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This chapter focuses on Hamas's anticolonial resistance, not least as a means of emphasizing the colonized's existence and cultivating their liberated peoplehood. Drawing on interviews with members of the organization and Palestinians who have participated in, been witness to, or suffered the human and material consequences of Palestinian armed resistance, it argues that anticolonial violence finds relevance in light of its ability to both unmake and make. Hamas's armed resistance is assumed, by the colonized, to be capable of dismantling or unmaking the colonial condition. The chapter contends that its violence unmakes by nominally challenging Israel's settler colonial rule over the Palestinian territories and, in doing so, rendering it a difficult venture to maintain. The potential of violence to be a creative force, to make, emerges as a retort by the colonized to the colonial project's attempt to deny their inner being by imposing its own values on their identity. Hamas's armed resistance makes by allowing each act of resistance to be called an act of Palestinian resistance, thus enabling the subsequent suffering to be labeled instances of Palestinian suffering.

This chapter demonstrates the manner in which Hamas's postcolonial governance persists in a colonial nonstate context. Despite the “real” Palestinian state being nonexistent, it is necessary to take the materiality of the imagined state seriously. However, in doing so, the aspiration is not to determine “how much” or “how little” Hamas acts like a state, but rather to illustrate the way in which its state-like conduct is socialized into a liberation context. Subsequently, the chapter specifies two perspectives on Hamas's government. The first perspective is that of Hamas. Drawing on interviews with Hamas officials, the chapter outlines the organization's perception of itself as an anticolonial faction that has now infused the postcolonial state with the ethos of the anticolonial struggle and, in doing so, reconceptualized its role as a government as a means of protecting the anticolonial armed resistance. The second perspective is that of the recipients of Hamas's governance, namely the Gazans. Based on interviews with Palestinians in Gaza, the chapter argues that, while the colonized are socialized into the reality of their own statelessness, their encounter with Hamas's governance also emerges as a canvas on which Palestine is displayed as a state.

This chapter discusses Patterson's travel to the Soviet Union for treatment for his collapsed lungs, as it was the only place where a Negro without money could get adequate medical care. The FBI maintained that it was during this era—the mid-1930s—that Patterson was ensconced in the anti-Nazi underground in Europe, darting furtively in and out of Hamburg and Paris particularly. The authorities had reason to know, as they kept track of his movements as the ailing Communist—then listed as residing at 181 West 135th Street in Harlem—departed from New York for Europe on July 21, 1934, after spending a tumultuous two weeks in Cuba in May. However, Patterson was not the only U.S. Negro who had served time in the Soviet Union, for his comrade James Ford had spent more than two years there as well, as Moscow—along with Hamburg—had become a fortress of anti-Jim Crow and anticolonial resistance.

This chapter studies the dominant response of Ireland and India to effeminization and racialization. Like the idea of Christian manliness, these responses were infused with muted religious overtones that drew on the tenets of Catholicism and Hinduism. The chapter also reviews the writings of Patrick Pearse and Swami Vivekananda to illustrate the social construction of this kind of gendered nationalism in each context. Although the two philosophers presented remarks on the intersection of hegemonic masculinity in relation to nation as a part of anticolonial resistance, their ideas unfolded against a broader nationalist context, in which certain traits of hegemonic masculinity were already shaping the cultural milieu.