectual disciplines, the book places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political contexts. By bringing out ideological continuities and drawing on the social history of army occupation in Europe and resistance to it, the book both challenges and illuminates the understanding of modern war.Less
This book examines wars and military occupation, and the ideas underlying them. The search for these ideas is conducted in the domain of the laws of war, a body of rules that sought to regulate the practices of war and those permitted to fight in it. This work introduces three ideologies: the martial, Grotian, and republican. These traditions were rooted in incommensurable conceptions of the good life, and the overall argument is that their differences lay at the heart of the failure fully to resolve the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants at successive diplomatic conferences of Brussels in 1874, the Hague in 1899 and 1907, and Geneva in 1949. Based on a wide range of sources and a plurality of intellectual disciplines, the book places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political contexts. By bringing out ideological continuities and drawing on the social history of army occupation in Europe and resistance to it, the book both challenges and illuminates the understanding of modern war.
Karma Nabulsi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294078
- eISBN:
- 9780191599972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294077.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the second of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the Groatian tradition, which is viewed as the most dominant and powerful of the traditions presented, and had as ...
More
This is the second of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the Groatian tradition, which is viewed as the most dominant and powerful of the traditions presented, and had as its primary source the Dutch diplomat, lawyer, poet, mathematician, theologian, and historian, Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). The objective of the chapter is to analyse this ideology, and show how its principles came to underpin the later Grotian rationale for the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants. The chapter begins by evoking the inherently enigmatic qualities of Grotius and the numerous (and often conflicting) traditions that he inspired; next the distinct properties of the Grotian tradition of war are set out and seen to consist of a singular legal discourse, a pluralist method, and a strong attachment to order and power. The core components of this ideology are then examined with reference to Grotian conceptions of human nature, government, and liberty; these elements are shown to provide the necessary foundations of Grotius’ conception of war, and in particular to inform the priority accorded to the rights of states and armies over those of civilian populations. The final section of the chapter examines how this ideology informed the practices and beliefs of the founders of the modern laws of war; these ideological changes highlight the adaptability of this tradition as it developed at the end of the nineteenth century, and defined the dominant paradigm of the laws of war.Less
This is the second of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the Groatian tradition, which is viewed as the most dominant and powerful of the traditions presented, and had as its primary source the Dutch diplomat, lawyer, poet, mathematician, theologian, and historian, Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). The objective of the chapter is to analyse this ideology, and show how its principles came to underpin the later Grotian rationale for the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants. The chapter begins by evoking the inherently enigmatic qualities of Grotius and the numerous (and often conflicting) traditions that he inspired; next the distinct properties of the Grotian tradition of war are set out and seen to consist of a singular legal discourse, a pluralist method, and a strong attachment to order and power. The core components of this ideology are then examined with reference to Grotian conceptions of human nature, government, and liberty; these elements are shown to provide the necessary foundations of Grotius’ conception of war, and in particular to inform the priority accorded to the rights of states and armies over those of civilian populations. The final section of the chapter examines how this ideology informed the practices and beliefs of the founders of the modern laws of war; these ideological changes highlight the adaptability of this tradition as it developed at the end of the nineteenth century, and defined the dominant paradigm of the laws of war.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280828
- eISBN:
- 9780191599965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280823.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The entire set of indicators and measures of consolidation and crisis is presented. The indicators and measures are systematically applied to the four Southern European cases (Portugal, Spain, Italy, ...
More
The entire set of indicators and measures of consolidation and crisis is presented. The indicators and measures are systematically applied to the four Southern European cases (Portugal, Spain, Italy, Greece). Consequently, a set of institutional, electoral, party, and elite dimensions is discussed with reference to the empirical cases.Less
The entire set of indicators and measures of consolidation and crisis is presented. The indicators and measures are systematically applied to the four Southern European cases (Portugal, Spain, Italy, Greece). Consequently, a set of institutional, electoral, party, and elite dimensions is discussed with reference to the empirical cases.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Explores segregation in the military and resistance to its abolition ever since the founding of the country and the War of Independence to President Truman's 1947 Committee on Civil Rights and well ...
More
Explores segregation in the military and resistance to its abolition ever since the founding of the country and the War of Independence to President Truman's 1947 Committee on Civil Rights and well into the 1960s. King examines original transcripts of testimony before Truman's committee and other investigations into segregation especially prior to and during the Second World War. He also looks at the policies and reports of the American Navy, Marine Corps, and the Army as well as those of Black American soldiers stationed abroad in Britain and Europe. Throughout the chapter, he traces the tensions arising from the war's premise to promote democracy in the new global community while tolerating the suppression of civil rights domestically.Less
Explores segregation in the military and resistance to its abolition ever since the founding of the country and the War of Independence to President Truman's 1947 Committee on Civil Rights and well into the 1960s. King examines original transcripts of testimony before Truman's committee and other investigations into segregation especially prior to and during the Second World War. He also looks at the policies and reports of the American Navy, Marine Corps, and the Army as well as those of Black American soldiers stationed abroad in Britain and Europe. Throughout the chapter, he traces the tensions arising from the war's premise to promote democracy in the new global community while tolerating the suppression of civil rights domestically.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 7 and the corresponding Ch. 12 in Part Three of the book present the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, with this chapter looking ...
More
Chapter 7 and the corresponding Ch. 12 in Part Three of the book present the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, with this chapter looking closely at Antifederalist objections to the military clauses of the US Constitution. The opponents of the Constitution never accepted the Federalist claim that the independence, liberty, and prosperity of the American republic depended on the creation and maintenance of a peace establishment consisting of regular troops, and did not believe that the union faced as serious threats as the Federalists claimed, keeping to the view that standing armies in time of peace were a threat to liberty. Both ancient and modern history had taught that “almost all” nations in Europe and Asia had lost their liberty because of the establishment of a standing army, so it hardly made sense for Americans to imitate them. To Antifederalists, it seemed that if the military clauses of the Constitution were adopted and the Federalists realized their plan to raise a standing army, the people of America would soon find that the Constitution's supporters would make use of it on the domestic rather than the international scene. The Antifederalist criticism of the army clauses therefore said little about commercial treaties and the importance of military strength in international relations; instead, they approached the issue from the traditional British Country perspective, claiming that standing armies in time of peace posed a threat to liberty, that transfer of military power from the states to Congress threatened both the state militia and the state assemblies, and that a standing army would make it possible for the national government to deprive people of their property without their consent by levying and collecting arbitrary taxes – in other words, a standing army in a time of peace was to the Antifederalists an objection to the centralization of power at the expense of the people's ability to withhold consent through their control of strong local institutions.Less
Chapter 7 and the corresponding Ch. 12 in Part Three of the book present the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, with this chapter looking closely at Antifederalist objections to the military clauses of the US Constitution. The opponents of the Constitution never accepted the Federalist claim that the independence, liberty, and prosperity of the American republic depended on the creation and maintenance of a peace establishment consisting of regular troops, and did not believe that the union faced as serious threats as the Federalists claimed, keeping to the view that standing armies in time of peace were a threat to liberty. Both ancient and modern history had taught that “almost all” nations in Europe and Asia had lost their liberty because of the establishment of a standing army, so it hardly made sense for Americans to imitate them. To Antifederalists, it seemed that if the military clauses of the Constitution were adopted and the Federalists realized their plan to raise a standing army, the people of America would soon find that the Constitution's supporters would make use of it on the domestic rather than the international scene. The Antifederalist criticism of the army clauses therefore said little about commercial treaties and the importance of military strength in international relations; instead, they approached the issue from the traditional British Country perspective, claiming that standing armies in time of peace posed a threat to liberty, that transfer of military power from the states to Congress threatened both the state militia and the state assemblies, and that a standing army would make it possible for the national government to deprive people of their property without their consent by levying and collecting arbitrary taxes – in other words, a standing army in a time of peace was to the Antifederalists an objection to the centralization of power at the expense of the people's ability to withhold consent through their control of strong local institutions.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 8 and the corresponding Ch. 13 in Part Three of the book show how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, ...
More
Chapter 8 and the corresponding Ch. 13 in Part Three of the book show how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In their defense of the military clauses of the US Constitution, the Federalists argued for the need to maintain a peace establishment of regulars, also arguing that the national government had to possess an unrestricted power over mobilization; in Federalist minds, both military professionalism and the unlimited power over mobilization were necessary to preserve the independence, liberties, and interests of the American nation. The Antifederalists, by contrast, raised objections to the right of Congress to create and maintain a standing army in time of peace, and were also concerned about the unrestricted nature of Congress's military powers. Their objections can be subsumed under three headings: first, they believed that the new system of government would change the administration of the laws from an administration based on the consent of the governed to an administration based on coercion or the threat of force; second, they believed that the national government would create a large army while neglecting the state militia, so that as a consequence, the national government would become independent of the people and be able to establish tyrannical rule; and third, the critics of the Constitution believed that Congress had been granted too much power to interfere in the private lives of the citizens through its command over the militia. In the debate over ratification, the Federalists answered these objections, and in doing so, they argued that it was possible to create a strong state without abandoning traditional Anglo‐American ideals about free government; their answers are the subject of this chapter.Less
Chapter 8 and the corresponding Ch. 13 in Part Three of the book show how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In their defense of the military clauses of the US Constitution, the Federalists argued for the need to maintain a peace establishment of regulars, also arguing that the national government had to possess an unrestricted power over mobilization; in Federalist minds, both military professionalism and the unlimited power over mobilization were necessary to preserve the independence, liberties, and interests of the American nation. The Antifederalists, by contrast, raised objections to the right of Congress to create and maintain a standing army in time of peace, and were also concerned about the unrestricted nature of Congress's military powers. Their objections can be subsumed under three headings: first, they believed that the new system of government would change the administration of the laws from an administration based on the consent of the governed to an administration based on coercion or the threat of force; second, they believed that the national government would create a large army while neglecting the state militia, so that as a consequence, the national government would become independent of the people and be able to establish tyrannical rule; and third, the critics of the Constitution believed that Congress had been granted too much power to interfere in the private lives of the citizens through its command over the militia. In the debate over ratification, the Federalists answered these objections, and in doing so, they argued that it was possible to create a strong state without abandoning traditional Anglo‐American ideals about free government; their answers are the subject of this chapter.
