Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the ...
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Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.Less
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like ...
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Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like multinational corporations: they operate on a global theatre; their manpower is international in outlook; and their governing structures are increasingly similar. Mutatis mutandis, they have moved towards small all-volunteer forces (or an all-volunteer core), covering a wide spectrum of tasks, and usually intervening in a multinational context in missions that are only loosely related to “national” defense. To a large extent, this international defense field stabilized around NATO institutions, rules, and social representations.Less
Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like multinational corporations: they operate on a global theatre; their manpower is international in outlook; and their governing structures are increasingly similar. Mutatis mutandis, they have moved towards small all-volunteer forces (or an all-volunteer core), covering a wide spectrum of tasks, and usually intervening in a multinational context in missions that are only loosely related to “national” defense. To a large extent, this international defense field stabilized around NATO institutions, rules, and social representations.
Nils Melzer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533169
- eISBN:
- 9780191714511
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533169.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter examines the principle of distinction in contemporary International Humanitarian Law (IHL). As a general rule, the principle of distinction permits direct attacks only against the armed ...
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This chapter examines the principle of distinction in contemporary International Humanitarian Law (IHL). As a general rule, the principle of distinction permits direct attacks only against the armed forces of the parties to the conflict, while the peaceful civilian population must be spared and protected against the effects of the hostilities. This chapter first distinguishes and defines the notions of civilian, member of the armed forces and combatant under the law governing both in international and non-international armed conflict, clarifies when civilians can be regarded as directly participating in hostilities entailing loss of protection against direct attack, and also examines various aspects of the duty to avoid "collateral damage", which is inherent in the principle of distinction.Less
This chapter examines the principle of distinction in contemporary International Humanitarian Law (IHL). As a general rule, the principle of distinction permits direct attacks only against the armed forces of the parties to the conflict, while the peaceful civilian population must be spared and protected against the effects of the hostilities. This chapter first distinguishes and defines the notions of civilian, member of the armed forces and combatant under the law governing both in international and non-international armed conflict, clarifies when civilians can be regarded as directly participating in hostilities entailing loss of protection against direct attack, and also examines various aspects of the duty to avoid "collateral damage", which is inherent in the principle of distinction.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses three Asian states: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The “good” case, South Korea, has been remarkably successful in consolidating democracy and carving out a proper place ...
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This chapter discusses three Asian states: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The “good” case, South Korea, has been remarkably successful in consolidating democracy and carving out a proper place in the new institutional architecture for its armed forces. The “bad” case is Thailand where, after a promising though difficult fifteen-year democratization process, the military overthrew the elected government in 2006. Finally, the “interesting” case is Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim-majority state, where, against the expectations of most experts, the armed forces' political presence and influence have gradually diminished since 1998. The chapter explains why Korean officers have become the servants of the state, why their Indonesian colleagues have more or less given up their intention to run their country, and why members of the Royal Thai Armed Forces (RTAF) have been far more reluctant to relinquish their political role.Less
This chapter discusses three Asian states: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The “good” case, South Korea, has been remarkably successful in consolidating democracy and carving out a proper place in the new institutional architecture for its armed forces. The “bad” case is Thailand where, after a promising though difficult fifteen-year democratization process, the military overthrew the elected government in 2006. Finally, the “interesting” case is Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim-majority state, where, against the expectations of most experts, the armed forces' political presence and influence have gradually diminished since 1998. The chapter explains why Korean officers have become the servants of the state, why their Indonesian colleagues have more or less given up their intention to run their country, and why members of the Royal Thai Armed Forces (RTAF) have been far more reluctant to relinquish their political role.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the democratization of civil–military relations in two former fascist dictatorships, postwar Germany and Japan, whose armies had destroyed and terrorized large swathes of the ...
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This chapter examines the democratization of civil–military relations in two former fascist dictatorships, postwar Germany and Japan, whose armies had destroyed and terrorized large swathes of the surrounding territory. The creation of lasting democratic regimes on the ashes of these dictatorships stands as the signal achievement of democracy promotion. An important part of this process was the building of the new West German and Japanese armed forces. On the other hand, Hungary after World War II illustrates the trajectory of military politics in numerous European states where domestic political forces were defeated by the Soviet Union and its native communist puppets. The chapter then considers the evolution of Hungarian civil–military relations from the end of the war until the March 1953 death of Joseph Stalin, which is a suitable point to mark the consolidation of the Soviet-controlled communist regime and the completion of the armed forces' transformation.Less
This chapter examines the democratization of civil–military relations in two former fascist dictatorships, postwar Germany and Japan, whose armies had destroyed and terrorized large swathes of the surrounding territory. The creation of lasting democratic regimes on the ashes of these dictatorships stands as the signal achievement of democracy promotion. An important part of this process was the building of the new West German and Japanese armed forces. On the other hand, Hungary after World War II illustrates the trajectory of military politics in numerous European states where domestic political forces were defeated by the Soviet Union and its native communist puppets. The chapter then considers the evolution of Hungarian civil–military relations from the end of the war until the March 1953 death of Joseph Stalin, which is a suitable point to mark the consolidation of the Soviet-controlled communist regime and the completion of the armed forces' transformation.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how ...
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Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how the two major parties in the conservative governing coalition (Liberals and Progressive Democrats) became actively involved in negotiations over the exact terms of Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces, and the disposition of imperial property. It also recounts how Colonel Kades, somewhat reluctantly, brought forward several amendments demanded by the Allied member‐nations on the Far Eastern Commission, including one providing that only “civilians” could serve in the cabinet. Finally, it summarizes the proceedings of Saturday, August 24, a time for soaring eloquence and the final vote in the House of Representatives.Less
Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how the two major parties in the conservative governing coalition (Liberals and Progressive Democrats) became actively involved in negotiations over the exact terms of Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces, and the disposition of imperial property. It also recounts how Colonel Kades, somewhat reluctantly, brought forward several amendments demanded by the Allied member‐nations on the Far Eastern Commission, including one providing that only “civilians” could serve in the cabinet. Finally, it summarizes the proceedings of Saturday, August 24, a time for soaring eloquence and the final vote in the House of Representatives.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were ...
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This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were not committed to democracy and, in Ghana's case, not even to civilian rule. Unlike Ghana, Tanzania was successful in establishing civilian control over the armed forces. Civilian control must not be confused with democratic control, however. In Tanzania, civilian control was unitary, the party-state's domination of the armed forces hardly surprising considering there was no independent legislature, judiciary, or any other political organization free of TANU/CCM control. Tanzania's example demonstrates that civilian control can be successful while incorporating the armed forces into the general political arena. Botswana's situation is similar to Tanzania's insofar as one party has ruled the country since independence, but with the major difference that in Botswana, during the same time period, free elections have been held at regular intervals.Less
This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were not committed to democracy and, in Ghana's case, not even to civilian rule. Unlike Ghana, Tanzania was successful in establishing civilian control over the armed forces. Civilian control must not be confused with democratic control, however. In Tanzania, civilian control was unitary, the party-state's domination of the armed forces hardly surprising considering there was no independent legislature, judiciary, or any other political organization free of TANU/CCM control. Tanzania's example demonstrates that civilian control can be successful while incorporating the armed forces into the general political arena. Botswana's situation is similar to Tanzania's insofar as one party has ruled the country since independence, but with the major difference that in Botswana, during the same time period, free elections have been held at regular intervals.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses three different but equally intriguing cases where two entities are brought together or brought together again. In that of Germany, the armed forces of the newly reunified ...
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This chapter discusses three different but equally intriguing cases where two entities are brought together or brought together again. In that of Germany, the armed forces of the newly reunified state reflected the outcome of the Cold War: very little remained that could remind one of the former army of East Germany. In Yemen, North and South Yemen—two Cold War adversaries—fought against each other in brief wars before they became unified. South Africa is a unique case because its borders did not change though a large segment of the population previously excluded from official politics and the armed forces was not only made a part of them but became the dominantpart. The similarity in all three cases is the combining of two separate and dissimilar components in a new, single political entity. Moreover, in all three, the two parts brought together had been enemies who fought against each other or were trained to do so.Less
This chapter discusses three different but equally intriguing cases where two entities are brought together or brought together again. In that of Germany, the armed forces of the newly reunified state reflected the outcome of the Cold War: very little remained that could remind one of the former army of East Germany. In Yemen, North and South Yemen—two Cold War adversaries—fought against each other in brief wars before they became unified. South Africa is a unique case because its borders did not change though a large segment of the population previously excluded from official politics and the armed forces was not only made a part of them but became the dominantpart. The similarity in all three cases is the combining of two separate and dissimilar components in a new, single political entity. Moreover, in all three, the two parts brought together had been enemies who fought against each other or were trained to do so.
Ronald Inglehart
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presents an analysis of the reasons for the post‐modern shift to declining respect for/deference to authority among the publics of advanced industrial societies, and of the accompanying growing ...
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Presents an analysis of the reasons for the post‐modern shift to declining respect for/deference to authority among the publics of advanced industrial societies, and of the accompanying growing support for democracy. The early sections discuss: the changing emphasis on key aspects of life during the shift from modernization to post‐modernization; the authoritarian reflex that occurs in periods of rapid change and insecurity—in contrast to the greater emphasis on individual autonomy and diminishing deference to authority under conditions of prosperity and security that occurs in the post‐modern shift; and declining confidence in hierarchical institutions in post‐modern societies. The later part of the chapter examines predicted and observed changes in cross‐national norms concerning the authority using data from the three waves of the World Values Survey (1981–1997). Using these same data, it also examines the decline of confidence in the most hierarchical institutions of the survey countries over this time period—i.e. the armed forces, the police, and the church, and looks at support for strong leadership in relation to percentage priority to post‐materialist goals.Less
Presents an analysis of the reasons for the post‐modern shift to declining respect for/deference to authority among the publics of advanced industrial societies, and of the accompanying growing support for democracy. The early sections discuss: the changing emphasis on key aspects of life during the shift from modernization to post‐modernization; the authoritarian reflex that occurs in periods of rapid change and insecurity—in contrast to the greater emphasis on individual autonomy and diminishing deference to authority under conditions of prosperity and security that occurs in the post‐modern shift; and declining confidence in hierarchical institutions in post‐modern societies. The later part of the chapter examines predicted and observed changes in cross‐national norms concerning the authority using data from the three waves of the World Values Survey (1981–1997). Using these same data, it also examines the decline of confidence in the most hierarchical institutions of the survey countries over this time period—i.e. the armed forces, the police, and the church, and looks at support for strong leadership in relation to percentage priority to post‐materialist goals.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador ...
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This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador (1979–92). Although the objective in both Bosnia and El Salvador was to develop a democratic army in the wake of the civil war, it has not been achieved fully in either setting. Lebanon is unique not just in the category of post-civil war army building but because it is an outlier in the entire group of twenty-seven cases studied in two important respects. First, in the first fifteen years after the civil war, a foreign army of Syria controlled some of Lebanon's territory and was instrumental in rebuilding the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF). Second, aside from the state-controlled LAF, another local, contending or complementary and yet legitimate military force has functioned in the country: the militia of Hezbollah, a Shi'a Islamist political and paramilitary organization.Less
This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador (1979–92). Although the objective in both Bosnia and El Salvador was to develop a democratic army in the wake of the civil war, it has not been achieved fully in either setting. Lebanon is unique not just in the category of post-civil war army building but because it is an outlier in the entire group of twenty-seven cases studied in two important respects. First, in the first fifteen years after the civil war, a foreign army of Syria controlled some of Lebanon's territory and was instrumental in rebuilding the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF). Second, aside from the state-controlled LAF, another local, contending or complementary and yet legitimate military force has functioned in the country: the militia of Hezbollah, a Shi'a Islamist political and paramilitary organization.
Jan‐Erik Lane, David McKay, and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198280538
- eISBN:
- 9780191601934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019828053X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This section presents employment statistics on OECD countries. It features tables on labour force, employment by sectors, armed forces, producers of government services, government employment, ...
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This section presents employment statistics on OECD countries. It features tables on labour force, employment by sectors, armed forces, producers of government services, government employment, unemployment, and industrial disputes.Less
This section presents employment statistics on OECD countries. It features tables on labour force, employment by sectors, armed forces, producers of government services, government employment, unemployment, and industrial disputes.
David Ellwood
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198228790
- eISBN:
- 9780191741739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228790.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, American History: 20th Century
The chapter debates the role of the US armed services as transmission agents for American models of modernity, conscious and otherwise, and their reception as such in a variety of European contexts ...
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The chapter debates the role of the US armed services as transmission agents for American models of modernity, conscious and otherwise, and their reception as such in a variety of European contexts from 1943 onwards. The evidence suggests that the Americans brought to the war a variety of distinctive features, of which the most obvious were their opulence and technological grandeur, coupled with a fine sense of detachment regarding the meaning of the conflict for the war torn lands and peoples of western Europe. For their part these peoples projected on the Americans a series of hopes, fears and prejudices, so that when the two sides finally met on the ground before (in the British case) or at the moment of liberation, a great range of experiences emerged, by no means always corresponding to what was expected. Young women bore the brunt of the encounter more than anyone, and were often changed by what they lived through. But the Americans too were forced to adapt as they moved forward from liberation to occupation and back again, and then to nation-building in the cases of Austria and Germany. These were great tasks that they were not prepared for, least of all in a context of radical alientation from their erstwhile ally, the Soviet Union.Less
The chapter debates the role of the US armed services as transmission agents for American models of modernity, conscious and otherwise, and their reception as such in a variety of European contexts from 1943 onwards. The evidence suggests that the Americans brought to the war a variety of distinctive features, of which the most obvious were their opulence and technological grandeur, coupled with a fine sense of detachment regarding the meaning of the conflict for the war torn lands and peoples of western Europe. For their part these peoples projected on the Americans a series of hopes, fears and prejudices, so that when the two sides finally met on the ground before (in the British case) or at the moment of liberation, a great range of experiences emerged, by no means always corresponding to what was expected. Young women bore the brunt of the encounter more than anyone, and were often changed by what they lived through. But the Americans too were forced to adapt as they moved forward from liberation to occupation and back again, and then to nation-building in the cases of Austria and Germany. These were great tasks that they were not prepared for, least of all in a context of radical alientation from their erstwhile ally, the Soviet Union.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is ...
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The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is important to recognize that the postwar Constitution emerged from a collaboration – one might almost say a conspiracy – between American and Japanese leaders, personified by General MacArthur and Prime Minister Yoshida.Less
The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is important to recognize that the postwar Constitution emerged from a collaboration – one might almost say a conspiracy – between American and Japanese leaders, personified by General MacArthur and Prime Minister Yoshida.
Julian Rivers
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199226108
- eISBN:
- 9780191594243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226108.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
Chaplaincies are a familiar feature of public institutions such as the armed forces, prisons, hospitals, universities, and other professional and industrial contexts. This chapter sets out and ...
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Chaplaincies are a familiar feature of public institutions such as the armed forces, prisons, hospitals, universities, and other professional and industrial contexts. This chapter sets out and compares the law of chaplaincies in these different areas. It observes that although the density of regulation varies considerably, similar process of change can be observed: a significant growth of employed chaplains after the mid-20th century, and a concerted effort to open up chaplaincies to non-Christian religions after the turn of the millennium. The provision of chaplaincies has an important human rights dimension, and the relevant law is explained. This cannot be understood merely as an individual right of access to spiritual assistance, but requires positive structuring by the state in collaboration with organized religions.Less
Chaplaincies are a familiar feature of public institutions such as the armed forces, prisons, hospitals, universities, and other professional and industrial contexts. This chapter sets out and compares the law of chaplaincies in these different areas. It observes that although the density of regulation varies considerably, similar process of change can be observed: a significant growth of employed chaplains after the mid-20th century, and a concerted effort to open up chaplaincies to non-Christian religions after the turn of the millennium. The provision of chaplaincies has an important human rights dimension, and the relevant law is explained. This cannot be understood merely as an individual right of access to spiritual assistance, but requires positive structuring by the state in collaboration with organized religions.
Luisa Vierucci
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199604555
- eISBN:
- 9780191725180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199604555.003.0013
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
The ius ad bellum analysis hinges upon the distinction between the right of the government to make recourse to private military and security companies (PMSCs) to maintain internal law and order or to ...
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The ius ad bellum analysis hinges upon the distinction between the right of the government to make recourse to private military and security companies (PMSCs) to maintain internal law and order or to repel an aggression and the prohibition to use PMSC for combat purposes or other action on the part of armed groups. Several arguments are presented to the effect that the right of the government to use foreign armed force, including services provided by PMSCs, is subject to a number of limitations. As to the ius in bello inquiry, the analysis of the notion of armed forces as applicable in a non-international armed conflict shows that in very few instances can PMSC members fall under the category of a state's armed forces. The vast majority of PMSC members qualify as civilians. The question of the responsibility of armed groups for which PMSCs provide services is also examined.Less
The ius ad bellum analysis hinges upon the distinction between the right of the government to make recourse to private military and security companies (PMSCs) to maintain internal law and order or to repel an aggression and the prohibition to use PMSC for combat purposes or other action on the part of armed groups. Several arguments are presented to the effect that the right of the government to use foreign armed force, including services provided by PMSCs, is subject to a number of limitations. As to the ius in bello inquiry, the analysis of the notion of armed forces as applicable in a non-international armed conflict shows that in very few instances can PMSC members fall under the category of a state's armed forces. The vast majority of PMSC members qualify as civilians. The question of the responsibility of armed groups for which PMSCs provide services is also examined.
John Landers
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199279579
- eISBN:
- 9780191719448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199279579.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, Social History, Economic History
The components of armed force are technology, manpower, and economic resources of various kinds. Committing manpower and economic resources to war requires diverting them from the productive economy. ...
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The components of armed force are technology, manpower, and economic resources of various kinds. Committing manpower and economic resources to war requires diverting them from the productive economy. The French demographic economist Alfred Sauvy constructed a form of optimum population model that explains the salient features of the concrete relationships between population growth and the commitment of manpower and resources to war. This schematic model predicts that the relative size of armed forces should change with changing demographic conditions. Quantitatively speaking, military manpower commitments varied greatly in both absolute and relative terms, but the nature of the commitment also varied. The effect of changing troop strengths and investment on military effectiveness depends on the prior level of the variables themselves and the nature of the prevailing military technology. The process of raising, maintaining, and deploying military force required the commitment of men and resources.Less
The components of armed force are technology, manpower, and economic resources of various kinds. Committing manpower and economic resources to war requires diverting them from the productive economy. The French demographic economist Alfred Sauvy constructed a form of optimum population model that explains the salient features of the concrete relationships between population growth and the commitment of manpower and resources to war. This schematic model predicts that the relative size of armed forces should change with changing demographic conditions. Quantitatively speaking, military manpower commitments varied greatly in both absolute and relative terms, but the nature of the commitment also varied. The effect of changing troop strengths and investment on military effectiveness depends on the prior level of the variables themselves and the nature of the prevailing military technology. The process of raising, maintaining, and deploying military force required the commitment of men and resources.
Mark A. Drumbl
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199592654
- eISBN:
- 9780191738807
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199592654.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
How do children come to be associated with armed forces or armed groups? Once there, which roles do they serve? What do they do and how are they used? What is known about why some child soldiers ...
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How do children come to be associated with armed forces or armed groups? Once there, which roles do they serve? What do they do and how are they used? What is known about why some child soldiers become implicated in acts of extraordinary international criminality? This chapter addresses these questions by bringing into sharper relief a variety of accounts that, to date, the international legal imagination has tended to neglect. Although drawing from the experiences of child soldiers in many of the world's regions, the chapter focuses on atrocity-producing conflicts that have become internationally judicialized and in whose aftermath considerable efforts have been undertaken to reintegrate demobilized or released child soldiers. These accounts mainly concern persons under the age of eighteen at the time of their association with armed forces or armed groups. It is argued that it is wrong to typecast all children associated with armed forces implicated in acts of atrocity as faultless passive victims or to collectivize them as demons and irredeemable thugs.Less
How do children come to be associated with armed forces or armed groups? Once there, which roles do they serve? What do they do and how are they used? What is known about why some child soldiers become implicated in acts of extraordinary international criminality? This chapter addresses these questions by bringing into sharper relief a variety of accounts that, to date, the international legal imagination has tended to neglect. Although drawing from the experiences of child soldiers in many of the world's regions, the chapter focuses on atrocity-producing conflicts that have become internationally judicialized and in whose aftermath considerable efforts have been undertaken to reintegrate demobilized or released child soldiers. These accounts mainly concern persons under the age of eighteen at the time of their association with armed forces or armed groups. It is argued that it is wrong to typecast all children associated with armed forces implicated in acts of atrocity as faultless passive victims or to collectivize them as demons and irredeemable thugs.
Martin van Creveld
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199608638
- eISBN:
- 9780191731754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608638.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In Chapter 10, Martin van Creveld focuses on grand strategy and military strategy in the First and Second World Wars. He first examines the similarities between the two wars at the highest level: ‘to ...
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In Chapter 10, Martin van Creveld focuses on grand strategy and military strategy in the First and Second World Wars. He first examines the similarities between the two wars at the highest level: ‘to wit, the one where national policy and politics, strategy, diplomacy, economics and mobilization meet and interact’. The second part of the chapter discusses the military strategy of the principal belligerents. The author highlights the differences between the two wars, the role of armoured formations on the ground, naval warfare, and the extensive use of air power. He maintains that, in reality, these two total wars should be seen as parts of a single protracted struggle of attrition, with victory ultimately gained by the side with greater resources in terms of bigger military forces (army, navy, and air force), backed by larger populations, a stronger military‐industrial base for scientific research and production, and greater economic leverage.Less
In Chapter 10, Martin van Creveld focuses on grand strategy and military strategy in the First and Second World Wars. He first examines the similarities between the two wars at the highest level: ‘to wit, the one where national policy and politics, strategy, diplomacy, economics and mobilization meet and interact’. The second part of the chapter discusses the military strategy of the principal belligerents. The author highlights the differences between the two wars, the role of armoured formations on the ground, naval warfare, and the extensive use of air power. He maintains that, in reality, these two total wars should be seen as parts of a single protracted struggle of attrition, with victory ultimately gained by the side with greater resources in terms of bigger military forces (army, navy, and air force), backed by larger populations, a stronger military‐industrial base for scientific research and production, and greater economic leverage.
Azar Gat
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207153
- eISBN:
- 9780191677519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207153.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Military History, History of Ideas
German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf ...
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German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf Hitler only became significant political forces in the beginning of the 1930s. Their emergence to power only came about when a complex circumstance catapulted them into power hence paving an excuse where they can exhibit their gruesomeness in a grand scale manner. This chapter discusses the emergence of German right-wing radicalism which took shape in the late nineteenth century in the wake of Germany's industrialization. This chapter focuses on Adolf Hitler's regime and its attitude towards modernist fascism. Of all fascist movements, Hitler's regime was the least modern. Hitler suppressed the most radical and avant-garde elements of his movements after assuming power. On the other hand, Hitler and his regime exalted the most spectacular and dynamic products of technology. They associated themselves with and made extensive use of aircraft and fast car. Nazism and the orientation of the right-wing radicals within the armed forces redirected German rearmament towards modern means of war, revolutionary doctrines, and radical operational schemes.Less
German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf Hitler only became significant political forces in the beginning of the 1930s. Their emergence to power only came about when a complex circumstance catapulted them into power hence paving an excuse where they can exhibit their gruesomeness in a grand scale manner. This chapter discusses the emergence of German right-wing radicalism which took shape in the late nineteenth century in the wake of Germany's industrialization. This chapter focuses on Adolf Hitler's regime and its attitude towards modernist fascism. Of all fascist movements, Hitler's regime was the least modern. Hitler suppressed the most radical and avant-garde elements of his movements after assuming power. On the other hand, Hitler and his regime exalted the most spectacular and dynamic products of technology. They associated themselves with and made extensive use of aircraft and fast car. Nazism and the orientation of the right-wing radicals within the armed forces redirected German rearmament towards modern means of war, revolutionary doctrines, and radical operational schemes.
Bernhard R. Kroener
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202141
- eISBN:
- 9780191675188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202141.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines the military society in modern European states during the 18th century. It attempts to answer the question whether the early modern state created a military instrument ...
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This chapter examines the military society in modern European states during the 18th century. It attempts to answer the question whether the early modern state created a military instrument commensurate with its ambitions in the realm of power politics or whether the exigencies of martial rationality militarized the machinery of power in Europe from the 16th century onwards. It suggests that the correlation between the constitution of the state and that of the army, and between the armed forces and society, was an essential characteristic of the rise, maturity, and fall of the early modern state.Less
This chapter examines the military society in modern European states during the 18th century. It attempts to answer the question whether the early modern state created a military instrument commensurate with its ambitions in the realm of power politics or whether the exigencies of martial rationality militarized the machinery of power in Europe from the 16th century onwards. It suggests that the correlation between the constitution of the state and that of the army, and between the armed forces and society, was an essential characteristic of the rise, maturity, and fall of the early modern state.
