Mark Franko
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199777662
- eISBN:
- 9780199950119
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199777662.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Dance, History, American
Using newly discovered archival sources this book examines the major works of Martha Graham between 1938 and 1953, arguably her most productive period. Graham’s artistic maturation overlaps the ...
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Using newly discovered archival sources this book examines the major works of Martha Graham between 1938 and 1953, arguably her most productive period. Graham’s artistic maturation overlaps the global crisis of fascism, the conflict of World War II, and the post-war period that ushered in the Cold War. It also corresponds to the trajectory of her personal and professional relationship with dancer Erick Hawkins who first appeared with the Martha Graham Dance Company in 1938 when her art was taking on new dramaturgical complexity, political commitment and mytho-graphic dimension. As a relationship between a young man and a mature woman as well as between an established and a fledgling artist, the Graham-Hawkins story was a tormented one. The vicissitudes of this relationship and its emotional tone will be an integral part of the description of Graham’s work undertaken in this study. The sociological axes of seven major works are Graham’s involvement with anti-Fascism prior and during World War Two and her involvement with post-Freudian psychoanalytic theory and Jungian psychoanalysis in the postwar period. This book relates Graham’s original and groundbreaking use of myth to both anti-fascism and psychoanalysis, before and after the war respectively, and thus brings her choreography into direct relationship both to the key events of her time and to her personal life.Less
Using newly discovered archival sources this book examines the major works of Martha Graham between 1938 and 1953, arguably her most productive period. Graham’s artistic maturation overlaps the global crisis of fascism, the conflict of World War II, and the post-war period that ushered in the Cold War. It also corresponds to the trajectory of her personal and professional relationship with dancer Erick Hawkins who first appeared with the Martha Graham Dance Company in 1938 when her art was taking on new dramaturgical complexity, political commitment and mytho-graphic dimension. As a relationship between a young man and a mature woman as well as between an established and a fledgling artist, the Graham-Hawkins story was a tormented one. The vicissitudes of this relationship and its emotional tone will be an integral part of the description of Graham’s work undertaken in this study. The sociological axes of seven major works are Graham’s involvement with anti-Fascism prior and during World War Two and her involvement with post-Freudian psychoanalytic theory and Jungian psychoanalysis in the postwar period. This book relates Graham’s original and groundbreaking use of myth to both anti-fascism and psychoanalysis, before and after the war respectively, and thus brings her choreography into direct relationship both to the key events of her time and to her personal life.
Nicholas Owen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233014
- eISBN:
- 9780191716423
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233014.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter looks at the most successful effort to build an alliance of the kind described in the previous chapter: the anti-fascist alliance built by Jawaharlal Nehru and parts of the Labour left, ...
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This chapter looks at the most successful effort to build an alliance of the kind described in the previous chapter: the anti-fascist alliance built by Jawaharlal Nehru and parts of the Labour left, and the Communist Party of Great Britain, in the late 1930s. Nehru's greater success in alliance-building in Britain is analysed and explained, and the organizational consequences of his approach — in particular the growing strength of V. K. Krishna Menon's India League, and the anti-fascist agreement co-sponsored by Stafford Cripps in 1938 — are traced. The chapter goes on to examine and explain the difficulties Nehru encountered in delivering the Indian side of the bargain in the early years of the Second World War, the failure of the Cripps Mission in 1942, and the consequent fragmentation of metropolitan anti-imperialism.Less
This chapter looks at the most successful effort to build an alliance of the kind described in the previous chapter: the anti-fascist alliance built by Jawaharlal Nehru and parts of the Labour left, and the Communist Party of Great Britain, in the late 1930s. Nehru's greater success in alliance-building in Britain is analysed and explained, and the organizational consequences of his approach — in particular the growing strength of V. K. Krishna Menon's India League, and the anti-fascist agreement co-sponsored by Stafford Cripps in 1938 — are traced. The chapter goes on to examine and explain the difficulties Nehru encountered in delivering the Indian side of the bargain in the early years of the Second World War, the failure of the Cripps Mission in 1942, and the consequent fragmentation of metropolitan anti-imperialism.
Michael David-Fox
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199794577
- eISBN:
- 9780199932245
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199794577.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter traces Soviet cultural diplomacy through three radically divergent periods: the mid-1930s height of the Popular Front, the Great Terror and show trials from 1936–38, and the Nazi-Soviet ...
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This chapter traces Soviet cultural diplomacy through three radically divergent periods: the mid-1930s height of the Popular Front, the Great Terror and show trials from 1936–38, and the Nazi-Soviet Pact of 1939–41. Although the Soviet system for receiving foreigners that had emerged in the 1920s was not fundamentally reworked in the 1930s, prewar Stalinism was marked by sea-shifts in ideology and attitudes toward the outside world. The first was the rise of a “superiority complex,” in which virtually everything Soviet was deemed the best in the world, at least officially. The second was a decisive internal Soviet tilt, underway already at the height of European anti-fascism in the mid-1930s, away from the optimistic Soviet quest to engage and dominate Western cultural politics in favor of “vigilance,” ideological xenophobia, and the hunt for hidden enemies. During the Great Terror, international contacts that had previously brought prestige to Soviet cultural mediators suddenly became the grounds for mass physical annihilation as VOKS and Soviet international organizations were decimated; during the Pact period of Soviet cultural diplomacy, reduced to a shadow of its former self, became largely a matter of sending symbolic signals to the Nazis.Less
This chapter traces Soviet cultural diplomacy through three radically divergent periods: the mid-1930s height of the Popular Front, the Great Terror and show trials from 1936–38, and the Nazi-Soviet Pact of 1939–41. Although the Soviet system for receiving foreigners that had emerged in the 1920s was not fundamentally reworked in the 1930s, prewar Stalinism was marked by sea-shifts in ideology and attitudes toward the outside world. The first was the rise of a “superiority complex,” in which virtually everything Soviet was deemed the best in the world, at least officially. The second was a decisive internal Soviet tilt, underway already at the height of European anti-fascism in the mid-1930s, away from the optimistic Soviet quest to engage and dominate Western cultural politics in favor of “vigilance,” ideological xenophobia, and the hunt for hidden enemies. During the Great Terror, international contacts that had previously brought prestige to Soviet cultural mediators suddenly became the grounds for mass physical annihilation as VOKS and Soviet international organizations were decimated; during the Pact period of Soviet cultural diplomacy, reduced to a shadow of its former self, became largely a matter of sending symbolic signals to the Nazis.
Ailsa Wallace
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572113
- eISBN:
- 9780191721984
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572113.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature, European Literature
This monograph undertakes a critique of Hermynia Zur Mühlen's prose fiction. It uses her biography and contemporary literature as a context for analysing the content and form of her work, and traces ...
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This monograph undertakes a critique of Hermynia Zur Mühlen's prose fiction. It uses her biography and contemporary literature as a context for analysing the content and form of her work, and traces continuities and changes in her treatment of political, social, religious, and gender issues. To date, critics have mostly treated Zur Mühlen in terms of her sensational biography or as an author of socialist fairy tales or exile literature. A full investigation of her work in different genres has been hindered by traditional prejudices about the canon, high art, and popular culture and politics. The monograph begins with Zur Mühlen's writing in the Weimar Republic. The first section examines her Märchen, Krimis, Mädchenliteratur and autobiography in the context of left-wing literary debates and contemporary inter-war literature. It shows how Zur Mühlen viewed literature primarily as a political tool, and sought to appropriate popular forms of literature in order to convey socialist ideas to a wide and varied audience in an entertaining fashion. The second section is devoted to Zur Mühlen's writing in exile. It discusses Zur Mühlen's early exile fiction written on arrival in Austria, and argues that Zur Mühlen's attitudes were defined by anti-fascism and her disillusionment with Communism. By tracing continuities and changes in her treatment of social, religious and gender issues from earlier works, we can assess how exile impacted on her writing, obliged her to experiment with new forms and genres, and to recycle old material. It goes on to investigate Zur Mühlen's ‘Austrian Forsyte Saga’ and how her conception of it changed in the light of the collapse of central Europe at the end of the 1930s and further exile.Less
This monograph undertakes a critique of Hermynia Zur Mühlen's prose fiction. It uses her biography and contemporary literature as a context for analysing the content and form of her work, and traces continuities and changes in her treatment of political, social, religious, and gender issues. To date, critics have mostly treated Zur Mühlen in terms of her sensational biography or as an author of socialist fairy tales or exile literature. A full investigation of her work in different genres has been hindered by traditional prejudices about the canon, high art, and popular culture and politics. The monograph begins with Zur Mühlen's writing in the Weimar Republic. The first section examines her Märchen, Krimis, Mädchenliteratur and autobiography in the context of left-wing literary debates and contemporary inter-war literature. It shows how Zur Mühlen viewed literature primarily as a political tool, and sought to appropriate popular forms of literature in order to convey socialist ideas to a wide and varied audience in an entertaining fashion. The second section is devoted to Zur Mühlen's writing in exile. It discusses Zur Mühlen's early exile fiction written on arrival in Austria, and argues that Zur Mühlen's attitudes were defined by anti-fascism and her disillusionment with Communism. By tracing continuities and changes in her treatment of social, religious and gender issues from earlier works, we can assess how exile impacted on her writing, obliged her to experiment with new forms and genres, and to recycle old material. It goes on to investigate Zur Mühlen's ‘Austrian Forsyte Saga’ and how her conception of it changed in the light of the collapse of central Europe at the end of the 1930s and further exile.
Janek Wasserman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452871
- eISBN:
- 9780801455223
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452871.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Interwar Vienna was considered a bastion of radical socialist thought, and its reputation as “Red Vienna” has loomed large in both the popular imagination and the historiography of Central Europe. ...
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Interwar Vienna was considered a bastion of radical socialist thought, and its reputation as “Red Vienna” has loomed large in both the popular imagination and the historiography of Central Europe. However, as this book shows, a “Black Vienna” existed as well; its members voiced critiques of the postwar democratic order, Jewish inclusion, and Enlightenment values, providing a theoretical foundation for Austrian and Central European fascist movements. Looking at the complex interplay between intellectuals, the public, and the state, the book argues that seemingly apolitical Viennese intellectuals, especially conservative ones, dramatically affected the course of Austrian history. While Red Viennese intellectuals mounted an impressive challenge in cultural and intellectual forums throughout the city, radical conservatism carried the day. Black Viennese intellectuals hastened the destruction of the First Republic, facilitating the establishment of the Austrofascist state and paving the way for Anschluss with Nazi Germany. Closely observing the works and actions of Viennese reformers, journalists, philosophers, and scientists, the book traces intellectual, social, and political developments in the Austrian First Republic while highlighting intellectuals' participation in the growing worldwide conflict between socialism, conservatism, and fascism. Vienna was a microcosm of larger developments in Europe—the rise of the radical right and the struggle between competing ideological visions. By focusing on the evolution of Austrian conservatism, the book complicates post-World War II narratives about Austrian anti-fascism and Austrian victimhood.Less
Interwar Vienna was considered a bastion of radical socialist thought, and its reputation as “Red Vienna” has loomed large in both the popular imagination and the historiography of Central Europe. However, as this book shows, a “Black Vienna” existed as well; its members voiced critiques of the postwar democratic order, Jewish inclusion, and Enlightenment values, providing a theoretical foundation for Austrian and Central European fascist movements. Looking at the complex interplay between intellectuals, the public, and the state, the book argues that seemingly apolitical Viennese intellectuals, especially conservative ones, dramatically affected the course of Austrian history. While Red Viennese intellectuals mounted an impressive challenge in cultural and intellectual forums throughout the city, radical conservatism carried the day. Black Viennese intellectuals hastened the destruction of the First Republic, facilitating the establishment of the Austrofascist state and paving the way for Anschluss with Nazi Germany. Closely observing the works and actions of Viennese reformers, journalists, philosophers, and scientists, the book traces intellectual, social, and political developments in the Austrian First Republic while highlighting intellectuals' participation in the growing worldwide conflict between socialism, conservatism, and fascism. Vienna was a microcosm of larger developments in Europe—the rise of the radical right and the struggle between competing ideological visions. By focusing on the evolution of Austrian conservatism, the book complicates post-World War II narratives about Austrian anti-fascism and Austrian victimhood.
Ailsa Wallace
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572113
- eISBN:
- 9780191721984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572113.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature, European Literature
This chapter discusses the early exile literature that Zur Mühlen published after arriving in Austria, and how she continued to experiment with content and form in her search for a balance between ...
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This chapter discusses the early exile literature that Zur Mühlen published after arriving in Austria, and how she continued to experiment with content and form in her search for a balance between political instruction and entertainment that publishers would accept in that political climate. Contrary to much secondary literature, it contends that Unsere Töchter, die Nazinen is more than just a flawed Zeitroman, and examines the ways in which she alerted her readership to the dangers of the Third Reich and tried to promote resistance. Her humorous novel, Nora hat eine famose Idee shows how she continued to appropriate popular genres for a political purpose, and demonstrates the limitations of the Humoreske for this use. Ein Jahr im Schatten uses many familiar elements from her Mädchenliteratur to discuss the rise of fascism in Germany from an Austrian perspective. In these three early exile novels, her politics are defined by anti-fascism and by an increasing move from Communism towards the Catholic Left. In advocating resistance she continued to champion collective action, but this was founded on basic human decency and individual responsibility, rather than Communist politics.Less
This chapter discusses the early exile literature that Zur Mühlen published after arriving in Austria, and how she continued to experiment with content and form in her search for a balance between political instruction and entertainment that publishers would accept in that political climate. Contrary to much secondary literature, it contends that Unsere Töchter, die Nazinen is more than just a flawed Zeitroman, and examines the ways in which she alerted her readership to the dangers of the Third Reich and tried to promote resistance. Her humorous novel, Nora hat eine famose Idee shows how she continued to appropriate popular genres for a political purpose, and demonstrates the limitations of the Humoreske for this use. Ein Jahr im Schatten uses many familiar elements from her Mädchenliteratur to discuss the rise of fascism in Germany from an Austrian perspective. In these three early exile novels, her politics are defined by anti-fascism and by an increasing move from Communism towards the Catholic Left. In advocating resistance she continued to champion collective action, but this was founded on basic human decency and individual responsibility, rather than Communist politics.
PETER JACKSON
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208341
- eISBN:
- 9780191677984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208341.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses how intelligence was central to the formulation of the land and air rearmament programmes adopted by the Popular Front government in the late 1936. This decision was triggered ...
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This chapter discusses how intelligence was central to the formulation of the land and air rearmament programmes adopted by the Popular Front government in the late 1936. This decision was triggered by the support generated by the anti-Fascism in order to come up with a defence expenditure from the traditionally pacifist left.Less
This chapter discusses how intelligence was central to the formulation of the land and air rearmament programmes adopted by the Popular Front government in the late 1936. This decision was triggered by the support generated by the anti-Fascism in order to come up with a defence expenditure from the traditionally pacifist left.
Reynold Humphries
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624553
- eISBN:
- 9780748651153
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624553.003.0004
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
The United States declared war on Japan on December 8, 1941 following the attack on Pearl Harbor. The controversy that raged in America between partisans and adversaries of the country's ...
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The United States declared war on Japan on December 8, 1941 following the attack on Pearl Harbor. The controversy that raged in America between partisans and adversaries of the country's participation in World War II was rendered more complex by the Spanish Civil War, the Nazi-Soviet Pact and attitudes within America to Nazi Germany. If Americans were united from 1941–1945, films made in the period 1938–1940 showed that anti-fascism brought together filmmakers of very different political opinions. Before discussing certain war films, this chapter describes an event that occurred in September 1941 whose repercussions were revelatory of the political climate in America and were to return, in an inverted form, once the war was over: the Senate Sub-Committee War Films Hearings. The Sub-Committee was created at the request of two senators, the Democrat Burton Wheeler and the Republican Gerald Nye, to investigate what they saw as blatant propaganda films put out by Hollywood to support Franklin D. Roosevelt's foreign policy and create a situation where the American public would support America entering the war.Less
The United States declared war on Japan on December 8, 1941 following the attack on Pearl Harbor. The controversy that raged in America between partisans and adversaries of the country's participation in World War II was rendered more complex by the Spanish Civil War, the Nazi-Soviet Pact and attitudes within America to Nazi Germany. If Americans were united from 1941–1945, films made in the period 1938–1940 showed that anti-fascism brought together filmmakers of very different political opinions. Before discussing certain war films, this chapter describes an event that occurred in September 1941 whose repercussions were revelatory of the political climate in America and were to return, in an inverted form, once the war was over: the Senate Sub-Committee War Films Hearings. The Sub-Committee was created at the request of two senators, the Democrat Burton Wheeler and the Republican Gerald Nye, to investigate what they saw as blatant propaganda films put out by Hollywood to support Franklin D. Roosevelt's foreign policy and create a situation where the American public would support America entering the war.
Reynold Humphries
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624553
- eISBN:
- 9780748651153
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624553.003.0002
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
The ultra-conservative newspaper magnate William Randolph Hearst published a doggerel which evokes the twin assumptions destined to become articles of faith for the Red-baiting Right after World War ...
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The ultra-conservative newspaper magnate William Randolph Hearst published a doggerel which evokes the twin assumptions destined to become articles of faith for the Red-baiting Right after World War II: the equation of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal with Communism with the notion that the New Deal's radical supporters were acting at the Soviet Union's behest. Those who continue to justify witch-hunting are embarrassed by the prevalence of anti-Semitism amongst the Red-baiters of the period. It is necessary to address the question of fascism and anti-fascism in order to understand why Communists lost support after World War II. The Hollywood Reds did represent an immense danger, but not to American democracy. What they challenged was the status quo, the economic order, the power and profits of the few, worse: the ideological notion of American hegemony as going without saying. And this challenge started before the opposition to racism and fascism became the rallying cry of the forces of progress.Less
The ultra-conservative newspaper magnate William Randolph Hearst published a doggerel which evokes the twin assumptions destined to become articles of faith for the Red-baiting Right after World War II: the equation of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal with Communism with the notion that the New Deal's radical supporters were acting at the Soviet Union's behest. Those who continue to justify witch-hunting are embarrassed by the prevalence of anti-Semitism amongst the Red-baiters of the period. It is necessary to address the question of fascism and anti-fascism in order to understand why Communists lost support after World War II. The Hollywood Reds did represent an immense danger, but not to American democracy. What they challenged was the status quo, the economic order, the power and profits of the few, worse: the ideological notion of American hegemony as going without saying. And this challenge started before the opposition to racism and fascism became the rallying cry of the forces of progress.
James Mark, Nigel Townson, and Polymeris Voglis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199587513
- eISBN:
- 9780191747557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199587513.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter uses oral history to uncover the range of political models that activists drew upon as inspiration for their own struggles. It examines the extent to which the tradition of the ...
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This chapter uses oral history to uncover the range of political models that activists drew upon as inspiration for their own struggles. It examines the extent to which the tradition of the anti-fascist struggle of the 1930s and 1940s remained, or regained, importance in the socialization of activists of this generation, and ways in which new exemplars drawn from the ‘Third World’ revolutions against imperialism and colonialism in Latin America, Africa or Asia supplanted earlier models. Testimony is drawn from southern European dictatorships, the communist bloc and democratic west of Europe to compare ways in which, in very different political contexts, anti-fascism and anti-imperialism were harnessed to motivate and legitimate revolt.Less
This chapter uses oral history to uncover the range of political models that activists drew upon as inspiration for their own struggles. It examines the extent to which the tradition of the anti-fascist struggle of the 1930s and 1940s remained, or regained, importance in the socialization of activists of this generation, and ways in which new exemplars drawn from the ‘Third World’ revolutions against imperialism and colonialism in Latin America, Africa or Asia supplanted earlier models. Testimony is drawn from southern European dictatorships, the communist bloc and democratic west of Europe to compare ways in which, in very different political contexts, anti-fascism and anti-imperialism were harnessed to motivate and legitimate revolt.
Keith Hodgson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719080555
- eISBN:
- 9781781702406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719080555.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This introductory chapter briefly sets out the purpose of the book, which is to counter myths about the British left and fascism in the inter-war years. It then considers why, when the British left ...
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This introductory chapter briefly sets out the purpose of the book, which is to counter myths about the British left and fascism in the inter-war years. It then considers why, when the British left is considered in relation to fascism and anti-fascism, its main organisations, namely the Labour Party and the Trades Union Congress, have suffered a grievous neglect. The chapter suggests that a re-examination of the British left and fascism may contribute something to the ongoing debates within the historiography of fascism, and perhaps may aid us in the recovery of some essentials which are in danger of being overlooked in today's ‘fascism studies’.Less
This introductory chapter briefly sets out the purpose of the book, which is to counter myths about the British left and fascism in the inter-war years. It then considers why, when the British left is considered in relation to fascism and anti-fascism, its main organisations, namely the Labour Party and the Trades Union Congress, have suffered a grievous neglect. The chapter suggests that a re-examination of the British left and fascism may contribute something to the ongoing debates within the historiography of fascism, and perhaps may aid us in the recovery of some essentials which are in danger of being overlooked in today's ‘fascism studies’.
Rebecca Clifford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199679812
- eISBN:
- 9780191759987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679812.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Cultural History
In Italy, as in France, the issue of state responsibility for the persecution of Jews was a key theme in debates surrounding commemoration in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In Italy these debates ...
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In Italy, as in France, the issue of state responsibility for the persecution of Jews was a key theme in debates surrounding commemoration in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In Italy these debates were strongly influenced by a broader ongoing national discussion about the legacies of Fascism and anti-Fascism. As this chapter explores, Holocaust commemoration was made politically viable in the Italian case through a consciously dehistoricized and depoliticized interpretation of the Fascist-era and wartime persecution of Italy's Jews. The Day of Memory, which became Italy's official Holocaust commemoration in 2000, was often used to serve the needs of competing political agendas, and it thus was, and remains, an event for which a superficial consensus masks deep divides at the level of practice. As in France, the figure of the rescuer assumed a central place in the new commemoration, but its symbolism was sometimes used as a tool of partisan politics.Less
In Italy, as in France, the issue of state responsibility for the persecution of Jews was a key theme in debates surrounding commemoration in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In Italy these debates were strongly influenced by a broader ongoing national discussion about the legacies of Fascism and anti-Fascism. As this chapter explores, Holocaust commemoration was made politically viable in the Italian case through a consciously dehistoricized and depoliticized interpretation of the Fascist-era and wartime persecution of Italy's Jews. The Day of Memory, which became Italy's official Holocaust commemoration in 2000, was often used to serve the needs of competing political agendas, and it thus was, and remains, an event for which a superficial consensus masks deep divides at the level of practice. As in France, the figure of the rescuer assumed a central place in the new commemoration, but its symbolism was sometimes used as a tool of partisan politics.
Scott Hamilton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719084355
- eISBN:
- 9781781702338
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719084355.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses Edward Palmer Thompson's family. The British intelligentsia did not enjoy a great deal of institutional and cultural autonomy. The incompleteness of Edward John's ...
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This chapter discusses Edward Palmer Thompson's family. The British intelligentsia did not enjoy a great deal of institutional and cultural autonomy. The incompleteness of Edward John's radicalisation was reflected in the books he wrote during the 1920s. He showed his ambivalent, conflicted attitude towards Britain and its Empire by rejecting the political positions of the Quit India movement established by his friends Nehru and Gandhi. Both Frank and Edward Palmer Thompson were powerfully influenced by their parents' interests and attitudes. They soon came to share their father's great love of literature, as well as some of his political views. The chapter then draws together some of the threads of the stories of Edward John and Frank Thompson, and relates them to the story of Edward Palmer Thompson. Thompson's historiographical positions ultimately defer to moral and political arguments which he pursued outside as well as inside the discipline of history.Less
This chapter discusses Edward Palmer Thompson's family. The British intelligentsia did not enjoy a great deal of institutional and cultural autonomy. The incompleteness of Edward John's radicalisation was reflected in the books he wrote during the 1920s. He showed his ambivalent, conflicted attitude towards Britain and its Empire by rejecting the political positions of the Quit India movement established by his friends Nehru and Gandhi. Both Frank and Edward Palmer Thompson were powerfully influenced by their parents' interests and attitudes. They soon came to share their father's great love of literature, as well as some of his political views. The chapter then draws together some of the threads of the stories of Edward John and Frank Thompson, and relates them to the story of Edward Palmer Thompson. Thompson's historiographical positions ultimately defer to moral and political arguments which he pursued outside as well as inside the discipline of history.
R.J.B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300193879
- eISBN:
- 9780300210118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300193879.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines Venice's experience during World War II, the alliance between Italy and Germany during the war, and the restoration of peace in the city by 1948. It considers the impact of the ...
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This chapter examines Venice's experience during World War II, the alliance between Italy and Germany during the war, and the restoration of peace in the city by 1948. It considers the impact of the war on Venice, particularly in the fields of art, architecture, leisure, and tourism. It also discusses politics in the city, including the rise of anti-Fascism. Finally, it describes the conditions in Venice in the post-war period, citing the establishment of welfare states as payment to the people for toppling Nazism and Fascism.Less
This chapter examines Venice's experience during World War II, the alliance between Italy and Germany during the war, and the restoration of peace in the city by 1948. It considers the impact of the war on Venice, particularly in the fields of art, architecture, leisure, and tourism. It also discusses politics in the city, including the rise of anti-Fascism. Finally, it describes the conditions in Venice in the post-war period, citing the establishment of welfare states as payment to the people for toppling Nazism and Fascism.
R.J.B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300193879
- eISBN:
- 9780300210118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300193879.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the theme of death in Venice in the years after World War II. Venice's official population in 1951 stood at 174,808. A decade later, the tally in old Venice had dropped to ...
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This chapter focuses on the theme of death in Venice in the years after World War II. Venice's official population in 1951 stood at 174,808. A decade later, the tally in old Venice had dropped to 137,150. By 2001 there were only 65,695 people in Venetia. After ten years, the urban population was down to 59,635. The chapter first describes the issues and concerns that preoccupied Venice during the first years of peace, including those relating to anti-Fascism, the Communist Party, and the social conditions that sustained it, tourism, and employment. It then considers the Christian Democrats who ruled the city, as well as city politics involving the Catholic Church. It also discusses the five-point plan proposed for Venice aimed at restoring damaged artworks and protecting the city from man-made pollutants, among other environmental initiatives.Less
This chapter focuses on the theme of death in Venice in the years after World War II. Venice's official population in 1951 stood at 174,808. A decade later, the tally in old Venice had dropped to 137,150. By 2001 there were only 65,695 people in Venetia. After ten years, the urban population was down to 59,635. The chapter first describes the issues and concerns that preoccupied Venice during the first years of peace, including those relating to anti-Fascism, the Communist Party, and the social conditions that sustained it, tourism, and employment. It then considers the Christian Democrats who ruled the city, as well as city politics involving the Catholic Church. It also discusses the five-point plan proposed for Venice aimed at restoring damaged artworks and protecting the city from man-made pollutants, among other environmental initiatives.
R.J.B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300193879
- eISBN:
- 9780300210118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300193879.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book has challenged various notions about Venice, such as the claim that the Italian city's history offers little with which modern-day visitors can identify personally, or that its history is ...
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This book has challenged various notions about Venice, such as the claim that the Italian city's history offers little with which modern-day visitors can identify personally, or that its history is dead just like Venice itself. It has argued that Venice actually boasts copious histories, many of which are modern, and that the city has been subject to change like any other place. In other words, time has not stood still in Venice. From the years after 1866, when Venetians learned to live under the rule of liberalism, to the glamour and squalor of the belle époque, Venice has actually experienced the full impact of contemporary history. The book has also chronicled Venice's experience with totalitarianism through the years of Benito Mussolini's rule, as well as the disputes involving cosmopolitanism and nationalism, Fascism and anti-Fascism, and between particularists and defenders of the Catholic Church.Less
This book has challenged various notions about Venice, such as the claim that the Italian city's history offers little with which modern-day visitors can identify personally, or that its history is dead just like Venice itself. It has argued that Venice actually boasts copious histories, many of which are modern, and that the city has been subject to change like any other place. In other words, time has not stood still in Venice. From the years after 1866, when Venetians learned to live under the rule of liberalism, to the glamour and squalor of the belle époque, Venice has actually experienced the full impact of contemporary history. The book has also chronicled Venice's experience with totalitarianism through the years of Benito Mussolini's rule, as well as the disputes involving cosmopolitanism and nationalism, Fascism and anti-Fascism, and between particularists and defenders of the Catholic Church.
Józef Mackiewicz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300145694
- eISBN:
- 9780300145700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300145694.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the role of German anti-fascism in the promotion of communism. It suggests that while Germany in the 1960s was undoubtedly the most anti-Nazi country in the world, official ...
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This chapter examines the role of German anti-fascism in the promotion of communism. It suggests that while Germany in the 1960s was undoubtedly the most anti-Nazi country in the world, official statistics reveal that there were about thirteen thousand trained communist agents in West Germany with an annual budget of 120 million marks and more than thirty crypto-communist organizations that operated openly under various fronts. It also argues that the so-called anti-fascism in every country was under the control of international communism which used it for its own objectives.Less
This chapter examines the role of German anti-fascism in the promotion of communism. It suggests that while Germany in the 1960s was undoubtedly the most anti-Nazi country in the world, official statistics reveal that there were about thirteen thousand trained communist agents in West Germany with an annual budget of 120 million marks and more than thirty crypto-communist organizations that operated openly under various fronts. It also argues that the so-called anti-fascism in every country was under the control of international communism which used it for its own objectives.
Wendy Pojmann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823245604
- eISBN:
- 9780823252688
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245604.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Chapter two analyzes developments between 1947 and 1949 when the Cold War became firmly entrenched in Italy as evidenced by the exclusion of the communists and socialists from Christian Democratic ...
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Chapter two analyzes developments between 1947 and 1949 when the Cold War became firmly entrenched in Italy as evidenced by the exclusion of the communists and socialists from Christian Democratic Prime Minister Alcide De Gasperi’s cabinet, Italy’s contentious membership in NATO, and the Pope’s excommunication of communists and socialists. It argues that despite a call for the return of women behind domestic walls, the Italian women’s associations actually stepped up their mobilization efforts and worked tirelessly to design and implement social service programs for housewives and working women and to participate in the great European and international debates that would affect Italy’s political and economic future. To place the Italian women’s associations in their international context, the chapter examines the CIF’s contribution to the founding of the international Catholic organization the World Movement of Mothers in 1947 and the development of the UDI’s role within the Women’s International Democratic Federation.Less
Chapter two analyzes developments between 1947 and 1949 when the Cold War became firmly entrenched in Italy as evidenced by the exclusion of the communists and socialists from Christian Democratic Prime Minister Alcide De Gasperi’s cabinet, Italy’s contentious membership in NATO, and the Pope’s excommunication of communists and socialists. It argues that despite a call for the return of women behind domestic walls, the Italian women’s associations actually stepped up their mobilization efforts and worked tirelessly to design and implement social service programs for housewives and working women and to participate in the great European and international debates that would affect Italy’s political and economic future. To place the Italian women’s associations in their international context, the chapter examines the CIF’s contribution to the founding of the international Catholic organization the World Movement of Mothers in 1947 and the development of the UDI’s role within the Women’s International Democratic Federation.
Matt Perry
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719087202
- eISBN:
- 9781781706831
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719087202.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This study seeks to delve beyond the familiar image of Ellen Wilkinson as the leader of the Jarrow Crusade. It has attempted to unearth new evidence to provide a richer understanding of this figure ...
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This study seeks to delve beyond the familiar image of Ellen Wilkinson as the leader of the Jarrow Crusade. It has attempted to unearth new evidence to provide a richer understanding of this figure who is remarkable in terms of her achievements, her acquaintances and her witnessing of history's great turning points. From a humble background, she ascended to the rank of Minister in the 1945 Labour government. Yet she was much more than a conventional Labour politician. She wrote journalism, political theory and novels. She was both a socialist and a feminist; at times, she described herself as a revolutionary. She met Lenin, Trotsky and Gandhi. She visited Soviet Russia, the GM sit-down strikes, the Indian civil disobedience campaign, the Spanish Civil War and the Third Reich. While viewed in the collective imagination as ‘Red Ellen’, whose politics were as red as her hair, her ideas were not static and present a series of puzzles. This study seeks to use transnational and social movement theory perspectives to grabble with the complex itinerary of ideas and her relationship with the movements for social transformation. This research is timely because interest in her life remains. This is in part because her principal concerns—working-class representation, the status of women, capitalist crisis, war, anti-fascism—remain central to contentious politics today.Less
This study seeks to delve beyond the familiar image of Ellen Wilkinson as the leader of the Jarrow Crusade. It has attempted to unearth new evidence to provide a richer understanding of this figure who is remarkable in terms of her achievements, her acquaintances and her witnessing of history's great turning points. From a humble background, she ascended to the rank of Minister in the 1945 Labour government. Yet she was much more than a conventional Labour politician. She wrote journalism, political theory and novels. She was both a socialist and a feminist; at times, she described herself as a revolutionary. She met Lenin, Trotsky and Gandhi. She visited Soviet Russia, the GM sit-down strikes, the Indian civil disobedience campaign, the Spanish Civil War and the Third Reich. While viewed in the collective imagination as ‘Red Ellen’, whose politics were as red as her hair, her ideas were not static and present a series of puzzles. This study seeks to use transnational and social movement theory perspectives to grabble with the complex itinerary of ideas and her relationship with the movements for social transformation. This research is timely because interest in her life remains. This is in part because her principal concerns—working-class representation, the status of women, capitalist crisis, war, anti-fascism—remain central to contentious politics today.
Jonathan Skolnik
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804786072
- eISBN:
- 9780804790598
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804786072.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This chapter examines Jewish novelists writing in Germany after the Nazi rise to power, as well as Jewish writers in exile from Hitler. It illustrates how Sephardic themes continued to be a source ...
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This chapter examines Jewish novelists writing in Germany after the Nazi rise to power, as well as Jewish writers in exile from Hitler. It illustrates how Sephardic themes continued to be a source for Jewish cultural memory. Jewish writers returned to the genre of historical fiction and to the models of earlier German-Jewish writers to give voice to their own experience of a renewed Inquisi¬tion and expulsion, to honor previous generations of German-Jewish writers as they bitterly distanced themselves from their integrationist dreams, and to distinguish a specifically Jewish resistance to fascism.Less
This chapter examines Jewish novelists writing in Germany after the Nazi rise to power, as well as Jewish writers in exile from Hitler. It illustrates how Sephardic themes continued to be a source for Jewish cultural memory. Jewish writers returned to the genre of historical fiction and to the models of earlier German-Jewish writers to give voice to their own experience of a renewed Inquisi¬tion and expulsion, to honor previous generations of German-Jewish writers as they bitterly distanced themselves from their integrationist dreams, and to distinguish a specifically Jewish resistance to fascism.
