Emily Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
Currently, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) also known as the law of armed conflict, makes the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. International armed ...
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Currently, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) also known as the law of armed conflict, makes the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. International armed conflicts are regulated by more treaties than their non-international counterparts. Furthermore, the regulation of international armed conflicts is also considerably more comprehensive than that offered for participants in and victims of non-international armed conflicts. This book asks whether the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts remains viable or whether international law should move to maintain its consonance with the situations it seeks to regulate by developing a unified legal regime applicable in all armed conflicts. There is considerable precedent to support moves towards the elimination of the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. This book argues that IHL, a law which has, as one of its primary aims, the protection of the person in times of armed conflict, should not distinguish between types of armed conflict, specifically in how the law treats the vulnerable in times of armed conflict – those hors de combat due to illness and injury, and those deprived of their liberty through capture or surrenderLess
Currently, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) also known as the law of armed conflict, makes the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. International armed conflicts are regulated by more treaties than their non-international counterparts. Furthermore, the regulation of international armed conflicts is also considerably more comprehensive than that offered for participants in and victims of non-international armed conflicts. This book asks whether the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts remains viable or whether international law should move to maintain its consonance with the situations it seeks to regulate by developing a unified legal regime applicable in all armed conflicts. There is considerable precedent to support moves towards the elimination of the legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. This book argues that IHL, a law which has, as one of its primary aims, the protection of the person in times of armed conflict, should not distinguish between types of armed conflict, specifically in how the law treats the vulnerable in times of armed conflict – those hors de combat due to illness and injury, and those deprived of their liberty through capture or surrender
William Boothby
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199569946
- eISBN:
- 9780191705250
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199569946.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This book is about the law of armed conflict governing the use of weapons. It interprets these rules and discusses the factors influencing future developments in weapons law. After relating the ...
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This book is about the law of armed conflict governing the use of weapons. It interprets these rules and discusses the factors influencing future developments in weapons law. After relating the historical evolution of weapons law, the book discusses the important customary principles that are the foundation of the subject, and gives a condensed account of the law that exists on the use of weapons. Thereafter, the treaties and customary rules applying to particular categories of weapon are stated and explained article by article and rule by rule in a series of chapters. The legal review of weapons is also discussed, both from the perspective of how such reviews should be undertaken and how such a system should be established. Having stated the law as it is, the book then discusses the way in which this dynamic field of international law develops in the light of various influences. In the final chapter, the prospects for future rule change are discussed. The focus of this book is thus more specific and detailed than that of the more general texts on the law of armed conflict. Throughout this book, a conscious effort has been made to explain the law as it applies to all states.Less
This book is about the law of armed conflict governing the use of weapons. It interprets these rules and discusses the factors influencing future developments in weapons law. After relating the historical evolution of weapons law, the book discusses the important customary principles that are the foundation of the subject, and gives a condensed account of the law that exists on the use of weapons. Thereafter, the treaties and customary rules applying to particular categories of weapon are stated and explained article by article and rule by rule in a series of chapters. The legal review of weapons is also discussed, both from the perspective of how such reviews should be undertaken and how such a system should be established. Having stated the law as it is, the book then discusses the way in which this dynamic field of international law develops in the light of various influences. In the final chapter, the prospects for future rule change are discussed. The focus of this book is thus more specific and detailed than that of the more general texts on the law of armed conflict. Throughout this book, a conscious effort has been made to explain the law as it applies to all states.
Richard Whitley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199205172
- eISBN:
- 9780191709555
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199205172.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter discusses the four ideal types of states (arm's length, dominant developmental, business corporatist, and inclusive corporatist) that combine with particular features of allied ...
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This chapter discusses the four ideal types of states (arm's length, dominant developmental, business corporatist, and inclusive corporatist) that combine with particular features of allied institutions to constitute particular institutional regimes. It argues that the national specificity and distinctiveness of business systems depends on the extent to which characteristics of states and related institutions are complementary in their implications for firms and markets, as well as the active structuring and coordination of interest groups and their interrelationships with state agencies. As long as the nation state remains the primary unit of political competition and legitimacy, and the definer and upholder of private property rights, in addition to being the predominant influence on labour market institutions, many characteristics of business systems will continue to vary significantly across national boundaries.Less
This chapter discusses the four ideal types of states (arm's length, dominant developmental, business corporatist, and inclusive corporatist) that combine with particular features of allied institutions to constitute particular institutional regimes. It argues that the national specificity and distinctiveness of business systems depends on the extent to which characteristics of states and related institutions are complementary in their implications for firms and markets, as well as the active structuring and coordination of interest groups and their interrelationships with state agencies. As long as the nation state remains the primary unit of political competition and legitimacy, and the definer and upholder of private property rights, in addition to being the predominant influence on labour market institutions, many characteristics of business systems will continue to vary significantly across national boundaries.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the ...
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Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.Less
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.
Nada Mustafa Ali
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the ...
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This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.Less
This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.
Ted Gest
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195103434
- eISBN:
- 9780199833887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195103432.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Over the years, Congress has consistently increased the jurisdiction of federal courts over crime, from 17 specified offenses when the nation was founded to several thousand now. More than 40% of ...
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Over the years, Congress has consistently increased the jurisdiction of federal courts over crime, from 17 specified offenses when the nation was founded to several thousand now. More than 40% of federal criminal provisions enacted since the Civil War have appeared since 1970. The most dramatic growth was in drug cases, which composed 5% of the federal caseload in 1947 but amounted to 36 percent just 50 years later. An Armed Career Criminal Act in 1984 allowed federal prosecutors to charge suspects who had three local felony convictions. Later laws made carjacking a federal crime and gave the FBI authority over “deadbeat dads” who cross state lines and terrorism involving abortion clinics. A few measures were struck down by the Supreme Court, including one involving use of firearms at schools and another allowing federal civil cases by sexual‐assault victims. In the executive branch, the administration of President George H. W. Bush created a program called ‘Operation Triggerlock’ to pursue firearms cases, and both Bush and successor Bill Clinton directed the FBI to put more emphasis on investigating local violent crime. By 2001, the federal government had taken a prominent role in many categories of crime prosecution that once were the province of states and localities.Less
Over the years, Congress has consistently increased the jurisdiction of federal courts over crime, from 17 specified offenses when the nation was founded to several thousand now. More than 40% of federal criminal provisions enacted since the Civil War have appeared since 1970. The most dramatic growth was in drug cases, which composed 5% of the federal caseload in 1947 but amounted to 36 percent just 50 years later. An Armed Career Criminal Act in 1984 allowed federal prosecutors to charge suspects who had three local felony convictions. Later laws made carjacking a federal crime and gave the FBI authority over “deadbeat dads” who cross state lines and terrorism involving abortion clinics. A few measures were struck down by the Supreme Court, including one involving use of firearms at schools and another allowing federal civil cases by sexual‐assault victims. In the executive branch, the administration of President George H. W. Bush created a program called ‘Operation Triggerlock’ to pursue firearms cases, and both Bush and successor Bill Clinton directed the FBI to put more emphasis on investigating local violent crime. By 2001, the federal government had taken a prominent role in many categories of crime prosecution that once were the province of states and localities.
Nicola Casarini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199560073
- eISBN:
- 9780191721168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199560073.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the debate surrounding the proposal — (officially put forward in Autumn 2003) to lift the EU arms embargo imposed on China in June 1989, after the crackdown on students in ...
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This chapter examines the debate surrounding the proposal — (officially put forward in Autumn 2003) to lift the EU arms embargo imposed on China in June 1989, after the crackdown on students in Tiananmen Square. Alongside EU—China space cooperation, the proposal to lift the arms ban is the other initiative which has attracted most of the attention, and the concern, of the United States and its East Asian allies. This chapter presents the positions in favour and against the lifting, the current technical provisions regulating European arms sales to China, and the strong opposition to the lifting by the United States and its East Asian allies (in particular Japan and Taiwan). This chapter delves into the analysis of the different connections made by EU policy makers on the one hand and American, Japanese, and Taiwanese on the other, in the period 2003–5, regarding China's rise and East Asia's strategic balance.Less
This chapter examines the debate surrounding the proposal — (officially put forward in Autumn 2003) to lift the EU arms embargo imposed on China in June 1989, after the crackdown on students in Tiananmen Square. Alongside EU—China space cooperation, the proposal to lift the arms ban is the other initiative which has attracted most of the attention, and the concern, of the United States and its East Asian allies. This chapter presents the positions in favour and against the lifting, the current technical provisions regulating European arms sales to China, and the strong opposition to the lifting by the United States and its East Asian allies (in particular Japan and Taiwan). This chapter delves into the analysis of the different connections made by EU policy makers on the one hand and American, Japanese, and Taiwanese on the other, in the period 2003–5, regarding China's rise and East Asia's strategic balance.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how ...
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Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how the two major parties in the conservative governing coalition (Liberals and Progressive Democrats) became actively involved in negotiations over the exact terms of Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces, and the disposition of imperial property. It also recounts how Colonel Kades, somewhat reluctantly, brought forward several amendments demanded by the Allied member‐nations on the Far Eastern Commission, including one providing that only “civilians” could serve in the cabinet. Finally, it summarizes the proceedings of Saturday, August 24, a time for soaring eloquence and the final vote in the House of Representatives.Less
Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how the two major parties in the conservative governing coalition (Liberals and Progressive Democrats) became actively involved in negotiations over the exact terms of Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces, and the disposition of imperial property. It also recounts how Colonel Kades, somewhat reluctantly, brought forward several amendments demanded by the Allied member‐nations on the Far Eastern Commission, including one providing that only “civilians” could serve in the cabinet. Finally, it summarizes the proceedings of Saturday, August 24, a time for soaring eloquence and the final vote in the House of Representatives.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is ...
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The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is important to recognize that the postwar Constitution emerged from a collaboration – one might almost say a conspiracy – between American and Japanese leaders, personified by General MacArthur and Prime Minister Yoshida.Less
The Conclusion notes that Japanese political leaders are currently considering whether to amend their Constitution, particularly article 9, renouncing war and armed forces. In this light, it is important to recognize that the postwar Constitution emerged from a collaboration – one might almost say a conspiracy – between American and Japanese leaders, personified by General MacArthur and Prime Minister Yoshida.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like ...
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Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like multinational corporations: they operate on a global theatre; their manpower is international in outlook; and their governing structures are increasingly similar. Mutatis mutandis, they have moved towards small all-volunteer forces (or an all-volunteer core), covering a wide spectrum of tasks, and usually intervening in a multinational context in missions that are only loosely related to “national” defense. To a large extent, this international defense field stabilized around NATO institutions, rules, and social representations.Less
Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like multinational corporations: they operate on a global theatre; their manpower is international in outlook; and their governing structures are increasingly similar. Mutatis mutandis, they have moved towards small all-volunteer forces (or an all-volunteer core), covering a wide spectrum of tasks, and usually intervening in a multinational context in missions that are only loosely related to “national” defense. To a large extent, this international defense field stabilized around NATO institutions, rules, and social representations.
Michael Quinlan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199563944
- eISBN:
- 9780191721274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563944.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter first discusses whether the term ‘arms race’ is accurately applied to the history of nuclear-armoury development, and whether the costs of such development have been disproportionate to ...
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This chapter first discusses whether the term ‘arms race’ is accurately applied to the history of nuclear-armoury development, and whether the costs of such development have been disproportionate to their value. It then examines the contribution which arms control agreements can make to reducing cost, risk, and uncertainty in the stable management of nuclear deterrence. It illustrates from the Cold War period some of the complications, both political and technical, that can arise in the shaping of such agreements, and the difficulty of including smaller armouries like that of Britain in formal limitation bargains. It next considers what future there is for bilateral US/Russia deals, and finally notes the value of nuclear-weapon-free zones and certain treaties constraining the deployment of nuclear weapons into new environments.Less
This chapter first discusses whether the term ‘arms race’ is accurately applied to the history of nuclear-armoury development, and whether the costs of such development have been disproportionate to their value. It then examines the contribution which arms control agreements can make to reducing cost, risk, and uncertainty in the stable management of nuclear deterrence. It illustrates from the Cold War period some of the complications, both political and technical, that can arise in the shaping of such agreements, and the difficulty of including smaller armouries like that of Britain in formal limitation bargains. It next considers what future there is for bilateral US/Russia deals, and finally notes the value of nuclear-weapon-free zones and certain treaties constraining the deployment of nuclear weapons into new environments.
Jan‐Erik Lane, David McKay, and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198280538
- eISBN:
- 9780191601934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019828053X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This section presents employment statistics on OECD countries. It features tables on labour force, employment by sectors, armed forces, producers of government services, government employment, ...
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This section presents employment statistics on OECD countries. It features tables on labour force, employment by sectors, armed forces, producers of government services, government employment, unemployment, and industrial disputes.Less
This section presents employment statistics on OECD countries. It features tables on labour force, employment by sectors, armed forces, producers of government services, government employment, unemployment, and industrial disputes.
Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Ch. 10 summarized the main proposals for reform that have been argued in this book, briefly restating the moral framework linking justice, legitimacy, and self‐determination that grounds them, and ...
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Ch. 10 summarized the main proposals for reform that have been argued in this book, briefly restating the moral framework linking justice, legitimacy, and self‐determination that grounds them, and noting that implementing the proposed reforms probably would require significant changes in international law regarding armed intervention. The aims of this chapter are (1) to explain more fully why a new legal framework for armed intervention is needed for successful legal reform, (2) to examine the advantages and disadvantages of the major types of strategies for achieving the needed reform in the law of armed intervention, from the perspective of both feasibility and morality, and (3) to show that the most promising strategy for reform may be the creation of a treaty‐based, rule‐governed liberal‐democratic regime for armed intervention that bypasses the current UN Charter‐based requirement of Security Council authorization and that does not depend upon the US to act as the world's policeman. In addition, it is argued that although the most promising strategy for reform may require violating existing international law, it is nonetheless morally justifiable. The more general point made is that under certain conditions a willingness to violate existing international law for the sake of reforming it can be not only consistent with a sincere commitment to the rule of law, but even required by it. The six sections of the chapter are: I. The Need for Reform regarding the Law of Intervention; II. Three Types of Strategies for Legal Reform; III. The Morality of Illegal Legal Reform; IV. The Commitment to the Rule of Law; V. Moral Authority; and VI. Conclusions.Less
Ch. 10 summarized the main proposals for reform that have been argued in this book, briefly restating the moral framework linking justice, legitimacy, and self‐determination that grounds them, and noting that implementing the proposed reforms probably would require significant changes in international law regarding armed intervention. The aims of this chapter are (1) to explain more fully why a new legal framework for armed intervention is needed for successful legal reform, (2) to examine the advantages and disadvantages of the major types of strategies for achieving the needed reform in the law of armed intervention, from the perspective of both feasibility and morality, and (3) to show that the most promising strategy for reform may be the creation of a treaty‐based, rule‐governed liberal‐democratic regime for armed intervention that bypasses the current UN Charter‐based requirement of Security Council authorization and that does not depend upon the US to act as the world's policeman. In addition, it is argued that although the most promising strategy for reform may require violating existing international law, it is nonetheless morally justifiable. The more general point made is that under certain conditions a willingness to violate existing international law for the sake of reforming it can be not only consistent with a sincere commitment to the rule of law, but even required by it. The six sections of the chapter are: I. The Need for Reform regarding the Law of Intervention; II. Three Types of Strategies for Legal Reform; III. The Morality of Illegal Legal Reform; IV. The Commitment to the Rule of Law; V. Moral Authority; and VI. Conclusions.
Ronald Inglehart
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presents an analysis of the reasons for the post‐modern shift to declining respect for/deference to authority among the publics of advanced industrial societies, and of the accompanying growing ...
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Presents an analysis of the reasons for the post‐modern shift to declining respect for/deference to authority among the publics of advanced industrial societies, and of the accompanying growing support for democracy. The early sections discuss: the changing emphasis on key aspects of life during the shift from modernization to post‐modernization; the authoritarian reflex that occurs in periods of rapid change and insecurity—in contrast to the greater emphasis on individual autonomy and diminishing deference to authority under conditions of prosperity and security that occurs in the post‐modern shift; and declining confidence in hierarchical institutions in post‐modern societies. The later part of the chapter examines predicted and observed changes in cross‐national norms concerning the authority using data from the three waves of the World Values Survey (1981–1997). Using these same data, it also examines the decline of confidence in the most hierarchical institutions of the survey countries over this time period—i.e. the armed forces, the police, and the church, and looks at support for strong leadership in relation to percentage priority to post‐materialist goals.Less
Presents an analysis of the reasons for the post‐modern shift to declining respect for/deference to authority among the publics of advanced industrial societies, and of the accompanying growing support for democracy. The early sections discuss: the changing emphasis on key aspects of life during the shift from modernization to post‐modernization; the authoritarian reflex that occurs in periods of rapid change and insecurity—in contrast to the greater emphasis on individual autonomy and diminishing deference to authority under conditions of prosperity and security that occurs in the post‐modern shift; and declining confidence in hierarchical institutions in post‐modern societies. The later part of the chapter examines predicted and observed changes in cross‐national norms concerning the authority using data from the three waves of the World Values Survey (1981–1997). Using these same data, it also examines the decline of confidence in the most hierarchical institutions of the survey countries over this time period—i.e. the armed forces, the police, and the church, and looks at support for strong leadership in relation to percentage priority to post‐materialist goals.
Robert Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199262014
- eISBN:
- 9780191601033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262012.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the issue of armed intervention in sovereign states where there are gross violations of human rights or other humanitarian problems, but no obvious threats to peace and ...
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This chapter explores the issue of armed intervention in sovereign states where there are gross violations of human rights or other humanitarian problems, but no obvious threats to peace and security. Four cases of intervention are considered: Iraq, Somalia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. It argues that the grounds for legitimate and lawful armed intervention in sovereign states, jus ad bellum, was restricted by international society during the course of the 20th century. However, interventions at the end of the century raise questions on whether these grounds are being expanded, and if so, can this be justified in a pluralist world.Less
This chapter explores the issue of armed intervention in sovereign states where there are gross violations of human rights or other humanitarian problems, but no obvious threats to peace and security. Four cases of intervention are considered: Iraq, Somalia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. It argues that the grounds for legitimate and lawful armed intervention in sovereign states, jus ad bellum, was restricted by international society during the course of the 20th century. However, interventions at the end of the century raise questions on whether these grounds are being expanded, and if so, can this be justified in a pluralist world.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Presents the main findings of the report. It outlines the nature of the armed conflict in Kosovo, the early diplomatic efforts, the NATO intervention, the ensuing humanitarian crisis and the ...
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Presents the main findings of the report. It outlines the nature of the armed conflict in Kosovo, the early diplomatic efforts, the NATO intervention, the ensuing humanitarian crisis and the establishment of UNMIK as an interim administration. The importance of early prevention measures is emphasized.Less
Presents the main findings of the report. It outlines the nature of the armed conflict in Kosovo, the early diplomatic efforts, the NATO intervention, the ensuing humanitarian crisis and the establishment of UNMIK as an interim administration. The importance of early prevention measures is emphasized.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Poses the unresolved questions about the Kosovo conflict that motivated the establishment of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo. Among others, the questions include the role of the ...
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Poses the unresolved questions about the Kosovo conflict that motivated the establishment of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo. Among others, the questions include the role of the United Nations and NATO, and the general purpose of international intervention in preventing armed conflicts. The introduction also presents the Commission's mission statement and lists its members. It outlines the contents of the report, dividing it into a narrative and an analysis.Less
Poses the unresolved questions about the Kosovo conflict that motivated the establishment of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo. Among others, the questions include the role of the United Nations and NATO, and the general purpose of international intervention in preventing armed conflicts. The introduction also presents the Commission's mission statement and lists its members. It outlines the contents of the report, dividing it into a narrative and an analysis.
Philip Nash
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294689
- eISBN:
- 9780191601538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294689.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Kennedy's reliance on non‐nuclear assets and flexible response overshadowed his reliance on nuclear weapons, just as his nuclear restraint eclipsed recklessness. This is not surprising in view of the ...
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Kennedy's reliance on non‐nuclear assets and flexible response overshadowed his reliance on nuclear weapons, just as his nuclear restraint eclipsed recklessness. This is not surprising in view of the national security strategy Kennedy chose and the concerns about nuclear weapons he had. It is surprising, however, in light of the profound alarm with which Kennedy and most Americans viewed the Soviet threat; the frequency and intensity of the international crises Kennedy faced; and the widely acknowledged superiority of the US nuclear arsenal. Against this backdrop of threat, crisis, and strategic superiority, it is striking how small an active role nuclear weapons played in Kennedy's foreign policy.Less
Kennedy's reliance on non‐nuclear assets and flexible response overshadowed his reliance on nuclear weapons, just as his nuclear restraint eclipsed recklessness. This is not surprising in view of the national security strategy Kennedy chose and the concerns about nuclear weapons he had. It is surprising, however, in light of the profound alarm with which Kennedy and most Americans viewed the Soviet threat; the frequency and intensity of the international crises Kennedy faced; and the widely acknowledged superiority of the US nuclear arsenal. Against this backdrop of threat, crisis, and strategic superiority, it is striking how small an active role nuclear weapons played in Kennedy's foreign policy.
David Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198275282
- eISBN:
- 9780191598739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198275285.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Several practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance ...
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Several practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance of power may be seen as a tendency in international affairs or as a deliberate contrivance. Revolutionaries have an ambivalent attitude towards it, since it is something that may be exploited for their own self‐preservation.Less
Several practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance of power may be seen as a tendency in international affairs or as a deliberate contrivance. Revolutionaries have an ambivalent attitude towards it, since it is something that may be exploited for their own self‐preservation.
Emily Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.003.0000
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This introductory chapter sets out the basis of the issue explored in the text – namely, why the law relating to armed conflicts makes the distinction between participants in international armed ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the basis of the issue explored in the text – namely, why the law relating to armed conflicts makes the distinction between participants in international armed conflicts and those in non-international armed conflicts. This chapter provides overviews of each chapter of the book, and includes explanatory notes on methodology and terminology employed in the textLess
This introductory chapter sets out the basis of the issue explored in the text – namely, why the law relating to armed conflicts makes the distinction between participants in international armed conflicts and those in non-international armed conflicts. This chapter provides overviews of each chapter of the book, and includes explanatory notes on methodology and terminology employed in the text
