Marc Brodie
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270552
- eISBN:
- 9780191710254
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270552.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as ...
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This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as abjectly poor, casually employed, slum dwellers with a poverty-induced apathy toward political solutions interspersed with occasional violent displays of support for populist calls for protectionism, imperialism, or anti-alien agitation. These factors, in combination, have been thought to have allowed the Conservative Party to politically dominate the East End in this period. This study demonstrates that many of these images are wrong. Economic conditions in the East End were not as uniformly bleak as often portrayed. The workings of the franchise laws also meant that those who possessed the vote in the East End were generally the most prosperous and regularly employed of their occupational group. Conservative electoral victories in the East End were not the result of poverty. Political attitudes in the East End were determined to a far greater extent by issues concerning the ‘personal’ in a number of senses. The importance given to individual character in the political judgements of the East End working class was greatly increased by a number of specific local factors. These included the prevalence of particular forms of workplace structure, and the generally somewhat shorter length of time on the electoral register of voters in the area. Also important was a continuing attachment to the Church of England amongst a number of the more prosperous working class. In the place of many ‘myths’ about the people of the East End and their politics, this study provides a model that does not seek to explain the politics of the area in full, but suggests the point strongly that we can understand politics, and the formation of political attitudes, in the East End or any other area, only through a detailed examination of very specific localized community and workplace structures. This book challenges the idea that a ‘Conservatism of the slums’ existed in London's East End in the Victorian and Edwardian period. It argues that images of abjectly poor residents who supported Conservative appeals about protectionism, imperialism, and anti-immigration are largely wrong. Instead, it was the support of better-off workers, combined with a general importance in the area of the ‘personal’ in politics emphasized by local social and workplace structures, which delivered the limited successes that the Conservatives did enjoy.Less
This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as abjectly poor, casually employed, slum dwellers with a poverty-induced apathy toward political solutions interspersed with occasional violent displays of support for populist calls for protectionism, imperialism, or anti-alien agitation. These factors, in combination, have been thought to have allowed the Conservative Party to politically dominate the East End in this period. This study demonstrates that many of these images are wrong. Economic conditions in the East End were not as uniformly bleak as often portrayed. The workings of the franchise laws also meant that those who possessed the vote in the East End were generally the most prosperous and regularly employed of their occupational group. Conservative electoral victories in the East End were not the result of poverty. Political attitudes in the East End were determined to a far greater extent by issues concerning the ‘personal’ in a number of senses. The importance given to individual character in the political judgements of the East End working class was greatly increased by a number of specific local factors. These included the prevalence of particular forms of workplace structure, and the generally somewhat shorter length of time on the electoral register of voters in the area. Also important was a continuing attachment to the Church of England amongst a number of the more prosperous working class. In the place of many ‘myths’ about the people of the East End and their politics, this study provides a model that does not seek to explain the politics of the area in full, but suggests the point strongly that we can understand politics, and the formation of political attitudes, in the East End or any other area, only through a detailed examination of very specific localized community and workplace structures. This book challenges the idea that a ‘Conservatism of the slums’ existed in London's East End in the Victorian and Edwardian period. It argues that images of abjectly poor residents who supported Conservative appeals about protectionism, imperialism, and anti-immigration are largely wrong. Instead, it was the support of better-off workers, combined with a general importance in the area of the ‘personal’ in politics emphasized by local social and workplace structures, which delivered the limited successes that the Conservatives did enjoy.
Cliff Zukin, Scott Keeter, Molly Andolina, Krista Jenkins, and Michael X. Delli Carpini
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195183177
- eISBN:
- 9780199850822
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183177.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In searching for answers as to why young people differ vastly from their parents and grandparents when it comes to turning out the vote, this book challenges the conventional wisdom that today's ...
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In searching for answers as to why young people differ vastly from their parents and grandparents when it comes to turning out the vote, this book challenges the conventional wisdom that today's youth is plagued by a severe case of political apathy. In order to understand the current nature of citizen engagement, it is critical to separate political from civic engagement. Using the results from an original set of surveys and primary research, the book concludes that while older citizens participate by voting, young people engage by volunteering and being active in their communities.Less
In searching for answers as to why young people differ vastly from their parents and grandparents when it comes to turning out the vote, this book challenges the conventional wisdom that today's youth is plagued by a severe case of political apathy. In order to understand the current nature of citizen engagement, it is critical to separate political from civic engagement. Using the results from an original set of surveys and primary research, the book concludes that while older citizens participate by voting, young people engage by volunteering and being active in their communities.
Eleanor Gordon
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201434
- eISBN:
- 9780191674884
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201434.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, ...
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This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, their involvement in and relationship to trade unionism, and the forms of their workplace resistance and struggles. Focusing particularly on women working in Dundee's jute industry, the study integrates labour history and the history of gender. It is a thorough account, which challenges many assumptions about the organizational apathy of women workers and about the inevitable division between workplace and domestic ideologies. It makes a contribution to current historiographical debates over the sexual division of labour, working-class consciousness, and domestic ideologies, and to the history of women in Scotland.Less
This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, their involvement in and relationship to trade unionism, and the forms of their workplace resistance and struggles. Focusing particularly on women working in Dundee's jute industry, the study integrates labour history and the history of gender. It is a thorough account, which challenges many assumptions about the organizational apathy of women workers and about the inevitable division between workplace and domestic ideologies. It makes a contribution to current historiographical debates over the sexual division of labour, working-class consciousness, and domestic ideologies, and to the history of women in Scotland.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their ...
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The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.Less
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.
Christopher Hood
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297659
- eISBN:
- 9780191599484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297653.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In Chapters 2–3 of the Introduction, the cultural‐theory framework is used to explore two central problems of public management—the analysis of the characteristic ways in which different forms of ...
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In Chapters 2–3 of the Introduction, the cultural‐theory framework is used to explore two central problems of public management—the analysis of the characteristic ways in which different forms of organization can collapse and fail (this chapter), and the analysis of the range of forms of control and regulation (in the broadest sense) available in public management (the next chapter); in both cases, an examination through the lens of cultural theory can add an extra dimension or an alternative perspective to the analysis. Aims to show how a cultural‐theory perspective can assist the analysis of public management failure and collapse in two ways. First, such a perspective can help bring out some of the varying and contradictory attitudes towards scandal or catastrophe in public management, in the sense of who to blame or how to put matters right. Second, the four basic organizational ways of life that cultural theory identifies (as introduced in the first chapter) can each be expected to have its own characteristic pattern of in‐built failure. The different sections are Responses to Public‐Management Disasters; Four Types of Failure and Collapse; Private Gain From Public Office; Fiascos Resulting from Excessive Trust in Authority and Expertise; Unresolved Conflict and Internecine Strife; Apathy and Inertia: Lack of Planning, Initiative, and Foresight; and Accounting for Failure in Public Management.Less
In Chapters 2–3 of the Introduction, the cultural‐theory framework is used to explore two central problems of public management—the analysis of the characteristic ways in which different forms of organization can collapse and fail (this chapter), and the analysis of the range of forms of control and regulation (in the broadest sense) available in public management (the next chapter); in both cases, an examination through the lens of cultural theory can add an extra dimension or an alternative perspective to the analysis. Aims to show how a cultural‐theory perspective can assist the analysis of public management failure and collapse in two ways. First, such a perspective can help bring out some of the varying and contradictory attitudes towards scandal or catastrophe in public management, in the sense of who to blame or how to put matters right. Second, the four basic organizational ways of life that cultural theory identifies (as introduced in the first chapter) can each be expected to have its own characteristic pattern of in‐built failure. The different sections are Responses to Public‐Management Disasters; Four Types of Failure and Collapse; Private Gain From Public Office; Fiascos Resulting from Excessive Trust in Authority and Expertise; Unresolved Conflict and Internecine Strife; Apathy and Inertia: Lack of Planning, Initiative, and Foresight; and Accounting for Failure in Public Management.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Handwringing about political apathy is as old as democracy itself. As early as 425 BC, the playwright Aristophanes ridiculed his fellow Athenians for gossiping in the market instead of voting. In ...
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Handwringing about political apathy is as old as democracy itself. As early as 425 BC, the playwright Aristophanes ridiculed his fellow Athenians for gossiping in the market instead of voting. In more recent decades, calls for greater civic engagement as a democratic cure-all have met with widespread agreement. But how realistic, or helpful, is it to expect citizens to devote more attention and energy to politics? This book provides a surprising new perspective on the problem of civic engagement, challenging idealists who aspire to revolutionize democracies and their citizens, but also taking issue with cynics who think that citizens cannot, and need not, do better. “Civic engagement” has become an unwieldy and confusing catchall, the book argues. We should talk instead of political, social, and moral engagement, figuring out which kinds of engagement make democracy work better, and how we might promote them. Focusing on political engagement and taking Alexis de Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt as guides, the book identifies ways to achieve the political engagement we want and need without resorting to coercive measures such as compulsory national service or mandatory voting. By providing a realistic account of the value of political engagement and practical strategies for improving it, while avoiding proposals we can never hope to achieve, the book makes a persuasive case for a public philosophy that much of the public can actually endorse.Less
Handwringing about political apathy is as old as democracy itself. As early as 425 BC, the playwright Aristophanes ridiculed his fellow Athenians for gossiping in the market instead of voting. In more recent decades, calls for greater civic engagement as a democratic cure-all have met with widespread agreement. But how realistic, or helpful, is it to expect citizens to devote more attention and energy to politics? This book provides a surprising new perspective on the problem of civic engagement, challenging idealists who aspire to revolutionize democracies and their citizens, but also taking issue with cynics who think that citizens cannot, and need not, do better. “Civic engagement” has become an unwieldy and confusing catchall, the book argues. We should talk instead of political, social, and moral engagement, figuring out which kinds of engagement make democracy work better, and how we might promote them. Focusing on political engagement and taking Alexis de Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt as guides, the book identifies ways to achieve the political engagement we want and need without resorting to coercive measures such as compulsory national service or mandatory voting. By providing a realistic account of the value of political engagement and practical strategies for improving it, while avoiding proposals we can never hope to achieve, the book makes a persuasive case for a public philosophy that much of the public can actually endorse.
Duana Fullwiley
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691123165
- eISBN:
- 9781400840410
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691123165.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter explores prevailing attitudes in Senegal about sickle cell anemia and its biomedical and political stewards. It also looks at how the Senegalese have had to perform the discursive double ...
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This chapter explores prevailing attitudes in Senegal about sickle cell anemia and its biomedical and political stewards. It also looks at how the Senegalese have had to perform the discursive double duty of protesting public neglect and political apathy with regard to the disease, while promoting a self-based conception of vitality for those who have the capacity to “live well” with it. Their frustration that Senegal's health ministry, and larger government, has long ignored sickle cell as a public health problem, is articulated alongside their own strength and will to live “normally.” This chapter takes a closer look at this configuration of crisis and subsequent contrary affirmation of an intuited, lived (but not yet officially sanctioned) description of the nature of things.Less
This chapter explores prevailing attitudes in Senegal about sickle cell anemia and its biomedical and political stewards. It also looks at how the Senegalese have had to perform the discursive double duty of protesting public neglect and political apathy with regard to the disease, while promoting a self-based conception of vitality for those who have the capacity to “live well” with it. Their frustration that Senegal's health ministry, and larger government, has long ignored sickle cell as a public health problem, is articulated alongside their own strength and will to live “normally.” This chapter takes a closer look at this configuration of crisis and subsequent contrary affirmation of an intuited, lived (but not yet officially sanctioned) description of the nature of things.
MARC BRODIE
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270552
- eISBN:
- 9780191710254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270552.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. It argues that the image of a populist Conservatism and a political apathy growing in the late Victorian and Edwardian period out of an ...
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This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. It argues that the image of a populist Conservatism and a political apathy growing in the late Victorian and Edwardian period out of an abjectly poor East End is wrong. The examination of ‘models’ put forward by historians to support this idea has suggested that few were built upon a solid base of evidence, and that they often relied heavily upon superficial and unjustified assumptions regarding poverty, race, and religion. The politics of the East End working class were far more complex than these models allow.Less
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. It argues that the image of a populist Conservatism and a political apathy growing in the late Victorian and Edwardian period out of an abjectly poor East End is wrong. The examination of ‘models’ put forward by historians to support this idea has suggested that few were built upon a solid base of evidence, and that they often relied heavily upon superficial and unjustified assumptions regarding poverty, race, and religion. The politics of the East End working class were far more complex than these models allow.
MICHAEL WHEATLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Redmond's October 1915 description of Ireland being in ‘a profound state of peace’ was highly selective, mistaking apathy and a widespread withdrawal from public activity for contentment and ...
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Redmond's October 1915 description of Ireland being in ‘a profound state of peace’ was highly selective, mistaking apathy and a widespread withdrawal from public activity for contentment and stability. The majority of the population was unenthusiastic in its support for the war. The enormity of the war and the pressures created revived a litany of resentments and grievances. Press outbursts against unionists, plotters, ‘land sharks’, the government, ‘Ulster’ and, of course, England gained in pitch and frequency. ‘Sinn Feiners’ were a growing minority. Moreover, there was sympathy for those who went so far as to get arrested. It was Redmond's hope that the common experience of war would create a new unity of all creeds and classes, and secure Ireland's place as a self-governing nation within the empire. A great many nationalists were still followers of Redmond, but they were now anything but ‘right behind’ their leader.Less
Redmond's October 1915 description of Ireland being in ‘a profound state of peace’ was highly selective, mistaking apathy and a widespread withdrawal from public activity for contentment and stability. The majority of the population was unenthusiastic in its support for the war. The enormity of the war and the pressures created revived a litany of resentments and grievances. Press outbursts against unionists, plotters, ‘land sharks’, the government, ‘Ulster’ and, of course, England gained in pitch and frequency. ‘Sinn Feiners’ were a growing minority. Moreover, there was sympathy for those who went so far as to get arrested. It was Redmond's hope that the common experience of war would create a new unity of all creeds and classes, and secure Ireland's place as a self-governing nation within the empire. A great many nationalists were still followers of Redmond, but they were now anything but ‘right behind’ their leader.
MICHAEL WHEATLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
A lack of any compelling ‘Cause’ to mobilise popular opinion was regularly commented on by contemporary writers. Their refrain was that the role of farmers in provincial politics had changed ...
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A lack of any compelling ‘Cause’ to mobilise popular opinion was regularly commented on by contemporary writers. Their refrain was that the role of farmers in provincial politics had changed fundamentally. Their withdrawal from politics generated incessant cries of ‘apathy’. There was a clear and pronounced decline in land disputes. The balance of political life shifted further to the towns, urban traders, and professionals. Local power was typically shared collectively by small-town, bourgeois elites. Their political pre-occupations were almost exclusively local — i.e., with the ‘parish pump’ issues that were of direct importance to them. The thirty-year campaign for ‘the land for the people’ had given way to much more sporadic, localised frictions and often to squabbles that were often little more than ‘personal spite and trade jealousy’. This chapter illustrates these themes though an analysis of events in Leitrim and Longford.Less
A lack of any compelling ‘Cause’ to mobilise popular opinion was regularly commented on by contemporary writers. Their refrain was that the role of farmers in provincial politics had changed fundamentally. Their withdrawal from politics generated incessant cries of ‘apathy’. There was a clear and pronounced decline in land disputes. The balance of political life shifted further to the towns, urban traders, and professionals. Local power was typically shared collectively by small-town, bourgeois elites. Their political pre-occupations were almost exclusively local — i.e., with the ‘parish pump’ issues that were of direct importance to them. The thirty-year campaign for ‘the land for the people’ had given way to much more sporadic, localised frictions and often to squabbles that were often little more than ‘personal spite and trade jealousy’. This chapter illustrates these themes though an analysis of events in Leitrim and Longford.
MICHAEL WHEATLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
A study of the local press, both nationalist and unionist, indicates that there was no ‘Ulster crisis’ in the five counties studied from the 1910 elections up to the autumn of 1913. Only the outbreak ...
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A study of the local press, both nationalist and unionist, indicates that there was no ‘Ulster crisis’ in the five counties studied from the 1910 elections up to the autumn of 1913. Only the outbreak of mob violence — in Belfast in the summer of 1912 and to a lesser extent Londonderry in August 1913 — generated real nationalist unease. For the rest of the time, the publication and passage of the Home Rule Bill generated a considerable volume of press coverage but few great passions either for or against. ‘Ulster's’ campaign against the bill, and the newly-formed Ulster Volunteer Force, were seen not as a looming and ever-growing physical threat, but as a political and propaganda ‘bluff’ to undermine British support for the bill before it could pass. Confidence, complacency, quietude, and even apathy were more typical characteristics of local debate than wild enthusiasm, chagrin, disappointment, or alarm.Less
A study of the local press, both nationalist and unionist, indicates that there was no ‘Ulster crisis’ in the five counties studied from the 1910 elections up to the autumn of 1913. Only the outbreak of mob violence — in Belfast in the summer of 1912 and to a lesser extent Londonderry in August 1913 — generated real nationalist unease. For the rest of the time, the publication and passage of the Home Rule Bill generated a considerable volume of press coverage but few great passions either for or against. ‘Ulster's’ campaign against the bill, and the newly-formed Ulster Volunteer Force, were seen not as a looming and ever-growing physical threat, but as a political and propaganda ‘bluff’ to undermine British support for the bill before it could pass. Confidence, complacency, quietude, and even apathy were more typical characteristics of local debate than wild enthusiasm, chagrin, disappointment, or alarm.
Christopher P. Loss
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148274
- eISBN:
- 9781400840052
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148274.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter depicts the challenges posed to higher education during the Cold War. Despite suffering a torrent of anticommunist attacks—and more than a few casualties—higher education also played a ...
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This chapter depicts the challenges posed to higher education during the Cold War. Despite suffering a torrent of anticommunist attacks—and more than a few casualties—higher education also played a leading role in the government's battle for hearts and minds in the 1950s. At home and abroad the American state deployed education in order to produce democratic citizens and then used public opinion polls to evaluate the integrity of the production process. Obsessively tracked during the Cold War, “public opinion” offered policymakers and educational elites access to the American people's collective psychological adjustment and mental health, to their intellectual fitness and their knowledge of the bipolar Cold War world in which they lived.Less
This chapter depicts the challenges posed to higher education during the Cold War. Despite suffering a torrent of anticommunist attacks—and more than a few casualties—higher education also played a leading role in the government's battle for hearts and minds in the 1950s. At home and abroad the American state deployed education in order to produce democratic citizens and then used public opinion polls to evaluate the integrity of the production process. Obsessively tracked during the Cold War, “public opinion” offered policymakers and educational elites access to the American people's collective psychological adjustment and mental health, to their intellectual fitness and their knowledge of the bipolar Cold War world in which they lived.
Paul Corner
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198730699
- eISBN:
- 9780191741753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198730699.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The chapter examines the popular reactions to the many kinds of abuse of power within the provincial fascist organisations during the 1930s and seeks to illustrate the diverse expressions of ...
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The chapter examines the popular reactions to the many kinds of abuse of power within the provincial fascist organisations during the 1930s and seeks to illustrate the diverse expressions of political disaffection in a context of increasing apathy. It argues that the discontent with the functioning of the fascist party was also evident among fascists themselves, as is made clear by the open criticisms of the malfunctioning of the local federations and the arguments about the direction Fascism should take in the future. The chapter also looks at the role of the so-called ‘second generation’ of young fascists and examines their attitudes towards the regime.Less
The chapter examines the popular reactions to the many kinds of abuse of power within the provincial fascist organisations during the 1930s and seeks to illustrate the diverse expressions of political disaffection in a context of increasing apathy. It argues that the discontent with the functioning of the fascist party was also evident among fascists themselves, as is made clear by the open criticisms of the malfunctioning of the local federations and the arguments about the direction Fascism should take in the future. The chapter also looks at the role of the so-called ‘second generation’ of young fascists and examines their attitudes towards the regime.
Ian Simpson Ross
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198288213
- eISBN:
- 9780191596827
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198288212.003.0023
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
From April to July, 1787 Smith was in London receiving medical attention and conferring with the government about fiscal and commercial reforms that allowed Britain to recover from the strains of the ...
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From April to July, 1787 Smith was in London receiving medical attention and conferring with the government about fiscal and commercial reforms that allowed Britain to recover from the strains of the American war. On his return to Edinburgh in somewhat restored health, he set about preparing a greatly expanded sixth edition of TMS. This developed further the concept of the impartial spectator, and included an entirely new part VI, focused on moral theory applicable to such crucial issues as new‐modelling a political constitution, highly relevant in view of the revolutions in America and France. He also added a chapter arguing that while our disposition to admire the rich and powerful is necessary to maintain the ‘order of society,’ it is the most universal cause of the ‘corruption of our moral sentiments.’ His Stoic outlook thus affords him a standpoint for criticism of the mechanisms of the acquisitive society analysed in WN, but at the same time, he suggests that the contemporary literature of sensibility dealing with love and friendship does more for us than the arguments for ‘stoical apathy.’Less
From April to July, 1787 Smith was in London receiving medical attention and conferring with the government about fiscal and commercial reforms that allowed Britain to recover from the strains of the American war. On his return to Edinburgh in somewhat restored health, he set about preparing a greatly expanded sixth edition of TMS. This developed further the concept of the impartial spectator, and included an entirely new part VI, focused on moral theory applicable to such crucial issues as new‐modelling a political constitution, highly relevant in view of the revolutions in America and France. He also added a chapter arguing that while our disposition to admire the rich and powerful is necessary to maintain the ‘order of society,’ it is the most universal cause of the ‘corruption of our moral sentiments.’ His Stoic outlook thus affords him a standpoint for criticism of the mechanisms of the acquisitive society analysed in WN, but at the same time, he suggests that the contemporary literature of sensibility dealing with love and friendship does more for us than the arguments for ‘stoical apathy.’
Rae Langton
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199247066
- eISBN:
- 9780191594823
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199247066.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
Kant put objectification on the moral map: we should not treat each other as ‘means’, instruments, tools. Kant's correspondence with Maria von Herbert offers a real life illumination: how lying and ...
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Kant put objectification on the moral map: we should not treat each other as ‘means’, instruments, tools. Kant's correspondence with Maria von Herbert offers a real life illumination: how lying and suicide involve treating someone as a means; how love and friendship involve treating someone as an end; how this works against a backdrop of sexual objectification, which may justify lying, in Maria's case. It illustrates objectification and ‘objective’ attitudes (Strawson, Korsgaard). And it presents a challenge. Maria is sunk in misery and apathy, yet follows the moral law — she is perhaps a Kantian saint. What does this spell for Kant's philosophy?Less
Kant put objectification on the moral map: we should not treat each other as ‘means’, instruments, tools. Kant's correspondence with Maria von Herbert offers a real life illumination: how lying and suicide involve treating someone as a means; how love and friendship involve treating someone as an end; how this works against a backdrop of sexual objectification, which may justify lying, in Maria's case. It illustrates objectification and ‘objective’ attitudes (Strawson, Korsgaard). And it presents a challenge. Maria is sunk in misery and apathy, yet follows the moral law — she is perhaps a Kantian saint. What does this spell for Kant's philosophy?
Katherine Natanel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520285255
- eISBN:
- 9780520960794
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520285255.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
In the wake of continuing violence in Israel-Palestine, Sustaining Conflict examines how occupation, colonization, and domination are maintained not only through social sanction and popular support ...
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In the wake of continuing violence in Israel-Palestine, Sustaining Conflict examines how occupation, colonization, and domination are maintained not only through social sanction and popular support but also through the production of political apathy. Exploring the attitudes and experiences of self-defined leftist Jewish Israelis living in Tel Aviv and West Jerusalem, Katherine Natanel reveals how political depression, disengagement, and inaction serve to normalize the reality of violence and control. However, rather than signaling a state of passivity or an absence of care, here apathy takes shape as a form of active disengagement—a kind of hoping, trying, building, believing, knowing, relating, engaging, and acting oriented toward self-preservation. By shifting focus from violence to normalcy, Sustaining Conflict highlights how micro-political logics and social mechanisms maintain macro-political power in Israel-Palestine. Importantly, Natanel’s account argues that gender uniquely structures the expression and practice of apathy among leftist Jewish Israelis, sewing conflict deep into everyday life and shaping political action. Through a combination of ethnographic material, narrative, and political, cultural, and feminist theory, Natanel develops a groundbreaking theory that opens a new conversation about Israel-Palestine, one in which political apathy is taken seriously and regarded as significant to the future of the region.Less
In the wake of continuing violence in Israel-Palestine, Sustaining Conflict examines how occupation, colonization, and domination are maintained not only through social sanction and popular support but also through the production of political apathy. Exploring the attitudes and experiences of self-defined leftist Jewish Israelis living in Tel Aviv and West Jerusalem, Katherine Natanel reveals how political depression, disengagement, and inaction serve to normalize the reality of violence and control. However, rather than signaling a state of passivity or an absence of care, here apathy takes shape as a form of active disengagement—a kind of hoping, trying, building, believing, knowing, relating, engaging, and acting oriented toward self-preservation. By shifting focus from violence to normalcy, Sustaining Conflict highlights how micro-political logics and social mechanisms maintain macro-political power in Israel-Palestine. Importantly, Natanel’s account argues that gender uniquely structures the expression and practice of apathy among leftist Jewish Israelis, sewing conflict deep into everyday life and shaping political action. Through a combination of ethnographic material, narrative, and political, cultural, and feminist theory, Natanel develops a groundbreaking theory that opens a new conversation about Israel-Palestine, one in which political apathy is taken seriously and regarded as significant to the future of the region.
Patrick McNamara
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262016087
- eISBN:
- 9780262298360
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262016087.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Cognitive Neuroscience
Patients with Parkinson’s disease (PD) suffer most visibly with such motor deficits as tremor and rigidity and less obviously with a range of nonmotor symptoms, including autonomic dysfunction, mood ...
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Patients with Parkinson’s disease (PD) suffer most visibly with such motor deficits as tremor and rigidity and less obviously with a range of nonmotor symptoms, including autonomic dysfunction, mood disorders, and cognitive impairment. The neuropsychiatric disturbances of PD can be as disabling as its motor disorders, but they have only recently begun to be studied intensively by clinicians and scientists. This book examines the major neuropsychiatric syndromes of PD in detail and offers a cognitive theory that accounts for both their neurology and their phenomenology. It offers a review of knowledge of such neuropsychiatric manifestations of PD as cognitive deficits, personality changes, speech and language symptoms, sleep disorders, apathy, psychosis, and dementia. The author argues that the cognitive, mood, and personality symptoms of PD stem from the weakening or suppression of the agentic aspects of the self. The author’s study aims to arrive at a better understanding of the human mind and its breakdown patterns in patients with PD. The human mind-brain is an elaborate and complex structure patched together to produce what we call the self. When we observe the disruption of the self structure, which occurs with the various neuropsychiatric disorders associated with PD, the author argues, we get a glimpse into the inner workings of the most spectacular structure of the self: The agentic self, the self that acts.Less
Patients with Parkinson’s disease (PD) suffer most visibly with such motor deficits as tremor and rigidity and less obviously with a range of nonmotor symptoms, including autonomic dysfunction, mood disorders, and cognitive impairment. The neuropsychiatric disturbances of PD can be as disabling as its motor disorders, but they have only recently begun to be studied intensively by clinicians and scientists. This book examines the major neuropsychiatric syndromes of PD in detail and offers a cognitive theory that accounts for both their neurology and their phenomenology. It offers a review of knowledge of such neuropsychiatric manifestations of PD as cognitive deficits, personality changes, speech and language symptoms, sleep disorders, apathy, psychosis, and dementia. The author argues that the cognitive, mood, and personality symptoms of PD stem from the weakening or suppression of the agentic aspects of the self. The author’s study aims to arrive at a better understanding of the human mind and its breakdown patterns in patients with PD. The human mind-brain is an elaborate and complex structure patched together to produce what we call the self. When we observe the disruption of the self structure, which occurs with the various neuropsychiatric disorders associated with PD, the author argues, we get a glimpse into the inner workings of the most spectacular structure of the self: The agentic self, the self that acts.
Lawrence Davidson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125244
- eISBN:
- 9780813135021
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125244.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate ...
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Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate role in politics and legislation, whether in the form of large commercial or ethnic lobbies or in the shadowy realm of backroom dealmaking. This book argues that widespread public disinterest in global affairs, a prevailing characteristic of American political culture, has given private interest groups a paramount influence over the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. These well-organized, well-funded groups affect all levels of government, disguising their own interests as vital national interests. The book draws from numerous historical examples, dating from America's founding to the present, to examine the causes and the serious consequences of Americans' apathy toward foreign policy. This unique historical analysis of our increasingly privatized system of government offers compelling evidence that the United States is a democracy not of individuals, but of competing and powerful private groups.Less
Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate role in politics and legislation, whether in the form of large commercial or ethnic lobbies or in the shadowy realm of backroom dealmaking. This book argues that widespread public disinterest in global affairs, a prevailing characteristic of American political culture, has given private interest groups a paramount influence over the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. These well-organized, well-funded groups affect all levels of government, disguising their own interests as vital national interests. The book draws from numerous historical examples, dating from America's founding to the present, to examine the causes and the serious consequences of Americans' apathy toward foreign policy. This unique historical analysis of our increasingly privatized system of government offers compelling evidence that the United States is a democracy not of individuals, but of competing and powerful private groups.
Mark Robert Rank
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195101683
- eISBN:
- 9780199894048
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101683.003.0005
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter takes up the issue of values. The goal of reducing poverty is consistent, and in fact critical, to the realization of two core sets of values held in high esteem by the majority of ...
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This chapter takes up the issue of values. The goal of reducing poverty is consistent, and in fact critical, to the realization of two core sets of values held in high esteem by the majority of Americans. These include the Judeo-Christian ethic and the American civic values that have shaped the country (liberty, justice, equality, and democracy). It is argued that if we examine these sets of values carefully, we find that attitudes of apathy toward the poor contradict their very core. In order to remain consistent with American principles, a concerted attempt to reduce poverty is necessary on the part of the country's inhabitants. Although there is room for disagreement regarding the causes and solutions to impoverishment, there can be no disagreement about the imperative to confront this issue if one professes allegiance to either the Judeo-Christian ethic or the founding values on which the country was built.Less
This chapter takes up the issue of values. The goal of reducing poverty is consistent, and in fact critical, to the realization of two core sets of values held in high esteem by the majority of Americans. These include the Judeo-Christian ethic and the American civic values that have shaped the country (liberty, justice, equality, and democracy). It is argued that if we examine these sets of values carefully, we find that attitudes of apathy toward the poor contradict their very core. In order to remain consistent with American principles, a concerted attempt to reduce poverty is necessary on the part of the country's inhabitants. Although there is room for disagreement regarding the causes and solutions to impoverishment, there can be no disagreement about the imperative to confront this issue if one professes allegiance to either the Judeo-Christian ethic or the founding values on which the country was built.
Sarah Warshauer Freedman and Dino Abazovic
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195178425
- eISBN:
- 9780199958528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195178425.003.0004
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
The youth today in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Croatia have grown up during times of war and chronic unrest. Since the youth will determine the future of the countries in the still-unstable ...
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The youth today in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Croatia have grown up during times of war and chronic unrest. Since the youth will determine the future of the countries in the still-unstable Balkan region, it is critical to understand how their experiences of past wars and current, ongoing violence might relate to the role they will play in the reconstruction of their society. This chapter focuses on what was learned about youth and violence from a study of young people aged 14 to 16 enrolled in secondary schools in the still deeply divided towns of Mostar in BiH and Vukovar in Croatia. The chapter shows that many young people in Mostar and Vukovar suffer from a general sense of depression and apathy. These symptoms may not always be clinically significant, and the same youth simultaneously show some resilience, yet their malaise permeates the culture. It also shows that regardless of their national affiliation or where they live, the youth feel abandoned by the adults who are responsible for them, both parents and teachers. Finally, for the most part, the youth do not know how to heal or how to think about a positive future. They are conflicted about whether it would be best to focus on trying to forget the past or on trying to remember it, and also about whether they will ever be able to forgive others for what happened.Less
The youth today in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Croatia have grown up during times of war and chronic unrest. Since the youth will determine the future of the countries in the still-unstable Balkan region, it is critical to understand how their experiences of past wars and current, ongoing violence might relate to the role they will play in the reconstruction of their society. This chapter focuses on what was learned about youth and violence from a study of young people aged 14 to 16 enrolled in secondary schools in the still deeply divided towns of Mostar in BiH and Vukovar in Croatia. The chapter shows that many young people in Mostar and Vukovar suffer from a general sense of depression and apathy. These symptoms may not always be clinically significant, and the same youth simultaneously show some resilience, yet their malaise permeates the culture. It also shows that regardless of their national affiliation or where they live, the youth feel abandoned by the adults who are responsible for them, both parents and teachers. Finally, for the most part, the youth do not know how to heal or how to think about a positive future. They are conflicted about whether it would be best to focus on trying to forget the past or on trying to remember it, and also about whether they will ever be able to forgive others for what happened.
