Christopher J. Colvin
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This paper explores the reparations debate in post-apartheid South Africa and outlines the recommendations for reparations made by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Although reparations ...
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This paper explores the reparations debate in post-apartheid South Africa and outlines the recommendations for reparations made by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Although reparations were discussed at the multi-party negotiations at the end of apartheid, the new democratic constitution that came out of those negotiations did not provide for reparations. The legislation that created the TRC, however, established a special committee (the Committee on Reparations and Rehabilitation or CRR) to formally examine the reparations issue and make policy recommendations to the President. The CRR made its recommendations — widely considered to be one of the world’s most ambitious and comprehensive reparations policies — in the TRC’s 1998 Report. However, the South African government did not respond to these recommendations, arguing that since the work of other committees within the TRC was not yet finished, it could not consider the CRR’s proposed policy. Victim groups and civil society disagreed, and an acrimonious conflict ensued over the perceived slow pace of government action on reparations. Victims also pursued lawsuits for reparations against multinational corporations that conducted business with the apartheid government. In 2003, the government finally enacted a reduced version of the CRR’s original reparations policy.Less
This paper explores the reparations debate in post-apartheid South Africa and outlines the recommendations for reparations made by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Although reparations were discussed at the multi-party negotiations at the end of apartheid, the new democratic constitution that came out of those negotiations did not provide for reparations. The legislation that created the TRC, however, established a special committee (the Committee on Reparations and Rehabilitation or CRR) to formally examine the reparations issue and make policy recommendations to the President. The CRR made its recommendations — widely considered to be one of the world’s most ambitious and comprehensive reparations policies — in the TRC’s 1998 Report. However, the South African government did not respond to these recommendations, arguing that since the work of other committees within the TRC was not yet finished, it could not consider the CRR’s proposed policy. Victim groups and civil society disagreed, and an acrimonious conflict ensued over the perceived slow pace of government action on reparations. Victims also pursued lawsuits for reparations against multinational corporations that conducted business with the apartheid government. In 2003, the government finally enacted a reduced version of the CRR’s original reparations policy.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the ...
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Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.Less
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy ...
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This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy view, which presents apartheid as the product of a single ‘grand plan’, created by the State in response to the pressures of capital accumulation. Using as a case study influx control during the first phase of apartheid (1948–61), the book shows that apartheid arose from complex patterns of conflict and compromise within the State, in which white capitalists, the black working class, and popular movements exercised varying and uneven degrees of influence. This book integrates a detailed empirical analysis of the capitalist State and its relationship to class interests.Less
This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy view, which presents apartheid as the product of a single ‘grand plan’, created by the State in response to the pressures of capital accumulation. Using as a case study influx control during the first phase of apartheid (1948–61), the book shows that apartheid arose from complex patterns of conflict and compromise within the State, in which white capitalists, the black working class, and popular movements exercised varying and uneven degrees of influence. This book integrates a detailed empirical analysis of the capitalist State and its relationship to class interests.
Donald W. Shriver
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195151534
- eISBN:
- 9780199785056
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151534.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather ...
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The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather loving critics. How does a national public learn to acknowledge the “dark side” of their country’s history? In the post-1945 years, Germans slowly but surely came to pay public attention to the evils of the Nazi era. In an astonishing accumulation of memorials, museums, films, anniversaries, and high school history books, the country has put its future generations on notice: “Never again”. Post-apartheid South Africa has seen comparable developments, especially in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission, new Constitution, memorials, and radically revised school text books. The United States, with a culture more focused on the future than the past, is undergoing a similar but slower public process. Two great crimes mark its national past: slavery and the fate of the people called Indians. The US is beginning to confront these collective crimes with new realism in new laws, museums, films, memorials, and history books. A political culture grows in its capacity for justice by remembering injustice. For a people not to remember the misdeeds of their past is to risk repeating them. Public memory requires concrete public signs, rituals, memorials, and education. This book seeks to record the attempts of these three countries to give public expression to justice by remembering injustice.Less
The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather loving critics. How does a national public learn to acknowledge the “dark side” of their country’s history? In the post-1945 years, Germans slowly but surely came to pay public attention to the evils of the Nazi era. In an astonishing accumulation of memorials, museums, films, anniversaries, and high school history books, the country has put its future generations on notice: “Never again”. Post-apartheid South Africa has seen comparable developments, especially in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission, new Constitution, memorials, and radically revised school text books. The United States, with a culture more focused on the future than the past, is undergoing a similar but slower public process. Two great crimes mark its national past: slavery and the fate of the people called Indians. The US is beginning to confront these collective crimes with new realism in new laws, museums, films, memorials, and history books. A political culture grows in its capacity for justice by remembering injustice. For a people not to remember the misdeeds of their past is to risk repeating them. Public memory requires concrete public signs, rituals, memorials, and education. This book seeks to record the attempts of these three countries to give public expression to justice by remembering injustice.
Thomas Blom Hansen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152950
- eISBN:
- 9781400842612
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152950.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
The end of apartheid in 1994 signaled a moment of freedom and a promise of a nonracial future. With this promise came an injunction: define yourself as you truly are, as an individual, and as a ...
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The end of apartheid in 1994 signaled a moment of freedom and a promise of a nonracial future. With this promise came an injunction: define yourself as you truly are, as an individual, and as a community. Almost two decades later it is clear that it was less the prospect of that future than the habits and horizons of anxious life in racially defined enclaves that determined postapartheid freedom. This book offers an in-depth analysis of the uncertainties, dreams, and anxieties that have accompanied postapartheid freedoms in Chatsworth, a formerly Indian township in Durban. Exploring five decades of township life, the book tells the stories of ordinary Indians whose lives were racialized and framed by the township, and how these residents domesticated and inhabited this urban space and its institutions, during apartheid and after. The book demonstrates the complex and ambivalent nature of ordinary township life. While the ideology of apartheid was widely rejected, its practical institutions, from urban planning to houses, schools, and religious spaces, were embraced in order to remake the community. The book describes how the racial segmentation of South African society still informs daily life, notions of race, personhood, morality, and religious ethics. The book also demonstrates the force of global religious imaginings that promise a universal and inclusive community amid uncertain lives and futures in the postapartheid nation-state.Less
The end of apartheid in 1994 signaled a moment of freedom and a promise of a nonracial future. With this promise came an injunction: define yourself as you truly are, as an individual, and as a community. Almost two decades later it is clear that it was less the prospect of that future than the habits and horizons of anxious life in racially defined enclaves that determined postapartheid freedom. This book offers an in-depth analysis of the uncertainties, dreams, and anxieties that have accompanied postapartheid freedoms in Chatsworth, a formerly Indian township in Durban. Exploring five decades of township life, the book tells the stories of ordinary Indians whose lives were racialized and framed by the township, and how these residents domesticated and inhabited this urban space and its institutions, during apartheid and after. The book demonstrates the complex and ambivalent nature of ordinary township life. While the ideology of apartheid was widely rejected, its practical institutions, from urban planning to houses, schools, and religious spaces, were embraced in order to remake the community. The book describes how the racial segmentation of South African society still informs daily life, notions of race, personhood, morality, and religious ethics. The book also demonstrates the force of global religious imaginings that promise a universal and inclusive community amid uncertain lives and futures in the postapartheid nation-state.
Michael Banton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280613
- eISBN:
- 9780191598760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280610.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Most states saw accession to the Convention as a matter of foreign policy. Many perceived it as a way of demonstrating their anti‐apartheid credentials, with but few implications for their internal ...
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Most states saw accession to the Convention as a matter of foreign policy. Many perceived it as a way of demonstrating their anti‐apartheid credentials, with but few implications for their internal affairs. In its first eight years, CERD had to concentrate upon establishing the novel reporting regime, upon tutoring state delegations as to the nature of their new obligations, and on agreeing some boundaries to the Committee's mandate.Less
Most states saw accession to the Convention as a matter of foreign policy. Many perceived it as a way of demonstrating their anti‐apartheid credentials, with but few implications for their internal affairs. In its first eight years, CERD had to concentrate upon establishing the novel reporting regime, upon tutoring state delegations as to the nature of their new obligations, and on agreeing some boundaries to the Committee's mandate.
Michael Banton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280613
- eISBN:
- 9780191598760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280610.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
More detailed consideration is given to CERD's jurisprudence on particular articles, such as the recommendation that Article 3 constitutes a general prohibition of racial segregation and not just of ...
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More detailed consideration is given to CERD's jurisprudence on particular articles, such as the recommendation that Article 3 constitutes a general prohibition of racial segregation and not just of apartheid. The discussion of particular articles is related to the Committee's observations on particular reports. It concludes that the dialogue with European states has been productive because there is also pressure for action arising within these states.Less
More detailed consideration is given to CERD's jurisprudence on particular articles, such as the recommendation that Article 3 constitutes a general prohibition of racial segregation and not just of apartheid. The discussion of particular articles is related to the Committee's observations on particular reports. It concludes that the dialogue with European states has been productive because there is also pressure for action arising within these states.
Thomas Blom Hansen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152950
- eISBN:
- 9781400842612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152950.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This introductory chapter looks at how every South African had to learn to live according to a complex cultural economy that was structured by several forms of (imputed) gaze. This is because life ...
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This introductory chapter looks at how every South African had to learn to live according to a complex cultural economy that was structured by several forms of (imputed) gaze. This is because life during apartheid became so rigidly divided along race lines, and yet remained intimate and close in workplaces and homes. Racialized identities and anxieties were played out at every level of social and intimate life. The result was a set of complex, performative anxieties that are by no means unique to South Africa but became more developed there than in most other societies. The chapter suggests that the legacy of colonial and apartheid regulation and cultural policy has made the embodied imagination of a range of imputed gazes extraordinarily compelling and complex in everyday life.Less
This introductory chapter looks at how every South African had to learn to live according to a complex cultural economy that was structured by several forms of (imputed) gaze. This is because life during apartheid became so rigidly divided along race lines, and yet remained intimate and close in workplaces and homes. Racialized identities and anxieties were played out at every level of social and intimate life. The result was a set of complex, performative anxieties that are by no means unique to South Africa but became more developed there than in most other societies. The chapter suggests that the legacy of colonial and apartheid regulation and cultural policy has made the embodied imagination of a range of imputed gazes extraordinarily compelling and complex in everyday life.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Despite employing a variety of strategies to maintain white supremacy, the South African government could not prevent the rise of a black resistance movement or of predominantly white nongovernmental ...
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Despite employing a variety of strategies to maintain white supremacy, the South African government could not prevent the rise of a black resistance movement or of predominantly white nongovernmental organizations that opposed apartheid. Such challenges to apartheid, economic difficulties, international pressure, and behind‐the‐scenes negotiations led to regime change and democratic elections in 1994. In Northern Ireland, Catholic–Protestant antagonism has roots in many centuries of English colonialism, aggravated by mutual distrust and segregation, limited citizen control over government, intermittent economic stagnation, and sectarian prejudices, but only in the late 1960s did violence become a part of everyday life. Although bloodshed continued, progress toward a solution began in the 1980s and continued into the 1990s. When Israel was founded in 1948, Arab–Jewish hostility already existed, and grew in the following decades, which saw five wars between Israel and Arab states, as well as political organizations, sometimes leading to violence, by Palestinian Arabs living. Domestic pressure for reform in the late 1970s and intense Palestinian resistance in the late 1980s forced Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians, although prospects for peace remained bleak. All three conflicts shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race.Less
Despite employing a variety of strategies to maintain white supremacy, the South African government could not prevent the rise of a black resistance movement or of predominantly white nongovernmental organizations that opposed apartheid. Such challenges to apartheid, economic difficulties, international pressure, and behind‐the‐scenes negotiations led to regime change and democratic elections in 1994. In Northern Ireland, Catholic–Protestant antagonism has roots in many centuries of English colonialism, aggravated by mutual distrust and segregation, limited citizen control over government, intermittent economic stagnation, and sectarian prejudices, but only in the late 1960s did violence become a part of everyday life. Although bloodshed continued, progress toward a solution began in the 1980s and continued into the 1990s. When Israel was founded in 1948, Arab–Jewish hostility already existed, and grew in the following decades, which saw five wars between Israel and Arab states, as well as political organizations, sometimes leading to violence, by Palestinian Arabs living. Domestic pressure for reform in the late 1970s and intense Palestinian resistance in the late 1980s forced Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians, although prospects for peace remained bleak. All three conflicts shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race.
Rupert Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Participation in civil society was one of the few options for the pursuit of peaceful progressive change in apartheid South Africa, and a range of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) ...
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Participation in civil society was one of the few options for the pursuit of peaceful progressive change in apartheid South Africa, and a range of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) explored this option. These P/CROs were staffed mainly by middle class, white, university educated, English‐speaking males, exhibited significant levels of formalization and centralization, depended heavily on international funding, and were often harassed by the apartheid state. P/CROs were active in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research. Extensive links developed amongst P/CROs, between P/CROs and other kinds of antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations, and between some P/CROs and the mass‐based resistance movements; collectively, these organizations formed a “multiorganizational field.” P/CROs, in concert with the rest of the multiorganizational field, helped project an “emergent reality” – a nonracial and democratic South Africa; established channels of communication between the apartheid state and the resistance movement; and ripened the climate for political change.Less
Participation in civil society was one of the few options for the pursuit of peaceful progressive change in apartheid South Africa, and a range of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) explored this option. These P/CROs were staffed mainly by middle class, white, university educated, English‐speaking males, exhibited significant levels of formalization and centralization, depended heavily on international funding, and were often harassed by the apartheid state. P/CROs were active in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research. Extensive links developed amongst P/CROs, between P/CROs and other kinds of antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations, and between some P/CROs and the mass‐based resistance movements; collectively, these organizations formed a “multiorganizational field.” P/CROs, in concert with the rest of the multiorganizational field, helped project an “emergent reality” – a nonracial and democratic South Africa; established channels of communication between the apartheid state and the resistance movement; and ripened the climate for political change.
Shula Marks, Paul Weindling, and Laura Wintour (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264812
- eISBN:
- 9780191754029
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264812.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
Established in the 1930s to rescue scientists and scholars from Nazi Europe, the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning (SPSL, founded in 1933 as the Academic Assistance Council and now ...
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Established in the 1930s to rescue scientists and scholars from Nazi Europe, the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning (SPSL, founded in 1933 as the Academic Assistance Council and now known as the Council for Assisting Refugee Academics) has had an illustrious career. No fewer than eighteen of its early grantees became Nobel Laureates and 120 were elected Fellows of the British Academy and Royal Society in the UK. While a good deal has been written on the SPSL in the 1930s and 1940s, and especially on the achievements of the outstanding scientists rescued, much less attention has been devoted to the scholars who contributed to the social sciences and humanities, and there has been virtually no research on the Society after the Second World War. The archive-based essays in this book, written to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the organisation, attempt to fill this gap. The essays include revisionist accounts of the founder of the SPSL and some of its early grantees. They examine the SPSL's relationship with associates and allies, the experiences of women academics and those of the post-war academic refugees from Communist Europe, apartheid South Africa, and Pinochet's Chile. In addition to scholarly contributions, the book includes moving essays by the children of early grantees. At a time of increasing international concern with refugees and immigration, it is a reminder of the enormous contribution generations of academic refugees have made — and continue to make — to learning the world over.Less
Established in the 1930s to rescue scientists and scholars from Nazi Europe, the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning (SPSL, founded in 1933 as the Academic Assistance Council and now known as the Council for Assisting Refugee Academics) has had an illustrious career. No fewer than eighteen of its early grantees became Nobel Laureates and 120 were elected Fellows of the British Academy and Royal Society in the UK. While a good deal has been written on the SPSL in the 1930s and 1940s, and especially on the achievements of the outstanding scientists rescued, much less attention has been devoted to the scholars who contributed to the social sciences and humanities, and there has been virtually no research on the Society after the Second World War. The archive-based essays in this book, written to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the organisation, attempt to fill this gap. The essays include revisionist accounts of the founder of the SPSL and some of its early grantees. They examine the SPSL's relationship with associates and allies, the experiences of women academics and those of the post-war academic refugees from Communist Europe, apartheid South Africa, and Pinochet's Chile. In addition to scholarly contributions, the book includes moving essays by the children of early grantees. At a time of increasing international concern with refugees and immigration, it is a reminder of the enormous contribution generations of academic refugees have made — and continue to make — to learning the world over.
Carolyn Jenkins and Lynne Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199271412
- eISBN:
- 9780191601255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199271410.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This is the fourth of five country case studies on income inequality, and looks at the case of South Africa. After an introduction, the second section of the chapter reviews the evolution of ...
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This is the fourth of five country case studies on income inequality, and looks at the case of South Africa. After an introduction, the second section of the chapter reviews the evolution of inequality in South Africa, and the third draws together the findings of other authors to highlight the primary sources of changes in the nature of income inequality (wage differentials and unequal access to employment). The fourth section assesses the evolution of economic policy and performance, drawing a distinction between the apartheid years and the post‐1994 period, and also considers the posttransition policy framework in more detail. The fifth section briefly discusses policies targeted at the structural causes of poverty and inequality since 1994 (policies on education and social expenditure, and on land). The sixth section focuses on the likely impact of the macroeconomic policy framework since 1994 on income distribution, arguing that changes in labour markets resulting from the breakdown of apartheid in the workplace dominated the observed shifts in the distribution of income during the 1970s and 1980s, although there is evidence that the shift towards neoliberal orthodoxy is increasingly affecting the income distribution; topics addressed include the effects of stabilization (inflation and interest rates), fiscal policy, trade and financial liberalization, and labour institutions.Less
This is the fourth of five country case studies on income inequality, and looks at the case of South Africa. After an introduction, the second section of the chapter reviews the evolution of inequality in South Africa, and the third draws together the findings of other authors to highlight the primary sources of changes in the nature of income inequality (wage differentials and unequal access to employment). The fourth section assesses the evolution of economic policy and performance, drawing a distinction between the apartheid years and the post‐1994 period, and also considers the posttransition policy framework in more detail. The fifth section briefly discusses policies targeted at the structural causes of poverty and inequality since 1994 (policies on education and social expenditure, and on land). The sixth section focuses on the likely impact of the macroeconomic policy framework since 1994 on income distribution, arguing that changes in labour markets resulting from the breakdown of apartheid in the workplace dominated the observed shifts in the distribution of income during the 1970s and 1980s, although there is evidence that the shift towards neoliberal orthodoxy is increasingly affecting the income distribution; topics addressed include the effects of stabilization (inflation and interest rates), fiscal policy, trade and financial liberalization, and labour institutions.
Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195300314
- eISBN:
- 9780199868698
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300314.003.0004
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter draws on examples from South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explore the special moments that were created by the TRC, which opened up the possibility of ...
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This chapter draws on examples from South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explore the special moments that were created by the TRC, which opened up the possibility of transformation of relationships between victims and perpetrators, and the impact of these encounters in the broader South African story of racial division and intergroup hatred between blacks as the oppressed group, and whites as beneficiaries of apartheid. It argues that when perpetrators express remorse they validate the victims' pains and give them back their uniqueness and that forgiveness, and not forgetting, is a healthy response that allows the parties to move on.Less
This chapter draws on examples from South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explore the special moments that were created by the TRC, which opened up the possibility of transformation of relationships between victims and perpetrators, and the impact of these encounters in the broader South African story of racial division and intergroup hatred between blacks as the oppressed group, and whites as beneficiaries of apartheid. It argues that when perpetrators express remorse they validate the victims' pains and give them back their uniqueness and that forgiveness, and not forgetting, is a healthy response that allows the parties to move on.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This conclusion begins with a vignette of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990. It then explores some aspects of the anti-apartheid movement that crested during the late 1980s, lingering on ...
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This conclusion begins with a vignette of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990. It then explores some aspects of the anti-apartheid movement that crested during the late 1980s, lingering on campaigns in Great Britain, Sweden, and the United States. The road between the postapartheid and postcolonial moments, however, was neither straight nor straightforward. The conclusion explicates some of the differences between the apartheid question in the 1980s and 1960s, and then reviews Gordian Knot’s central findings and restates its main arguments.Less
This conclusion begins with a vignette of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990. It then explores some aspects of the anti-apartheid movement that crested during the late 1980s, lingering on campaigns in Great Britain, Sweden, and the United States. The road between the postapartheid and postcolonial moments, however, was neither straight nor straightforward. The conclusion explicates some of the differences between the apartheid question in the 1980s and 1960s, and then reviews Gordian Knot’s central findings and restates its main arguments.
Thomas Blom Hansen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152950
- eISBN:
- 9781400842612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152950.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter narrates the story of how the Asiatic question was configured in South Africa from the 1860s to the present as a question of necessary containment of culturally alien people. It ...
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This chapter narrates the story of how the Asiatic question was configured in South Africa from the 1860s to the present as a question of necessary containment of culturally alien people. It describes how the township of Chatsworth was set up, imagined, and framed as a purely Indian space over decades of tense and often antagonistic tussle between policy makers and social activists. The chapter also looks at how specific methods of policing contributed to the current mythology of the Indian township during apartheid as fundamentally safe, as a place where “we never locked our doors.” It draws on official documents, newspapers, and governmental publications, as well as a range of narratives by older residents of Chatsworth.Less
This chapter narrates the story of how the Asiatic question was configured in South Africa from the 1860s to the present as a question of necessary containment of culturally alien people. It describes how the township of Chatsworth was set up, imagined, and framed as a purely Indian space over decades of tense and often antagonistic tussle between policy makers and social activists. The chapter also looks at how specific methods of policing contributed to the current mythology of the Indian township during apartheid as fundamentally safe, as a place where “we never locked our doors.” It draws on official documents, newspapers, and governmental publications, as well as a range of narratives by older residents of Chatsworth.
Thomas Blom Hansen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152950
- eISBN:
- 9781400842612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152950.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter studies the theme of racism and fear of Africans among people of Indian origin. The relationship between indentured Indians and Zulu speakers in the province of Natal was tense and ...
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This chapter studies the theme of racism and fear of Africans among people of Indian origin. The relationship between indentured Indians and Zulu speakers in the province of Natal was tense and contentious throughout the twentieth century. The large riots in 1949 in Durban when Indian homes were attacked by African workers, as well as subsequent conflicts in 1985 and after apartheid, left a legacy of apprehension between the two communities that periodically erupt in racist allegations from both sides. The chapter also explores the tension between the so-called “racism's two bodies”—notions of surface and substance—in racial practices among Indians. It argues that the influx of large numbers of Africans in Chatsworth has transformed the idea of the area as a knowable site of cultural intimacy.Less
This chapter studies the theme of racism and fear of Africans among people of Indian origin. The relationship between indentured Indians and Zulu speakers in the province of Natal was tense and contentious throughout the twentieth century. The large riots in 1949 in Durban when Indian homes were attacked by African workers, as well as subsequent conflicts in 1985 and after apartheid, left a legacy of apprehension between the two communities that periodically erupt in racist allegations from both sides. The chapter also explores the tension between the so-called “racism's two bodies”—notions of surface and substance—in racial practices among Indians. It argues that the influx of large numbers of Africans in Chatsworth has transformed the idea of the area as a knowable site of cultural intimacy.
Thomas Blom Hansen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152950
- eISBN:
- 9781400842612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152950.003.0005
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the development of political institutions of autonomy that were designed for Indians during the apartheid years. It unravels the pervasive sense of unreality and absurdity that ...
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This chapter examines the development of political institutions of autonomy that were designed for Indians during the apartheid years. It unravels the pervasive sense of unreality and absurdity that accompanied the heavily circumscribed functions of these bodies and how this consolidated an already pervasive disengagement from the world of politics in the township. From the 1980s, representative politics became subsumed under a larger imperative of enjoyment and self-deprecating humor. Political figures and their speech are still not read literally but are transposed into a form of entertainment and performance that is enjoyed at a distance. This apprehension regarding the world of politics is clearly more pronounced among non-African communities in South Africa but still defines an important and ill-understood dimension of the postapartheid unhappy consciousness.Less
This chapter examines the development of political institutions of autonomy that were designed for Indians during the apartheid years. It unravels the pervasive sense of unreality and absurdity that accompanied the heavily circumscribed functions of these bodies and how this consolidated an already pervasive disengagement from the world of politics in the township. From the 1980s, representative politics became subsumed under a larger imperative of enjoyment and self-deprecating humor. Political figures and their speech are still not read literally but are transposed into a form of entertainment and performance that is enjoyed at a distance. This apprehension regarding the world of politics is clearly more pronounced among non-African communities in South Africa but still defines an important and ill-understood dimension of the postapartheid unhappy consciousness.
Thomas Blom Hansen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152950
- eISBN:
- 9781400842612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152950.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter analyzes the quest for religious purification that arose from the Indian middle class in South Africa. It talks about the power and attractiveness of neo-Hindu movements in South Africa ...
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This chapter analyzes the quest for religious purification that arose from the Indian middle class in South Africa. It talks about the power and attractiveness of neo-Hindu movements in South Africa and how new and more standardized Brahmanical forms of Hinduism today clash with the popular customs and traditions that still inform ideas of belief and rituals in the Indian townships. A strikingly similar logic of purification is at work among the Muslims of Indian origin, only even more so. Apartheid forced forms of social and ritual sharing upon communities that despite their common religious orientation have little desire or inclination to share social spaces or mosques. The postapartheid society has made it possible for the traditional Muslim elite to embrace global piety movements and to reimagine their own genealogies as somehow Arab and thus not South Asian.Less
This chapter analyzes the quest for religious purification that arose from the Indian middle class in South Africa. It talks about the power and attractiveness of neo-Hindu movements in South Africa and how new and more standardized Brahmanical forms of Hinduism today clash with the popular customs and traditions that still inform ideas of belief and rituals in the Indian townships. A strikingly similar logic of purification is at work among the Muslims of Indian origin, only even more so. Apartheid forced forms of social and ritual sharing upon communities that despite their common religious orientation have little desire or inclination to share social spaces or mosques. The postapartheid society has made it possible for the traditional Muslim elite to embrace global piety movements and to reimagine their own genealogies as somehow Arab and thus not South Asian.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
As the Jews were deported, a page in Hitler's dictatorship was turned as new ‘racially foreign’ people, literally millions of foreign workers, were brought into Germany to labour for the Reich. The ...
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As the Jews were deported, a page in Hitler's dictatorship was turned as new ‘racially foreign’ people, literally millions of foreign workers, were brought into Germany to labour for the Reich. The racist regime regarded Poles and other peoples from the east as racially inferior. They had to be used to win the war, but at all costs they had to be prevented from mixing with German blood. The authorities decided on nothing short of an ‘apartheid’ system, to keep these ‘race enemies’ in their place. This chapter discusses how this massive exploitative effort unleashed new social dynamics.Less
As the Jews were deported, a page in Hitler's dictatorship was turned as new ‘racially foreign’ people, literally millions of foreign workers, were brought into Germany to labour for the Reich. The racist regime regarded Poles and other peoples from the east as racially inferior. They had to be used to win the war, but at all costs they had to be prevented from mixing with German blood. The authorities decided on nothing short of an ‘apartheid’ system, to keep these ‘race enemies’ in their place. This chapter discusses how this massive exploitative effort unleashed new social dynamics.
Jeremy Seekings
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199732166
- eISBN:
- 9780199866144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732166.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In multiracial or otherwise multicultural societies, people may discriminate in the allocation of scarce resources against members of particular racial or cultural groups. This chapter examines how ...
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In multiracial or otherwise multicultural societies, people may discriminate in the allocation of scarce resources against members of particular racial or cultural groups. This chapter examines how people in postapartheid South Africa assess the desert of others in terms of access to social assistance from the state and employment opportunities. It uses attitudinal survey data from Cape Town — a city characterized by both inequality and cultural diversity — to examine who is viewed as deserving and undeserving of public assistance. In particular, it explores whether perceptions of desert reflect racial discrimination. It is shown that there are clear perceptions of what kinds of poor people are considered deserving of public assistance and who is considered undeserving, that these perceptions are shared widely across the population, and that explicit racial consideration makes little or no differences to these perceptions. These patterns contrast with those in some other areas of public life — including, notably, employment decisions — where racial differences are evident. One lesson from the chapter is that there are some areas of public policy that are likely to be relatively amenable to building cross-racial support for interracial redistribution.Less
In multiracial or otherwise multicultural societies, people may discriminate in the allocation of scarce resources against members of particular racial or cultural groups. This chapter examines how people in postapartheid South Africa assess the desert of others in terms of access to social assistance from the state and employment opportunities. It uses attitudinal survey data from Cape Town — a city characterized by both inequality and cultural diversity — to examine who is viewed as deserving and undeserving of public assistance. In particular, it explores whether perceptions of desert reflect racial discrimination. It is shown that there are clear perceptions of what kinds of poor people are considered deserving of public assistance and who is considered undeserving, that these perceptions are shared widely across the population, and that explicit racial consideration makes little or no differences to these perceptions. These patterns contrast with those in some other areas of public life — including, notably, employment decisions — where racial differences are evident. One lesson from the chapter is that there are some areas of public policy that are likely to be relatively amenable to building cross-racial support for interracial redistribution.
