Richard W. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581986
- eISBN:
- 9780191723247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581986.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind
If the established institutions of great powers, including the United States, are an enduring source of global injustice, social movements hold special promise as means of progress. The history of ...
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If the established institutions of great powers, including the United States, are an enduring source of global injustice, social movements hold special promise as means of progress. The history of the anti‐Vietnam‐War movement and the recent advance of movements against global injustice—mutually reinforcing yet diverse in forms and goals—suggest how movements can affect decisions of global reach by changing the calculus of power. In the current cluster of social movements against global injustice, a certain community of outlook, globalizing the aspirations of social democracy, makes use of the connections between power, responsibility and actual irresponsibility traced in this book. The patterns of distrust and trust that it promotes are its distinctive contribution. In the United States and, perhaps, some other countries, affiliation with global social democracy tends to undermine patriotism. But it provides a better form of solidarity, encouraging a clearer vision of moral reality.Less
If the established institutions of great powers, including the United States, are an enduring source of global injustice, social movements hold special promise as means of progress. The history of the anti‐Vietnam‐War movement and the recent advance of movements against global injustice—mutually reinforcing yet diverse in forms and goals—suggest how movements can affect decisions of global reach by changing the calculus of power. In the current cluster of social movements against global injustice, a certain community of outlook, globalizing the aspirations of social democracy, makes use of the connections between power, responsibility and actual irresponsibility traced in this book. The patterns of distrust and trust that it promotes are its distinctive contribution. In the United States and, perhaps, some other countries, affiliation with global social democracy tends to undermine patriotism. But it provides a better form of solidarity, encouraging a clearer vision of moral reality.
Steven J. Ramold
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814729199
- eISBN:
- 9780814760178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814729199.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines the Union soldiers' opposition to the anti-war movement that emerged during the Civil War. It considers how Union soldiers came to despise those who espoused peace at any cost, ...
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This chapter examines the Union soldiers' opposition to the anti-war movement that emerged during the Civil War. It considers how Union soldiers came to despise those who espoused peace at any cost, including those whom they suspected of conspiring with the Confederacy to undermine the Union Army and government from within. It argues that soldiers made little attempt to separate political anti-war support from nefarious conspiracy, and conveniently lumped all who opposed their dedication to the conflict under the Copperhead banner. It cites the Copperheads as a prime example of the communication divide between soldiers and civilians at home. As treasonous adversaries often accused of acting in concert with the Confederate foe, Union soldiers viewed the anti-war movement as unworthy of the political and legal protections granted to loyal citizens. This chapter also looks at the Knights of the Golden Circle (KGC), believed to be conspiring against the Union, and the occurrence of riots throughout the North at the height of the war.Less
This chapter examines the Union soldiers' opposition to the anti-war movement that emerged during the Civil War. It considers how Union soldiers came to despise those who espoused peace at any cost, including those whom they suspected of conspiring with the Confederacy to undermine the Union Army and government from within. It argues that soldiers made little attempt to separate political anti-war support from nefarious conspiracy, and conveniently lumped all who opposed their dedication to the conflict under the Copperhead banner. It cites the Copperheads as a prime example of the communication divide between soldiers and civilians at home. As treasonous adversaries often accused of acting in concert with the Confederate foe, Union soldiers viewed the anti-war movement as unworthy of the political and legal protections granted to loyal citizens. This chapter also looks at the Knights of the Golden Circle (KGC), believed to be conspiring against the Union, and the occurrence of riots throughout the North at the height of the war.
Daniel Burton-Rose
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520264281
- eISBN:
- 9780520936485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520264281.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The threat of a large-scale white riot prompted by United States policies in Indochina cropped up for the first time in the planning of the October 1967 march on Washington. Dave Dellinger, a Quaker ...
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The threat of a large-scale white riot prompted by United States policies in Indochina cropped up for the first time in the planning of the October 1967 march on Washington. Dave Dellinger, a Quaker pacifist first incarcerated for refusing to serve in World War II and the editor of Liberation magazine, was the primary organizer of the affair. He recognized that the anti-war movement was at a grow-or-die juncture, and, committed to enhancing its appeal to the young, invited Jerry Rubin to collaborate in its planning. New segments of the African American community had participated in the riots that had been shaking the country. Black men, in particular, had, up until the emergence of the “civil disturbance,” largely boycotted the civil rights movement, because they found that its insistence on non-violence insufferably constrained a perceived patriarchal duty to protect women and children. From 1965 to 1970, domestic bombings evinced a clear progression from property destruction to violence against people.Less
The threat of a large-scale white riot prompted by United States policies in Indochina cropped up for the first time in the planning of the October 1967 march on Washington. Dave Dellinger, a Quaker pacifist first incarcerated for refusing to serve in World War II and the editor of Liberation magazine, was the primary organizer of the affair. He recognized that the anti-war movement was at a grow-or-die juncture, and, committed to enhancing its appeal to the young, invited Jerry Rubin to collaborate in its planning. New segments of the African American community had participated in the riots that had been shaking the country. Black men, in particular, had, up until the emergence of the “civil disturbance,” largely boycotted the civil rights movement, because they found that its insistence on non-violence insufferably constrained a perceived patriarchal duty to protect women and children. From 1965 to 1970, domestic bombings evinced a clear progression from property destruction to violence against people.
Song-Chuan Chen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789888390564
- eISBN:
- 9789888390274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888390564.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
The Warlike party did not get its way entirely. To further elaborate the history of the Pacific party’s efforts in arguing against the war, this chapter shows how the British public opposed the war. ...
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The Warlike party did not get its way entirely. To further elaborate the history of the Pacific party’s efforts in arguing against the war, this chapter shows how the British public opposed the war. Anti-war arguments in the London print media, drawn from Christian universalism and Enlightenment humanitarianism, were often discussed in one breath and became inseparable. Even before the British expedition arrived in China in the summer of 1840, the war was already being called an ‘Opium War’ by the anti-war campaigners, which has stuck ever since. Their opinion of the war prevailed in the second half of the 19th century. After 1860, while British imperial expansion worldwide continued, British parliamentarians, more often than not, condemned the war, and regretting that the ‘Opium War’ was ever waged.Less
The Warlike party did not get its way entirely. To further elaborate the history of the Pacific party’s efforts in arguing against the war, this chapter shows how the British public opposed the war. Anti-war arguments in the London print media, drawn from Christian universalism and Enlightenment humanitarianism, were often discussed in one breath and became inseparable. Even before the British expedition arrived in China in the summer of 1840, the war was already being called an ‘Opium War’ by the anti-war campaigners, which has stuck ever since. Their opinion of the war prevailed in the second half of the 19th century. After 1860, while British imperial expansion worldwide continued, British parliamentarians, more often than not, condemned the war, and regretting that the ‘Opium War’ was ever waged.
Sarah Glynn
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719095955
- eISBN:
- 9781781707432
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095955.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
Chapter 9 looks at the attempt by some on the left (especially the Socialist Workers’ Party) to build on the movement against the Iraq war and create a new political party combining socialists and ...
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Chapter 9 looks at the attempt by some on the left (especially the Socialist Workers’ Party) to build on the movement against the Iraq war and create a new political party combining socialists and Muslims. It looks at the rise and fall of Respect in its power base of Tower Hamlets, including George Galloway’s defeat of Labour’s pro-war Oona King in the 2005 general election and more limited electoral successes in the local council. It argues that Respect was a coalition based on opportunism, and another example of the failure of popular front politics. It was conceived by a weakening left, prepared to compromise its socialist programme to make links with a strengthening Islamic movement. It made the left even weaker and strengthened religious organisations. The chapter examines at length whether religious and socialist organisations can work together beyond single issue campaigns. It concludes that while non-political Muslims might practise forms of socialism, Marxists and Islamists hold incompatible world views and any attempt at a more general coalition between the two would be bound to result in unacceptable compromise.Less
Chapter 9 looks at the attempt by some on the left (especially the Socialist Workers’ Party) to build on the movement against the Iraq war and create a new political party combining socialists and Muslims. It looks at the rise and fall of Respect in its power base of Tower Hamlets, including George Galloway’s defeat of Labour’s pro-war Oona King in the 2005 general election and more limited electoral successes in the local council. It argues that Respect was a coalition based on opportunism, and another example of the failure of popular front politics. It was conceived by a weakening left, prepared to compromise its socialist programme to make links with a strengthening Islamic movement. It made the left even weaker and strengthened religious organisations. The chapter examines at length whether religious and socialist organisations can work together beyond single issue campaigns. It concludes that while non-political Muslims might practise forms of socialism, Marxists and Islamists hold incompatible world views and any attempt at a more general coalition between the two would be bound to result in unacceptable compromise.
Molly Geidel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816692217
- eISBN:
- 9781452952468
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816692217.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
To tens of thousands of volunteers in its first decade, the Peace Corps was “the toughest job you’ll ever love.” In the United States’ popular imagination to this day, it is a symbol of selfless ...
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To tens of thousands of volunteers in its first decade, the Peace Corps was “the toughest job you’ll ever love.” In the United States’ popular imagination to this day, it is a symbol of selfless altruism and the most successful program of John F. Kennedy’s presidency. But in her provocative new cultural history of the 1960s Peace Corps, Molly Geidel argues that the agency’s representative development ventures also legitimated the violent exercise of American power around the world and the destruction of indigenous ways of life. In the 1960s, the practice of development work, embodied by iconic Peace Corps volunteers, allowed U.S. policy makers to manage global inequality while assuaging their own gendered anxieties about postwar affluence. Geidel traces how modernization theorists used the Peace Corps to craft the archetype of the heroic development worker: a ruggedly masculine figure who would inspire individuals and communities to abandon traditional lifestyles and seek integration into the global capitalist system. Drawing on original archival and ethnographic research, Geidel analyzes how Peace Corps volunteers struggled to apply these ideals. The book focuses on the case of Bolivia, where indigenous nationalist movements dramatically expelled the Peace Corps in 1971. She also shows how Peace Corps development ideology shaped domestic and transnational social protest, including U.S. civil rights, black nationalist, and antiwar movements.Less
To tens of thousands of volunteers in its first decade, the Peace Corps was “the toughest job you’ll ever love.” In the United States’ popular imagination to this day, it is a symbol of selfless altruism and the most successful program of John F. Kennedy’s presidency. But in her provocative new cultural history of the 1960s Peace Corps, Molly Geidel argues that the agency’s representative development ventures also legitimated the violent exercise of American power around the world and the destruction of indigenous ways of life. In the 1960s, the practice of development work, embodied by iconic Peace Corps volunteers, allowed U.S. policy makers to manage global inequality while assuaging their own gendered anxieties about postwar affluence. Geidel traces how modernization theorists used the Peace Corps to craft the archetype of the heroic development worker: a ruggedly masculine figure who would inspire individuals and communities to abandon traditional lifestyles and seek integration into the global capitalist system. Drawing on original archival and ethnographic research, Geidel analyzes how Peace Corps volunteers struggled to apply these ideals. The book focuses on the case of Bolivia, where indigenous nationalist movements dramatically expelled the Peace Corps in 1971. She also shows how Peace Corps development ideology shaped domestic and transnational social protest, including U.S. civil rights, black nationalist, and antiwar movements.
Steven J. Ramold
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814729199
- eISBN:
- 9780814760178
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814729199.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Union soldiers left home in 1861 with expectations that the conflict would be short, the purpose of the war was clear, and public support back home was universal. As the war continued, however, Union ...
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Union soldiers left home in 1861 with expectations that the conflict would be short, the purpose of the war was clear, and public support back home was universal. As the war continued, however, Union soldiers began to perceive a great difference between what they expected and what was actually occurring. Their family relationships were evolving, the purpose of the war was changing, and civilians were questioning the leadership of the government and Army to the point of debating whether the war should continue at all. Separated from Northern civilians by a series of literal and figurative divides, Union soldiers viewed the growing disparities between their own expectations and those of their families at home with growing concern and alarm. Instead of support for the war, an extensive and oft-violent anti-war movement emerged. Often at odds with those at home and with limited means of communication to their homes at their disposal, soldiers used letters, newspaper editorials, and political statements to influence the actions and beliefs of their home communities. When communication failed, soldiers sometimes took extremist positions on the war, its conduct, and how civilian attitudes about the conflict should be shaped. This book reveals the wide array of factors that prevented the Union Army and the civilians on whose behalf they were fighting from becoming a united front during the Civil War. It illustrates how the divided spheres of Civil War experience created social and political conflict far removed from the better-known battlefields of the war.Less
Union soldiers left home in 1861 with expectations that the conflict would be short, the purpose of the war was clear, and public support back home was universal. As the war continued, however, Union soldiers began to perceive a great difference between what they expected and what was actually occurring. Their family relationships were evolving, the purpose of the war was changing, and civilians were questioning the leadership of the government and Army to the point of debating whether the war should continue at all. Separated from Northern civilians by a series of literal and figurative divides, Union soldiers viewed the growing disparities between their own expectations and those of their families at home with growing concern and alarm. Instead of support for the war, an extensive and oft-violent anti-war movement emerged. Often at odds with those at home and with limited means of communication to their homes at their disposal, soldiers used letters, newspaper editorials, and political statements to influence the actions and beliefs of their home communities. When communication failed, soldiers sometimes took extremist positions on the war, its conduct, and how civilian attitudes about the conflict should be shaped. This book reveals the wide array of factors that prevented the Union Army and the civilians on whose behalf they were fighting from becoming a united front during the Civil War. It illustrates how the divided spheres of Civil War experience created social and political conflict far removed from the better-known battlefields of the war.
Song-Chuan Chen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789888390564
- eISBN:
- 9789888390274
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888390564.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This book challenges conventional arguments that the major driving forces of the First Opium War were the infamous opium smuggling trade, the defence of British national honour, and cultural ...
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This book challenges conventional arguments that the major driving forces of the First Opium War were the infamous opium smuggling trade, the defence of British national honour, and cultural conflicts between ‘progressive’ Britain and ‘backward’ China. Instead, it argues that the war was triggered by a group of British merchants in the Chinese port of Canton in the 1830s, known as the ‘Warlike Party’. Living in a period when British knowledge of China was growing rapidly, the Warlike Party came to understand China’s weakness and its members returned to London to lobby for intervention until war broke out in 1839.
However, the Warlike Party did not get its way entirely. Another group of British merchants known in Canton as the ‘Pacific Party’ opposed the war. In Britain, the anti-war movement gave the conflict its infamous name, the ‘Opium War’, which has stuck ever since. Using materials housed in the National Archives, UK, the First Historical Archives of China, the National Palace Museum, the British Library, SOAS Library, and Cambridge University Library, this meticulously researched and lucid volume is a new history of the cause of the First Opium War.Less
This book challenges conventional arguments that the major driving forces of the First Opium War were the infamous opium smuggling trade, the defence of British national honour, and cultural conflicts between ‘progressive’ Britain and ‘backward’ China. Instead, it argues that the war was triggered by a group of British merchants in the Chinese port of Canton in the 1830s, known as the ‘Warlike Party’. Living in a period when British knowledge of China was growing rapidly, the Warlike Party came to understand China’s weakness and its members returned to London to lobby for intervention until war broke out in 1839.
However, the Warlike Party did not get its way entirely. Another group of British merchants known in Canton as the ‘Pacific Party’ opposed the war. In Britain, the anti-war movement gave the conflict its infamous name, the ‘Opium War’, which has stuck ever since. Using materials housed in the National Archives, UK, the First Historical Archives of China, the National Palace Museum, the British Library, SOAS Library, and Cambridge University Library, this meticulously researched and lucid volume is a new history of the cause of the First Opium War.
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526128973
- eISBN:
- 9781526142030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526128973.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
By the early 1960s the original Fulbright Agreement had expired and a new one was negotiated, as a binational agreement with the Australian government providing equal funding. This was signed in ...
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By the early 1960s the original Fulbright Agreement had expired and a new one was negotiated, as a binational agreement with the Australian government providing equal funding. This was signed in 1964, in the context of increasing miliitary intervention in the war in Vietnam by both the US and Australia. Under the ANZUS and SEATO treaties, signed the previous decade, Australia was a keen ally of the US in Vietnam. The Fulbright program and the Australia-US Alliance were pursued simultaneously by the Australian government. Senator Fulbright visited Australia, criticised the Alliance and became a leading dissenter to the Vietnam War. Academics on educational exchange also became active in the anti-war movement.Less
By the early 1960s the original Fulbright Agreement had expired and a new one was negotiated, as a binational agreement with the Australian government providing equal funding. This was signed in 1964, in the context of increasing miliitary intervention in the war in Vietnam by both the US and Australia. Under the ANZUS and SEATO treaties, signed the previous decade, Australia was a keen ally of the US in Vietnam. The Fulbright program and the Australia-US Alliance were pursued simultaneously by the Australian government. Senator Fulbright visited Australia, criticised the Alliance and became a leading dissenter to the Vietnam War. Academics on educational exchange also became active in the anti-war movement.
Kenneth Baxter and William Kenefick
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781845860905
- eISBN:
- 9781474406031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781845860905.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This chapter suggests that increasing concerns over poverty, housing, and worsening economic conditions combined with the aspirations and political demands of a Labour movement laid the solid ...
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This chapter suggests that increasing concerns over poverty, housing, and worsening economic conditions combined with the aspirations and political demands of a Labour movement laid the solid foundations for Labour's further advance during the early twentieth century. In examining the activities of Dundee's early Labour radicals and socialists, it reveals how Labour's slow-but-steady progress from the late 1880s contributed to the important developments that were to take place in Dundee between 1905 and 1910; how the period of labour unrest from 1910 further advanced the Labour cause before 1914; and how with the ever present support of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) Dundee became a leading centre of the anti-war movement in Scotland during the Great War. The final section focuses on post-war developments within the Labour movement and the growing ‘Moderate’ anti-socialist alliance which politically polarised Dundee during the inter-war years.Less
This chapter suggests that increasing concerns over poverty, housing, and worsening economic conditions combined with the aspirations and political demands of a Labour movement laid the solid foundations for Labour's further advance during the early twentieth century. In examining the activities of Dundee's early Labour radicals and socialists, it reveals how Labour's slow-but-steady progress from the late 1880s contributed to the important developments that were to take place in Dundee between 1905 and 1910; how the period of labour unrest from 1910 further advanced the Labour cause before 1914; and how with the ever present support of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) Dundee became a leading centre of the anti-war movement in Scotland during the Great War. The final section focuses on post-war developments within the Labour movement and the growing ‘Moderate’ anti-socialist alliance which politically polarised Dundee during the inter-war years.
Howard Malchow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804773997
- eISBN:
- 9780804777834
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804773997.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book reevaluates Anglo-American cultural exchange by exploring metropolitan London's culture and counterculture from the 1950s to the 1970s. It challenges a tendency in cultural studies to ...
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This book reevaluates Anglo-American cultural exchange by exploring metropolitan London's culture and counterculture from the 1950s to the 1970s. It challenges a tendency in cultural studies to privilege local reception and attempts to restore the concept of Americanization in this critical era of mass tourism, professional exchange, and media globalization—while acknowledging an important degree of cultural hybridity and circularity. The study begins with the influence of American modernism in the built environment and in “Swinging London” generally, and then moves to its central project, the re-exploration of British counterculture—the anti-war movement, student rebellion, hippies, popular music, the alternative press, and the late 1960s triad of black, feminist, and gay liberationisms—as intimately tied to American experience and to American agents of cultural change. The book retrieves these phenomena as more central and enduring in British metropolitan life than the current orthodoxy allows, and subjects to sharp critical scrutiny prevalent assertions of cultural “authenticity” in their British variants. Finally, the book looks at aspects of the turn against modernism and the counterculture in the 1970s.Less
This book reevaluates Anglo-American cultural exchange by exploring metropolitan London's culture and counterculture from the 1950s to the 1970s. It challenges a tendency in cultural studies to privilege local reception and attempts to restore the concept of Americanization in this critical era of mass tourism, professional exchange, and media globalization—while acknowledging an important degree of cultural hybridity and circularity. The study begins with the influence of American modernism in the built environment and in “Swinging London” generally, and then moves to its central project, the re-exploration of British counterculture—the anti-war movement, student rebellion, hippies, popular music, the alternative press, and the late 1960s triad of black, feminist, and gay liberationisms—as intimately tied to American experience and to American agents of cultural change. The book retrieves these phenomena as more central and enduring in British metropolitan life than the current orthodoxy allows, and subjects to sharp critical scrutiny prevalent assertions of cultural “authenticity” in their British variants. Finally, the book looks at aspects of the turn against modernism and the counterculture in the 1970s.
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526128973
- eISBN:
- 9781526142030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526128973.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
The Vietnam War posed significant challenges to academics on educational exchange who were expected under the Fulbright program to be ambassadors as well as researchers. The CIA surveillance of the ...
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The Vietnam War posed significant challenges to academics on educational exchange who were expected under the Fulbright program to be ambassadors as well as researchers. The CIA surveillance of the anti-war movement and political interference in the administration of the Fulbright program from government caused academics in both Australia and America to defend the autonomy of the Program. How did scholars interpret the ambassadorial expectation when they were opposed to their government’s foreign policy? Many also found they could not speak critically of their national government without antagonising their hosts. Living up to the Fulbright program’s ideal of achieving ‘mutual understanding’ was very much a matter of learning by experience, to be interpreted by scholars for whom research was actually the priority.Less
The Vietnam War posed significant challenges to academics on educational exchange who were expected under the Fulbright program to be ambassadors as well as researchers. The CIA surveillance of the anti-war movement and political interference in the administration of the Fulbright program from government caused academics in both Australia and America to defend the autonomy of the Program. How did scholars interpret the ambassadorial expectation when they were opposed to their government’s foreign policy? Many also found they could not speak critically of their national government without antagonising their hosts. Living up to the Fulbright program’s ideal of achieving ‘mutual understanding’ was very much a matter of learning by experience, to be interpreted by scholars for whom research was actually the priority.
Bryan Hardin Thrift
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049311
- eISBN:
- 9780813050133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049311.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
In retrospect, 1968 was the year a conservative era dawned. The year was so promising that Helms considered a run for governor. From 1968 until Helms’s election to the Senate in 1972, public anxiety ...
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In retrospect, 1968 was the year a conservative era dawned. The year was so promising that Helms considered a run for governor. From 1968 until Helms’s election to the Senate in 1972, public anxiety about urban riots, the failing effort in Vietnam, continued liberal influence, and the black power, anti-war, and feminist movements aided his efforts to increase the backlash against Democrats. But a shift toward conservatives was far from certain. Helms feared that the 1968 Republican presidential nominee, Richard Nixon, would run as a moderate out of political expediency. Helms used WRAL to push the debate as far to the right as possible during the election, and afterward he never hesitated to criticize Nixon. Helms’s entrance into the 1972 senatorial election culminated over two decades of mixing his media career with politics. He only reluctantly engaged in retail politics. He was first of all a media insider—a news director, a reluctant entertainment executive, and a conservative television personality. He had refined pious incitement for eleven years on WRAL. Along with his campaign manager and close friend Tom Ellis, Helms used pious incitement in a massive advertising campaign to depict his opponent—Congressman Nick Galifianakis—as an out-of-touch liberal.Less
In retrospect, 1968 was the year a conservative era dawned. The year was so promising that Helms considered a run for governor. From 1968 until Helms’s election to the Senate in 1972, public anxiety about urban riots, the failing effort in Vietnam, continued liberal influence, and the black power, anti-war, and feminist movements aided his efforts to increase the backlash against Democrats. But a shift toward conservatives was far from certain. Helms feared that the 1968 Republican presidential nominee, Richard Nixon, would run as a moderate out of political expediency. Helms used WRAL to push the debate as far to the right as possible during the election, and afterward he never hesitated to criticize Nixon. Helms’s entrance into the 1972 senatorial election culminated over two decades of mixing his media career with politics. He only reluctantly engaged in retail politics. He was first of all a media insider—a news director, a reluctant entertainment executive, and a conservative television personality. He had refined pious incitement for eleven years on WRAL. Along with his campaign manager and close friend Tom Ellis, Helms used pious incitement in a massive advertising campaign to depict his opponent—Congressman Nick Galifianakis—as an out-of-touch liberal.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226764023
- eISBN:
- 9780226763903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226763903.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, American Philosophy
This chapter focuses on Gershom Scholem and Leo Strauss, the two most important Jewish thinkers, whose prominence, if not preeminence, among the most important German Jewish thinkers is already ...
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This chapter focuses on Gershom Scholem and Leo Strauss, the two most important Jewish thinkers, whose prominence, if not preeminence, among the most important German Jewish thinkers is already secured. Despite their influence in their respective fields of kabala and political philosophy, no comparative study of their work has yet been attempted. The biographies of Scholem and Strauss present some striking parallels and contrasts. Scholem was born into a middle-class, assimilated Berlin family, the milieu of which he ridiculed mercilessly in his autobiography. From an early age, he was attracted to political Zionism and was active in the German anti-war movement during World War I, something that proved a profound embarrassment to his parents. Strauss, by contrast, was born into a religiously observant family in the Hessian village of Kirchhain that he would later describe as a home in which “the ceremonial laws were rather strictly observed,” but where “there was very little Jewish knowledge.”Less
This chapter focuses on Gershom Scholem and Leo Strauss, the two most important Jewish thinkers, whose prominence, if not preeminence, among the most important German Jewish thinkers is already secured. Despite their influence in their respective fields of kabala and political philosophy, no comparative study of their work has yet been attempted. The biographies of Scholem and Strauss present some striking parallels and contrasts. Scholem was born into a middle-class, assimilated Berlin family, the milieu of which he ridiculed mercilessly in his autobiography. From an early age, he was attracted to political Zionism and was active in the German anti-war movement during World War I, something that proved a profound embarrassment to his parents. Strauss, by contrast, was born into a religiously observant family in the Hessian village of Kirchhain that he would later describe as a home in which “the ceremonial laws were rather strictly observed,” but where “there was very little Jewish knowledge.”
Robert Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198807025
- eISBN:
- 9780191844812
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198807025.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter reviews the books The university at war, 1914–25. Britain, France, and the United States (2015) and Trinity in war and revolution, 1912–1923 (2015), both by Tomás Irish. In The ...
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This chapter reviews the books The university at war, 1914–25. Britain, France, and the United States (2015) and Trinity in war and revolution, 1912–1923 (2015), both by Tomás Irish. In The university at war, Irish argues that the three western allies—Britain, France, and the United States—had a concerted campaign to mobilise academic ideals as a weapon against Germany during World War I, and as a way of strengthening cooperation among themselves. He shows that American universities were engaged in this project from the start. He also examines a number of significant issues, including the anti-war movements in Britain and America, debates on academic freedom in America, and the promotion of student exchanges in a spirit of internationalism. The broad perspectives of Irish’s general study are complemented by his history of Trinity College Dublin.Less
This chapter reviews the books The university at war, 1914–25. Britain, France, and the United States (2015) and Trinity in war and revolution, 1912–1923 (2015), both by Tomás Irish. In The university at war, Irish argues that the three western allies—Britain, France, and the United States—had a concerted campaign to mobilise academic ideals as a weapon against Germany during World War I, and as a way of strengthening cooperation among themselves. He shows that American universities were engaged in this project from the start. He also examines a number of significant issues, including the anti-war movements in Britain and America, debates on academic freedom in America, and the promotion of student exchanges in a spirit of internationalism. The broad perspectives of Irish’s general study are complemented by his history of Trinity College Dublin.
Michael E. Staub
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226249933
- eISBN:
- 9780226250274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226250274.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This essay investigates how radicals in the 1960s and 1970s sought to use various forms of therapy to combat the emotional ills wrought by a society they believed had itself gone insane. Across the ...
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This essay investigates how radicals in the 1960s and 1970s sought to use various forms of therapy to combat the emotional ills wrought by a society they believed had itself gone insane. Across the United States, radicals established “counter-institutional” therapy rap centers as a way to break down the power hierarchy between client and counselor. These centers emphasized the group encounter—which was also identified as one important key to the processes of making progressive social change. From the radical perspective, mainstream therapeutic tools served to trick oppressed individuals by suggesting offers of material and psychic rewards if they abandoned their activism. From a feminist perspective, mainstream (and overwhelmingly male) psychiatrists were agents of adjustment whenever they stated the answer to women’s problems in terms which were private and individual, rather than social and interpersonal. Both perspectives ultimately remained hopelessly confounded on the core question of how best—or even if—the many varieties of radical therapy could ever result in meaningful social change. Yet this essay contends that the impact of radical therapy on mainstream therapy would ultimately be profound.Less
This essay investigates how radicals in the 1960s and 1970s sought to use various forms of therapy to combat the emotional ills wrought by a society they believed had itself gone insane. Across the United States, radicals established “counter-institutional” therapy rap centers as a way to break down the power hierarchy between client and counselor. These centers emphasized the group encounter—which was also identified as one important key to the processes of making progressive social change. From the radical perspective, mainstream therapeutic tools served to trick oppressed individuals by suggesting offers of material and psychic rewards if they abandoned their activism. From a feminist perspective, mainstream (and overwhelmingly male) psychiatrists were agents of adjustment whenever they stated the answer to women’s problems in terms which were private and individual, rather than social and interpersonal. Both perspectives ultimately remained hopelessly confounded on the core question of how best—or even if—the many varieties of radical therapy could ever result in meaningful social change. Yet this essay contends that the impact of radical therapy on mainstream therapy would ultimately be profound.
Stanley Aronowitz
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231135412
- eISBN:
- 9780231509503
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231135412.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
C. Wright Mills (1916–1962) was an intellectual who transformed the independent American Left in the 1940s and 1950s. Often challenging the established ideologies and approaches of fellow leftist ...
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C. Wright Mills (1916–1962) was an intellectual who transformed the independent American Left in the 1940s and 1950s. Often challenging the established ideologies and approaches of fellow leftist thinkers, Mills was central to creating and developing the idea of the “public intellectual” in postwar America and laid the political foundations for the rise of the New Left in the 1960s. This book reconstructs this icon's formation and the new dimension of American political life that followed his work. It revisits Mills's education and its role in shaping his outlook and intellectual restlessness. Mills defined himself as a maverick, and the book tests this claim (which has been challenged in recent years) against the work and thought of his contemporaries. It describes Mills's growing circle of contacts among the New York Intellectuals and his efforts to reenergize the Left by encouraging a fundamentally new theoretical orientation centered on more ambitious critiques of U.S. society. Blurring the rigid boundaries among philosophy, history, and social theory and between traditional orthodoxies and the radical imagination, Mills became one of the most admired and controversial thinkers of his time and was instrumental in inspiring the student and antiwar movements of the 1960s. This book not only reclaims this critical thinker's reputation but also emphasizes his ongoing significance to debates on power in American democracy.Less
C. Wright Mills (1916–1962) was an intellectual who transformed the independent American Left in the 1940s and 1950s. Often challenging the established ideologies and approaches of fellow leftist thinkers, Mills was central to creating and developing the idea of the “public intellectual” in postwar America and laid the political foundations for the rise of the New Left in the 1960s. This book reconstructs this icon's formation and the new dimension of American political life that followed his work. It revisits Mills's education and its role in shaping his outlook and intellectual restlessness. Mills defined himself as a maverick, and the book tests this claim (which has been challenged in recent years) against the work and thought of his contemporaries. It describes Mills's growing circle of contacts among the New York Intellectuals and his efforts to reenergize the Left by encouraging a fundamentally new theoretical orientation centered on more ambitious critiques of U.S. society. Blurring the rigid boundaries among philosophy, history, and social theory and between traditional orthodoxies and the radical imagination, Mills became one of the most admired and controversial thinkers of his time and was instrumental in inspiring the student and antiwar movements of the 1960s. This book not only reclaims this critical thinker's reputation but also emphasizes his ongoing significance to debates on power in American democracy.
