Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Decolonization revolutionized the international order during the twentieth century. Yet standard histories that present the end of colonialism as an inevitable transition from a world of empires to ...
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Decolonization revolutionized the international order during the twentieth century. Yet standard histories that present the end of colonialism as an inevitable transition from a world of empires to one of nations—a world in which self-determination was synonymous with nation-building—obscure just how radical this change was. Drawing on the political thought of anticolonial intellectuals and statesmen such as Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B Du Bois, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Eric Williams, Michael Manley, and Julius Nyerere, this book reveals the full extent of their unprecedented ambition to remake not only nations but the world. The book shows that African, African American, and Caribbean anticolonial nationalists were not solely or even primarily nation-builders. Responding to the experience of racialized sovereign inequality, dramatized by interwar Ethiopia and Liberia, Black Atlantic thinkers and politicians challenged international racial hierarchy and articulated alternative visions of worldmaking. Seeking to create an egalitarian postimperial world, they attempted to transcend legal, political, and economic hierarchies by securing a right to self-determination within the newly founded United Nations, constituting regional federations in Africa and the Caribbean, and creating the New International Economic Order. Using archival sources from Barbados, Trinidad, Ghana, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom, this book recasts the history of decolonization, reconsiders the failure of anticolonial nationalism, and offers a new perspective on debates about today's international order.Less
Decolonization revolutionized the international order during the twentieth century. Yet standard histories that present the end of colonialism as an inevitable transition from a world of empires to one of nations—a world in which self-determination was synonymous with nation-building—obscure just how radical this change was. Drawing on the political thought of anticolonial intellectuals and statesmen such as Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B Du Bois, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Eric Williams, Michael Manley, and Julius Nyerere, this book reveals the full extent of their unprecedented ambition to remake not only nations but the world. The book shows that African, African American, and Caribbean anticolonial nationalists were not solely or even primarily nation-builders. Responding to the experience of racialized sovereign inequality, dramatized by interwar Ethiopia and Liberia, Black Atlantic thinkers and politicians challenged international racial hierarchy and articulated alternative visions of worldmaking. Seeking to create an egalitarian postimperial world, they attempted to transcend legal, political, and economic hierarchies by securing a right to self-determination within the newly founded United Nations, constituting regional federations in Africa and the Caribbean, and creating the New International Economic Order. Using archival sources from Barbados, Trinidad, Ghana, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom, this book recasts the history of decolonization, reconsiders the failure of anticolonial nationalism, and offers a new perspective on debates about today's international order.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This epilogue charts the fall of self-determination and illustrates that the collapse of anticolonial worldmaking continues to structure our contemporary moment. Picking up in the immediate aftermath ...
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This epilogue charts the fall of self-determination and illustrates that the collapse of anticolonial worldmaking continues to structure our contemporary moment. Picking up in the immediate aftermath of the NIEO, it locates self-determination's fall in two developments—the increasingly critical orientation of Western intellectuals and politicians toward the right to self-determination as well as the diminution of international institutions like the United Nations where anticolonial nationalists had staged their worldmaking. Together the normative erosion of self-determination and marginalization of the United Nations set the stage for the resurgence of international hierarchy and a newly unrestrained American imperialism. At the same time, the critical resources of anticolonial nationalism appeared to be exhausted as the institutional form of the postcolonial state fell short of its democratic and egalitarian aspirations, and anticolonial worldmaking retreated into a minimalist defense of the state.Less
This epilogue charts the fall of self-determination and illustrates that the collapse of anticolonial worldmaking continues to structure our contemporary moment. Picking up in the immediate aftermath of the NIEO, it locates self-determination's fall in two developments—the increasingly critical orientation of Western intellectuals and politicians toward the right to self-determination as well as the diminution of international institutions like the United Nations where anticolonial nationalists had staged their worldmaking. Together the normative erosion of self-determination and marginalization of the United Nations set the stage for the resurgence of international hierarchy and a newly unrestrained American imperialism. At the same time, the critical resources of anticolonial nationalism appeared to be exhausted as the institutional form of the postcolonial state fell short of its democratic and egalitarian aspirations, and anticolonial worldmaking retreated into a minimalist defense of the state.
MATT K. MATSUDA
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195162950
- eISBN:
- 9780199867660
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162950.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the seizure of Tahiti by French warships and the long resistance of Queen Pomare and chiefly leaders from around the Polynesian islands. The story focuses on the ways that the ...
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This chapter examines the seizure of Tahiti by French warships and the long resistance of Queen Pomare and chiefly leaders from around the Polynesian islands. The story focuses on the ways that the history of Tahiti, so torn by violence, civil war, and anticolonial struggle, was erased by French imperialists so that by the middle 19th century the primary representations became “islands of love.” Analyses of written and visual production, particularly the works of Pierre Loti and Paul Gauguin, demonstrate the ways that erotic loves of Tahitian “natives” came to occlude violent warfare, and the complicated implications of battles and alliances between the Queen and French Naval officers struggling for control of the Society Islands.Less
This chapter examines the seizure of Tahiti by French warships and the long resistance of Queen Pomare and chiefly leaders from around the Polynesian islands. The story focuses on the ways that the history of Tahiti, so torn by violence, civil war, and anticolonial struggle, was erased by French imperialists so that by the middle 19th century the primary representations became “islands of love.” Analyses of written and visual production, particularly the works of Pierre Loti and Paul Gauguin, demonstrate the ways that erotic loves of Tahitian “natives” came to occlude violent warfare, and the complicated implications of battles and alliances between the Queen and French Naval officers struggling for control of the Society Islands.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the global projects of decolonization black Anglophone anticolonial critics and nationalists spearheaded in the three decades ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the global projects of decolonization black Anglophone anticolonial critics and nationalists spearheaded in the three decades after the end of the Second World War. Drawing on the political thought of Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B. Du Bois, Michael Manley, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, George Padmore, and Eric Williams, it argues that decolonization was a project of reordering the world that sought to create a domination-free and egalitarian international order. Against the standard view of decolonization as a moment of nation-building in which the anticolonial demand for self-determination culminated in the rejection of alien rule and the formation of nation-states, the book recasts anticolonial nationalism as worldmaking. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the global projects of decolonization black Anglophone anticolonial critics and nationalists spearheaded in the three decades after the end of the Second World War. Drawing on the political thought of Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B. Du Bois, Michael Manley, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, George Padmore, and Eric Williams, it argues that decolonization was a project of reordering the world that sought to create a domination-free and egalitarian international order. Against the standard view of decolonization as a moment of nation-building in which the anticolonial demand for self-determination culminated in the rejection of alien rule and the formation of nation-states, the book recasts anticolonial nationalism as worldmaking. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter sketches a political theory of decolonization that rethinks how anticolonial nationalism posed the problem of empire to expand our sense of its aims and trajectories. Drawing on recent ...
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This chapter sketches a political theory of decolonization that rethinks how anticolonial nationalism posed the problem of empire to expand our sense of its aims and trajectories. Drawing on recent histories of international law as well as the political thought of Black Atlantic worldmakers, it reconceives empire as processes of unequal international integration that took an increasingly racialized form in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Confronted with a racialized international order, anticolonial nationalists turned to projects of worldmaking that would secure the conditions of international nondomination. It argues that attention to the specificity of political projects that emerged out of the legacy of imperialism provides a postcolonial approach to contemporary cosmopolitanism. A postcolonial cosmopolitanism entails a critical diagnosis of the persistence of empire and a normative orientation that retains the anti-imperial aspiration for a domination-free international order.Less
This chapter sketches a political theory of decolonization that rethinks how anticolonial nationalism posed the problem of empire to expand our sense of its aims and trajectories. Drawing on recent histories of international law as well as the political thought of Black Atlantic worldmakers, it reconceives empire as processes of unequal international integration that took an increasingly racialized form in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Confronted with a racialized international order, anticolonial nationalists turned to projects of worldmaking that would secure the conditions of international nondomination. It argues that attention to the specificity of political projects that emerged out of the legacy of imperialism provides a postcolonial approach to contemporary cosmopolitanism. A postcolonial cosmopolitanism entails a critical diagnosis of the persistence of empire and a normative orientation that retains the anti-imperial aspiration for a domination-free international order.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter recovers the largely forgotten projects of regional federation in the West Indies and Africa that anticolonial nationalists pursued alongside their reinvention of self-determination. In ...
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This chapter recovers the largely forgotten projects of regional federation in the West Indies and Africa that anticolonial nationalists pursued alongside their reinvention of self-determination. In returning to the centrality of the federal imaginary to anticolonial nationalists, the chapter demonstrates that alternatives to the nation-state persisted at the height of decolonization. For federalists like Kwame Nkrumah and Eric Williams, freedom from alien rule did not sufficiently guarantee nondomination as powerful states, international organizations, and private actors exploited relations of economic dependence to indirectly secure political compulsion. The chapter reconstructs how Nkrumah and Williams positioned the United States as a model of postcolonial federation to make the case that regional federations could overcome the postcolonial predicament by creating larger, more diverse domestic markets, organizing collective development plans, ensuring regional redistribution, and providing for regional security. It also traces the ways that this model of regional federation gave way to forms of functional integration that bolstered the nation-state as critics rejected Nkrumah's and Williams's proposals for centralized federal states.Less
This chapter recovers the largely forgotten projects of regional federation in the West Indies and Africa that anticolonial nationalists pursued alongside their reinvention of self-determination. In returning to the centrality of the federal imaginary to anticolonial nationalists, the chapter demonstrates that alternatives to the nation-state persisted at the height of decolonization. For federalists like Kwame Nkrumah and Eric Williams, freedom from alien rule did not sufficiently guarantee nondomination as powerful states, international organizations, and private actors exploited relations of economic dependence to indirectly secure political compulsion. The chapter reconstructs how Nkrumah and Williams positioned the United States as a model of postcolonial federation to make the case that regional federations could overcome the postcolonial predicament by creating larger, more diverse domestic markets, organizing collective development plans, ensuring regional redistribution, and providing for regional security. It also traces the ways that this model of regional federation gave way to forms of functional integration that bolstered the nation-state as critics rejected Nkrumah's and Williams's proposals for centralized federal states.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter analyzes the ways that anticolonial nationalists responded to an intensified postcolonial predicament with their most ambitious project of worldmaking—the New International Economic ...
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This chapter analyzes the ways that anticolonial nationalists responded to an intensified postcolonial predicament with their most ambitious project of worldmaking—the New International Economic Order (NIEO). The NIEO constituted a welfare world that sought to enhance the bargaining power of postcolonial states, democratize decision-making, and achieve international redistribution. At the center of this welfare world was a radical recasting of sovereign equality as a demand for an equitable share of the world's wealth. The NIEO envisioned this expansive account of sovereign equality as the economic component of international nondomination. The view that sovereign equality had material implications marked anticolonial nationalists' biggest departure from the postwar international legal order and was quickly rejected and displaced in the neoliberal counterrevolution of the 1970s.Less
This chapter analyzes the ways that anticolonial nationalists responded to an intensified postcolonial predicament with their most ambitious project of worldmaking—the New International Economic Order (NIEO). The NIEO constituted a welfare world that sought to enhance the bargaining power of postcolonial states, democratize decision-making, and achieve international redistribution. At the center of this welfare world was a radical recasting of sovereign equality as a demand for an equitable share of the world's wealth. The NIEO envisioned this expansive account of sovereign equality as the economic component of international nondomination. The view that sovereign equality had material implications marked anticolonial nationalists' biggest departure from the postwar international legal order and was quickly rejected and displaced in the neoliberal counterrevolution of the 1970s.
Rebecca Gould
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300200645
- eISBN:
- 9780300220759
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300200645.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Spanning the period between the end of the Russo-Caucasian War and the death of the first female Chechen suicide bomber, this ground-breaking book is the first to compare Georgian, Chechen, and ...
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Spanning the period between the end of the Russo-Caucasian War and the death of the first female Chechen suicide bomber, this ground-breaking book is the first to compare Georgian, Chechen, and Daghestani depictions of anticolonial insurgency. The book draws from previously untapped archival sources as well as from prose, poetry, and oral narratives to assess the impact of Tsarist and Soviet rule in the Islamic Caucasus. Examining literary representations of social banditry to tell the story of Russian colonialism from the vantage point of its subjects, among numerous other themes, the book argues that the literatures of anticolonial insurgency constitute a veritable resistance or transgressive sanctity to colonialism.Less
Spanning the period between the end of the Russo-Caucasian War and the death of the first female Chechen suicide bomber, this ground-breaking book is the first to compare Georgian, Chechen, and Daghestani depictions of anticolonial insurgency. The book draws from previously untapped archival sources as well as from prose, poetry, and oral narratives to assess the impact of Tsarist and Soviet rule in the Islamic Caucasus. Examining literary representations of social banditry to tell the story of Russian colonialism from the vantage point of its subjects, among numerous other themes, the book argues that the literatures of anticolonial insurgency constitute a veritable resistance or transgressive sanctity to colonialism.
Stephen Howe
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199249909
- eISBN:
- 9780191697845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249909.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 ...
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This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 that the discourse of anticolonialism became truly widespread in Ireland. To link the Ulster conflict with Third World anticolonial struggle was to associate it with revolutionary glamour, with movements which commanded massive sympathy amongst the young and radical in advanced capitalist states including Britain itself, with new and imaginative models of social development, perhaps above all with success. The most egregious excesses of ‘anti-imperialist’ polemic have usually come from non-Irish sympathisers with Republicanism. Despite the vast waves of change that have swept over both Northern Ireland and the Republic in recent years, the timeworn notion of an Irish nationalist-socialist synthesis centred on militant Republicanism appears to have an inexhaustible capacity to renew itself.Less
This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 that the discourse of anticolonialism became truly widespread in Ireland. To link the Ulster conflict with Third World anticolonial struggle was to associate it with revolutionary glamour, with movements which commanded massive sympathy amongst the young and radical in advanced capitalist states including Britain itself, with new and imaginative models of social development, perhaps above all with success. The most egregious excesses of ‘anti-imperialist’ polemic have usually come from non-Irish sympathisers with Republicanism. Despite the vast waves of change that have swept over both Northern Ireland and the Republic in recent years, the timeworn notion of an Irish nationalist-socialist synthesis centred on militant Republicanism appears to have an inexhaustible capacity to renew itself.
Hamid Dabashi
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474479288
- eISBN:
- 9781474495509
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474479288.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The first comprehensive social and intellectual biography of Jalal Al-e Ahmad, this book explores the life and legacy of Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-69), arguably the most prominent Iranian public ...
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The first comprehensive social and intellectual biography of Jalal Al-e Ahmad, this book explores the life and legacy of Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-69), arguably the most prominent Iranian public intellectual of his time and contends that he was the last Muslim intellectual to have articulated a vision of Muslim worldly cosmopolitanism, before the militant Islamism of the last half a century degenerated into sectarian politics and intellectual alienation from the world at large. This unprecedented engagement with Al-e Ahmad’s life and legacy is a prelude to what Dabashi calls a post-Islamist Liberation Theology. The Last Muslim Intellectual is about expanding the wide spectrum of anticolonial thinking beyond its established canonicity and adding a critical Muslim thinker to it is an urgent task, if the future of Muslim critical thinking is to be considered in liberated terms beyond the dead-end of its current sectarian predicament. A full social and intellectual biography of Jalal Al-e Ahmad, a seminal Muslim public intellectual of the mid-20th century, this book places Al-e Ahmad’s writing and activities alongside other influential anticolonial thinkers of his time, including Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire and Edward Said. Chapters cover Jalal Al-e Ahmad’s intellectual and political life; his relationship with his wife, the novelist Simin Daneshvar; his essays; his fiction; his travel writing; his translations; and his legacy.Less
The first comprehensive social and intellectual biography of Jalal Al-e Ahmad, this book explores the life and legacy of Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-69), arguably the most prominent Iranian public intellectual of his time and contends that he was the last Muslim intellectual to have articulated a vision of Muslim worldly cosmopolitanism, before the militant Islamism of the last half a century degenerated into sectarian politics and intellectual alienation from the world at large. This unprecedented engagement with Al-e Ahmad’s life and legacy is a prelude to what Dabashi calls a post-Islamist Liberation Theology. The Last Muslim Intellectual is about expanding the wide spectrum of anticolonial thinking beyond its established canonicity and adding a critical Muslim thinker to it is an urgent task, if the future of Muslim critical thinking is to be considered in liberated terms beyond the dead-end of its current sectarian predicament. A full social and intellectual biography of Jalal Al-e Ahmad, a seminal Muslim public intellectual of the mid-20th century, this book places Al-e Ahmad’s writing and activities alongside other influential anticolonial thinkers of his time, including Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire and Edward Said. Chapters cover Jalal Al-e Ahmad’s intellectual and political life; his relationship with his wife, the novelist Simin Daneshvar; his essays; his fiction; his travel writing; his translations; and his legacy.
STEPHEN HOWE
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204237
- eISBN:
- 9780191676178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204237.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the various anticolonial pressure groups operating between the end of the Second World War and 1954, when many of their ...
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This chapter discusses the various anticolonial pressure groups operating between the end of the Second World War and 1954, when many of their activities merged into a single umbrella body, the Movement for Colonial Freedom. Some of these organisations were based on particular tendencies within British socialism — the most important of these being the Congress of Peoples Against Imperialism, established by members and ex-members of the Independent Labour Party. The chapter deals first with the sectionally-based organisations, followed by the issue-based. It concludes with an evaluation of the left's activities on colonial issues within the Labour Party.Less
This chapter discusses the various anticolonial pressure groups operating between the end of the Second World War and 1954, when many of their activities merged into a single umbrella body, the Movement for Colonial Freedom. Some of these organisations were based on particular tendencies within British socialism — the most important of these being the Congress of Peoples Against Imperialism, established by members and ex-members of the Independent Labour Party. The chapter deals first with the sectionally-based organisations, followed by the issue-based. It concludes with an evaluation of the left's activities on colonial issues within the Labour Party.
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781800859678
- eISBN:
- 9781800852297
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781800859678.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Stirring the Pot of Haitian History is an original translation of Ti difé boulé sou istoua Ayiti (1977), the first book written by Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot. Challenging ...
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Stirring the Pot of Haitian History is an original translation of Ti difé boulé sou istoua Ayiti (1977), the first book written by Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot. Challenging understandings of Haitian history, Trouillot analyzes the pivotal role of self-emancipated revolutionaries in the Haitian Revolution and War of Independence (1791-1804), a generation of people who founded the modern Haitian state and advanced Haiti’s vibrant contemporary cultures. This book confronts the problems of self-serving politicians and the racial mythologizing of historical figures like Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Toussaint Louverture and André Rigaud. The author denounces corruption and racism as hereditary maladies received from the hyper-racist slave society of the French colony of Saint-Domingue. Trouillot also examines the socio-economic and political contradictions and inequalities of Saint-Domingue, traces the unravelling of the colony’s racist economic system after the revolts of 1791, and argues that Haitian Creole language and Haitian Vodou religion provided the bedrock cultural cohesion needed to fuel the resistance, revolt and warfare that led to Haitian independence on January 1, 1804.
Trouillot blends Marxist criticism, deep readings in Haitian historiography, anthropological insights, and skilful handling of Haiti's rich oral traditions of storytelling, proverbs and wisdom sayings to provide a sharp and earthy account of Haitian social and political thought rooted in the style and culture of Haitian Creole speakers. Each chapter opens with a line of verse, song or a proverb that pulls readers into a historical oral performance. Haitian oral tradition from popular culture and Vodou religion mingle with explorations of complex social and political realities and historical hypotheses. Although the Haitian Creole majority language still plays second fiddle to French in government and education, Ti difé boulé sou istoua Ayiti is a major contribution in the effort to demonstrate the power of Haitian Creole scholarship. Stirring the Pot of Haitian History holds a preeminent place in the expanding canon of Haitian Creole and Caribbean literature, especially as it shows how historical problems continue to insinuate themselves within the contemporary moment.Less
Stirring the Pot of Haitian History is an original translation of Ti difé boulé sou istoua Ayiti (1977), the first book written by Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot. Challenging understandings of Haitian history, Trouillot analyzes the pivotal role of self-emancipated revolutionaries in the Haitian Revolution and War of Independence (1791-1804), a generation of people who founded the modern Haitian state and advanced Haiti’s vibrant contemporary cultures. This book confronts the problems of self-serving politicians and the racial mythologizing of historical figures like Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Toussaint Louverture and André Rigaud. The author denounces corruption and racism as hereditary maladies received from the hyper-racist slave society of the French colony of Saint-Domingue. Trouillot also examines the socio-economic and political contradictions and inequalities of Saint-Domingue, traces the unravelling of the colony’s racist economic system after the revolts of 1791, and argues that Haitian Creole language and Haitian Vodou religion provided the bedrock cultural cohesion needed to fuel the resistance, revolt and warfare that led to Haitian independence on January 1, 1804.
Trouillot blends Marxist criticism, deep readings in Haitian historiography, anthropological insights, and skilful handling of Haiti's rich oral traditions of storytelling, proverbs and wisdom sayings to provide a sharp and earthy account of Haitian social and political thought rooted in the style and culture of Haitian Creole speakers. Each chapter opens with a line of verse, song or a proverb that pulls readers into a historical oral performance. Haitian oral tradition from popular culture and Vodou religion mingle with explorations of complex social and political realities and historical hypotheses. Although the Haitian Creole majority language still plays second fiddle to French in government and education, Ti difé boulé sou istoua Ayiti is a major contribution in the effort to demonstrate the power of Haitian Creole scholarship. Stirring the Pot of Haitian History holds a preeminent place in the expanding canon of Haitian Creole and Caribbean literature, especially as it shows how historical problems continue to insinuate themselves within the contemporary moment.
Elizabeth M. Holt
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780823276028
- eISBN:
- 9780823277216
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823276028.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Historians of the Arabic novel typically tell a tale of the rise of the novel and the nation. Overlooked in the process has been the centrality of finance to the early Arabic novel. Reading ...
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Historians of the Arabic novel typically tell a tale of the rise of the novel and the nation. Overlooked in the process has been the centrality of finance to the early Arabic novel. Reading serialized fiction allows for the novel form to be seen as open to its historical moment and agentive in generating the fictions that subtend it. The nation and the anticolonial movement from the first World War are in Arabic critiques of an earlier Arabic dream of a cosmopolitan Eden of empire. Tethered to maritime risk, the novel of finance would be replaced with a return to the village and its land, much of it now mortgaged.Less
Historians of the Arabic novel typically tell a tale of the rise of the novel and the nation. Overlooked in the process has been the centrality of finance to the early Arabic novel. Reading serialized fiction allows for the novel form to be seen as open to its historical moment and agentive in generating the fictions that subtend it. The nation and the anticolonial movement from the first World War are in Arabic critiques of an earlier Arabic dream of a cosmopolitan Eden of empire. Tethered to maritime risk, the novel of finance would be replaced with a return to the village and its land, much of it now mortgaged.
Annette K. Joseph-Gabriel
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780252042935
- eISBN:
- 9780252051791
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042935.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
In the 20th century, black women in the French empire played crucial leadership roles in anticolonial movements. This book harnesses untapped archival documents to highlight the work of Suzanne ...
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In the 20th century, black women in the French empire played crucial leadership roles in anticolonial movements. This book harnesses untapped archival documents to highlight the work of Suzanne Césaire, Paulette Nardal, Eugénie Éboué-Tell, Jane Vialle, Andrée Blouin, Aoua Kéita and Eslanda Robeson, women who remain relatively understudied in scholarship that continues to privilege male politicians and writers. Examining the literary production and political activism of African, Antillean, Guyanese and African American women, this book argues that black women writers and thinkers articulated multi-layered forms of citizenship that emphasized plural cultural and racial identities in direct opposition to colonialism. Their decolonial citizenship expanded the possibilities of belonging beyond the borders of the nation state and even the French empire to imagine transnational Pan-African and Pan-Caribbean identities informed by black feminist intellectual frameworks and practices.Less
In the 20th century, black women in the French empire played crucial leadership roles in anticolonial movements. This book harnesses untapped archival documents to highlight the work of Suzanne Césaire, Paulette Nardal, Eugénie Éboué-Tell, Jane Vialle, Andrée Blouin, Aoua Kéita and Eslanda Robeson, women who remain relatively understudied in scholarship that continues to privilege male politicians and writers. Examining the literary production and political activism of African, Antillean, Guyanese and African American women, this book argues that black women writers and thinkers articulated multi-layered forms of citizenship that emphasized plural cultural and racial identities in direct opposition to colonialism. Their decolonial citizenship expanded the possibilities of belonging beyond the borders of the nation state and even the French empire to imagine transnational Pan-African and Pan-Caribbean identities informed by black feminist intellectual frameworks and practices.
David Chappell
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824838188
- eISBN:
- 9780824870881
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824838188.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Pacific Studies
In 1853, France annexed the Melanesian islands of New Caledonia to establish a convict colony and strategic port of call. The territory's indigenous people remained more numerous than immigrants for ...
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In 1853, France annexed the Melanesian islands of New Caledonia to establish a convict colony and strategic port of call. The territory's indigenous people remained more numerous than immigrants for over a century. Its thirty language groups survived on tribal reserves and nurtured customary traditions and identities. In addition, colonial segregation into the racial category of canaques helped them to find new unity. When neighboring anglophone colonies began to decolonize in the 1960s, France retained tight control of New Caledonia for its nickel reserves, reversing earlier policies that had granted greater autonomy for the islands. Anticolonial protest movements culminated in the 1980s Kanak revolt, after which two negotiated peace accords resulted in autonomy in a progressive form and officially recognized Kanak identity for the first time. But the near-parity of settlers and Kanak continues to make nation-building a challenging task, despite a 1998 agreement among Kanak and settlers to seek a “common destiny.” This book examines the rise in New Caledonia of rival identity formations that became increasingly polarized in the 1970s, the emergence of activist discourses in favor of Kanak cultural nationalism and land reform, and multiracial progressive sovereignty. It traces the rise of a nationalist movement that ultimately restored self-government and legalized indigenous aspirations for sovereignty in a local citizenship with its own symbols.Less
In 1853, France annexed the Melanesian islands of New Caledonia to establish a convict colony and strategic port of call. The territory's indigenous people remained more numerous than immigrants for over a century. Its thirty language groups survived on tribal reserves and nurtured customary traditions and identities. In addition, colonial segregation into the racial category of canaques helped them to find new unity. When neighboring anglophone colonies began to decolonize in the 1960s, France retained tight control of New Caledonia for its nickel reserves, reversing earlier policies that had granted greater autonomy for the islands. Anticolonial protest movements culminated in the 1980s Kanak revolt, after which two negotiated peace accords resulted in autonomy in a progressive form and officially recognized Kanak identity for the first time. But the near-parity of settlers and Kanak continues to make nation-building a challenging task, despite a 1998 agreement among Kanak and settlers to seek a “common destiny.” This book examines the rise in New Caledonia of rival identity formations that became increasingly polarized in the 1970s, the emergence of activist discourses in favor of Kanak cultural nationalism and land reform, and multiracial progressive sovereignty. It traces the rise of a nationalist movement that ultimately restored self-government and legalized indigenous aspirations for sovereignty in a local citizenship with its own symbols.
James Davis
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231157841
- eISBN:
- 9780231538619
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231157841.003.0013
- Subject:
- Literature, African-American Literature
This concluding chapter meditates on Walrond's career, remarking on the fact that Tropic Death did not aptly represent the totality of it. He was not the first West Indian in Panama, the first ...
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This concluding chapter meditates on Walrond's career, remarking on the fact that Tropic Death did not aptly represent the totality of it. He was not the first West Indian in Panama, the first Caribbean arrival to New York, the first “Negro” in Paris, nor the first of London's “coloured” colonials—but he managed to compress these paradigmatic lines of flight into a single, extraordinary career, and the unusual perspective he acquired was necessarily comparative and transnational. Even as we recognize in Eric Walrond incipient forms of familiar contemporary identities and communities, we should also consider the “historical mutilation” of the anticolonial struggles, transnational periodical formations, aesthetic movements, and political solidarities that animated Walrond's work. He was not as prolific as some of his peers, but he was far more prolific than many realized.Less
This concluding chapter meditates on Walrond's career, remarking on the fact that Tropic Death did not aptly represent the totality of it. He was not the first West Indian in Panama, the first Caribbean arrival to New York, the first “Negro” in Paris, nor the first of London's “coloured” colonials—but he managed to compress these paradigmatic lines of flight into a single, extraordinary career, and the unusual perspective he acquired was necessarily comparative and transnational. Even as we recognize in Eric Walrond incipient forms of familiar contemporary identities and communities, we should also consider the “historical mutilation” of the anticolonial struggles, transnational periodical formations, aesthetic movements, and political solidarities that animated Walrond's work. He was not as prolific as some of his peers, but he was far more prolific than many realized.
Tejumola Olaniyan
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520229488
- eISBN:
- 9780520927292
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520229488.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter focuses on the cartooning of anticolonial nationalism in Nigeria. It focuses on the works of Akinola Lasekan, Nigeria's pioneer political cartoonist. It suggests that Lasekan's ideology ...
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This chapter focuses on the cartooning of anticolonial nationalism in Nigeria. It focuses on the works of Akinola Lasekan, Nigeria's pioneer political cartoonist. It suggests that Lasekan's ideology closely follows that of his mentor Nnamdi Azikiwe: a blend of liberal democratic, welfarist, and socialist precepts forged by the master in the crucible of black racial protests and cultural renaissance in the U.S. of the 1920s and 1930s. It explains that Lasekan called for the total Africanization of Nigeria and that for the iconographic resources to prosecute the all-out war, he drew on a wide spectrum of sources, from the culturally indigenous to the colonial and European. It argues that though Lasekan's conventions of physiognomic representation have strong indigenous resonance, they were also common in the cartoons published in many British American newspapers of the 1930s and 1940s.Less
This chapter focuses on the cartooning of anticolonial nationalism in Nigeria. It focuses on the works of Akinola Lasekan, Nigeria's pioneer political cartoonist. It suggests that Lasekan's ideology closely follows that of his mentor Nnamdi Azikiwe: a blend of liberal democratic, welfarist, and socialist precepts forged by the master in the crucible of black racial protests and cultural renaissance in the U.S. of the 1920s and 1930s. It explains that Lasekan called for the total Africanization of Nigeria and that for the iconographic resources to prosecute the all-out war, he drew on a wide spectrum of sources, from the culturally indigenous to the colonial and European. It argues that though Lasekan's conventions of physiognomic representation have strong indigenous resonance, they were also common in the cartoons published in many British American newspapers of the 1930s and 1940s.
Geoffrey B. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196497
- eISBN:
- 9781400888863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196497.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter examines the role of foreign powers in the October 1, 1965 incident. It argues that the wider international context, in particular the rhetoric and logic of the Cold War and anticolonial ...
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This chapter examines the role of foreign powers in the October 1, 1965 incident. It argues that the wider international context, in particular the rhetoric and logic of the Cold War and anticolonial nationalism, affected the contours of Indonesian politics, making it more militant and polarized. In addition, that general atmosphere, together with the actions of major powers elsewhere in the region and beyond, contributed to political conditions inside Indonesia in which a seizure of power by the army was much more likely to occur. In creating this atmosphere of polarization and crisis, several major powers played some part, including China. Yet it was overwhelmingly the United States, the United Kingdom, and their closest allies that played the central roles.Less
This chapter examines the role of foreign powers in the October 1, 1965 incident. It argues that the wider international context, in particular the rhetoric and logic of the Cold War and anticolonial nationalism, affected the contours of Indonesian politics, making it more militant and polarized. In addition, that general atmosphere, together with the actions of major powers elsewhere in the region and beyond, contributed to political conditions inside Indonesia in which a seizure of power by the army was much more likely to occur. In creating this atmosphere of polarization and crisis, several major powers played some part, including China. Yet it was overwhelmingly the United States, the United Kingdom, and their closest allies that played the central roles.
Brian Stanley
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196848
- eISBN:
- 9781400890316
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196848.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter explores how the Catholic and Protestant churches respectively reconceived their theologies of mission in the final four decades of the twentieth century. Particular attention is devoted ...
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This chapter explores how the Catholic and Protestant churches respectively reconceived their theologies of mission in the final four decades of the twentieth century. Particular attention is devoted to the Second Vatican Council of 1962–65, the Uppsala Assembly of the World Council of Churches in 1968, and the Lausanne Congress for World Evangelization convened by the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association in 1974. It was not accidental that this process of fundamental revision was concentrated on the 1960s and 1970s—decades that witnessed the rapid dismantling of the Western colonial empires, the emergence of the “Third World” as an ideological bloc, and the highly charged political atmosphere of the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West. Neither the Catholic nor the Protestant missionary movements were the offspring of colonialism, but both regularly employed the language of global Christian dominion and both tried to use colonial governments to forward their evangelistic objectives. It was thus inevitable that the anticolonial invective of these decades should not leave the churches' overseas missionary activities unscathed. These years were also an era of social and intellectual ferment in European societies. Movements of revolutionary protest against established institutions and their perceived role in the perpetuation of structural injustice and international capitalism swept through university campuses. The historic churches and their governing hierarchies were often caught in the gunfire. Their formulation of their role in the world and even of their message itself could not be unaffected.Less
This chapter explores how the Catholic and Protestant churches respectively reconceived their theologies of mission in the final four decades of the twentieth century. Particular attention is devoted to the Second Vatican Council of 1962–65, the Uppsala Assembly of the World Council of Churches in 1968, and the Lausanne Congress for World Evangelization convened by the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association in 1974. It was not accidental that this process of fundamental revision was concentrated on the 1960s and 1970s—decades that witnessed the rapid dismantling of the Western colonial empires, the emergence of the “Third World” as an ideological bloc, and the highly charged political atmosphere of the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West. Neither the Catholic nor the Protestant missionary movements were the offspring of colonialism, but both regularly employed the language of global Christian dominion and both tried to use colonial governments to forward their evangelistic objectives. It was thus inevitable that the anticolonial invective of these decades should not leave the churches' overseas missionary activities unscathed. These years were also an era of social and intellectual ferment in European societies. Movements of revolutionary protest against established institutions and their perceived role in the perpetuation of structural injustice and international capitalism swept through university campuses. The historic churches and their governing hierarchies were often caught in the gunfire. Their formulation of their role in the world and even of their message itself could not be unaffected.
Ruth Ginio
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780719089305
- eISBN:
- 9781526135858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089305.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
Continuities of military structures and of protagonists within these structures are a particularly important aspect of the process of transforming colonial domination into the uneven partnerships of ...
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Continuities of military structures and of protagonists within these structures are a particularly important aspect of the process of transforming colonial domination into the uneven partnerships of the post-colonial period. Ruth Ginio discusses in this context the role of the so-called tirailleurs sénégalais (becoming soldats africains), West African (veteran) soldiers mobilized by the French for service during the Second World War and the wars in Indochina and Algeria. Ginio shows that the necessities of the anticolonial revolts and widespread discontent among African soldiers in the aftermath of the campaigns in Europe in 1944/45, led to a strategic reorganization of the treatment of these individuals. Notably, the author analyses the contribution of French propaganda in the context of psychological action. The French military employed audiovisual means, namely cinema, to influence the African soldiers. Another aspect of this complex relationship was the priority given to attempts at separating the African units from the local populations during the campaigns – a strategy that did not work out in all cases. By the end of the colonial period, the experience of these various methods had, as Ginio argues, qualitatively changed the attitudes of African veterans. The latter would retain a bond to the military officers of the former colonial power beyond the threshold of independence.Less
Continuities of military structures and of protagonists within these structures are a particularly important aspect of the process of transforming colonial domination into the uneven partnerships of the post-colonial period. Ruth Ginio discusses in this context the role of the so-called tirailleurs sénégalais (becoming soldats africains), West African (veteran) soldiers mobilized by the French for service during the Second World War and the wars in Indochina and Algeria. Ginio shows that the necessities of the anticolonial revolts and widespread discontent among African soldiers in the aftermath of the campaigns in Europe in 1944/45, led to a strategic reorganization of the treatment of these individuals. Notably, the author analyses the contribution of French propaganda in the context of psychological action. The French military employed audiovisual means, namely cinema, to influence the African soldiers. Another aspect of this complex relationship was the priority given to attempts at separating the African units from the local populations during the campaigns – a strategy that did not work out in all cases. By the end of the colonial period, the experience of these various methods had, as Ginio argues, qualitatively changed the attitudes of African veterans. The latter would retain a bond to the military officers of the former colonial power beyond the threshold of independence.
