Helena Waddy
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195371277
- eISBN:
- 9780199777341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195371277.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Chapter Four discusses identifying the core Nazi membership and building biographies of the leading figures. The narrative continues with partial coordination of Oberammergau’s community council. As ...
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Chapter Four discusses identifying the core Nazi membership and building biographies of the leading figures. The narrative continues with partial coordination of Oberammergau’s community council. As party members introduced a specifically Nazi culture and Catholics maintained their public presence, new joiners flocked to the Nazi party. The chapter turns to the motives for joining revealed through the biographies of top Nazis, both Catholics and Protestants, beginning with the Nazi mayor and including his nemesis within the party, the Motorstorm commander. Two Nazi generations, war-scarred veterans and unemployed youth, made up the core members for whom both anti-Communism and anti-Semitism emerge in the biographies as driving factors. The Nazi leaders introduced in Chapter Four become the characters carrying the narrative of Oberammergau’s Nazi regime in the following chapters. That story resumes with the first Nazi May Day celebrations in Oberammergau and a confrontation over the Corpus Christi procession.Less
Chapter Four discusses identifying the core Nazi membership and building biographies of the leading figures. The narrative continues with partial coordination of Oberammergau’s community council. As party members introduced a specifically Nazi culture and Catholics maintained their public presence, new joiners flocked to the Nazi party. The chapter turns to the motives for joining revealed through the biographies of top Nazis, both Catholics and Protestants, beginning with the Nazi mayor and including his nemesis within the party, the Motorstorm commander. Two Nazi generations, war-scarred veterans and unemployed youth, made up the core members for whom both anti-Communism and anti-Semitism emerge in the biographies as driving factors. The Nazi leaders introduced in Chapter Four become the characters carrying the narrative of Oberammergau’s Nazi regime in the following chapters. That story resumes with the first Nazi May Day celebrations in Oberammergau and a confrontation over the Corpus Christi procession.
Stacy Braukman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813039824
- eISBN:
- 9780813043166
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813039824.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book is about a state legislative committee that originated as a tool of massive resistance in Florida, but, through its investigations of gay and lesbian teachers, indecent literature, and ...
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This book is about a state legislative committee that originated as a tool of massive resistance in Florida, but, through its investigations of gay and lesbian teachers, indecent literature, and liberal professors, became a conservative cultural watchdog and a forerunner in the modern culture wars. The committee's targets illuminate the extent to which national discussions about race, sexuality, education, and communism shaped political concerns on the local and state levels and intersected with the desire to maintain racial segregation beginning in the 1950s. The book also demonstrates that red-baiting civil rights activists, claims of protecting youth from homosexual predators, eradicating smut from newsstands and classrooms, and defending the rights of Christian college students could be politically useful, but also that these tactics were based on more than mere political expediency. They were carried out and popularly supported by people who believed that their values were, at best, being undermined through modernization and, at worst, being threatened with extinction through the liberal subversion of American institutions. The Johns Committee's anti-Communist critique of sexual and racial perversion bound them together under the rubric of subversion and the rhetoric of defending children. This book suggests rethinking the origins of the social conservatism that became central to the New Right and the Republican Party by examining the ideas invoked to marginalize and silence those who opposed segregation as well as the imagined links between sexual and political nonconformity in the postwar period.Less
This book is about a state legislative committee that originated as a tool of massive resistance in Florida, but, through its investigations of gay and lesbian teachers, indecent literature, and liberal professors, became a conservative cultural watchdog and a forerunner in the modern culture wars. The committee's targets illuminate the extent to which national discussions about race, sexuality, education, and communism shaped political concerns on the local and state levels and intersected with the desire to maintain racial segregation beginning in the 1950s. The book also demonstrates that red-baiting civil rights activists, claims of protecting youth from homosexual predators, eradicating smut from newsstands and classrooms, and defending the rights of Christian college students could be politically useful, but also that these tactics were based on more than mere political expediency. They were carried out and popularly supported by people who believed that their values were, at best, being undermined through modernization and, at worst, being threatened with extinction through the liberal subversion of American institutions. The Johns Committee's anti-Communist critique of sexual and racial perversion bound them together under the rubric of subversion and the rhetoric of defending children. This book suggests rethinking the origins of the social conservatism that became central to the New Right and the Republican Party by examining the ideas invoked to marginalize and silence those who opposed segregation as well as the imagined links between sexual and political nonconformity in the postwar period.
Udi Greenberg
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159331
- eISBN:
- 9781400852390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159331.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter focuses on the theories of Karl Loewenstein. In the 1950s, German liberal politicians, intellectuals, and jurists welcomed the theory of militant democracy and claimed that political ...
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This chapter focuses on the theories of Karl Loewenstein. In the 1950s, German liberal politicians, intellectuals, and jurists welcomed the theory of militant democracy and claimed that political rights were dependent on loyalty to democratic institutions. They became ardent advocates of limiting rights and energetically supported Germany's participation in Cold War anti-Communist suppression. The transformation of German liberalism and the rise of militant democracy drew from older experiences. They were deeply shaped by the resurrection of a Weimar-era theory promulgated by Loewenstein, the liberal émigré who coined the term “militant democracy.” After the war, Loewenstein resumed his campaign to build a militant democracy in Germany, with the backing of U.S. occupation authorities. American officials, who believed that his plan would promote democratization and strengthen anti-Communist sentiments, sponsored his writings, lectures, and speeches.Less
This chapter focuses on the theories of Karl Loewenstein. In the 1950s, German liberal politicians, intellectuals, and jurists welcomed the theory of militant democracy and claimed that political rights were dependent on loyalty to democratic institutions. They became ardent advocates of limiting rights and energetically supported Germany's participation in Cold War anti-Communist suppression. The transformation of German liberalism and the rise of militant democracy drew from older experiences. They were deeply shaped by the resurrection of a Weimar-era theory promulgated by Loewenstein, the liberal émigré who coined the term “militant democracy.” After the war, Loewenstein resumed his campaign to build a militant democracy in Germany, with the backing of U.S. occupation authorities. American officials, who believed that his plan would promote democratization and strengthen anti-Communist sentiments, sponsored his writings, lectures, and speeches.
Ellen D. Wu
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157825
- eISBN:
- 9781400848874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157825.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter talks about how the ethnic Chinese throughout the United States greeted the news of the People's Republic of China's entry into the Korean War with immense trepidation. Almost overnight, ...
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This chapter talks about how the ethnic Chinese throughout the United States greeted the news of the People's Republic of China's entry into the Korean War with immense trepidation. Almost overnight, the prevailing images of Chinese in the American public eye had metamorphosed from friendly Pacific allies to formidable, threatening foes. Chinatown's Korean War Red Scare dramatized the ways in which the Cold War structured the reconfiguration of Chinese American citizenship in the post-Exclusion era. The ascendance of anti-Communism as the defining paradigm of US foreign policy after World War II introduced new imperatives to clarify Chinese America's social and political standing. To address these issues, both parties looked to the identification of Chinese in the United States as Overseas Chinese—that is, members of a global Chinese diaspora with ties to each other and China.Less
This chapter talks about how the ethnic Chinese throughout the United States greeted the news of the People's Republic of China's entry into the Korean War with immense trepidation. Almost overnight, the prevailing images of Chinese in the American public eye had metamorphosed from friendly Pacific allies to formidable, threatening foes. Chinatown's Korean War Red Scare dramatized the ways in which the Cold War structured the reconfiguration of Chinese American citizenship in the post-Exclusion era. The ascendance of anti-Communism as the defining paradigm of US foreign policy after World War II introduced new imperatives to clarify Chinese America's social and political standing. To address these issues, both parties looked to the identification of Chinese in the United States as Overseas Chinese—that is, members of a global Chinese diaspora with ties to each other and China.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines some aspects of the relationship between France and Germany in the inter-war years, and discusses French responses to the ...
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This chapter examines some aspects of the relationship between France and Germany in the inter-war years, and discusses French responses to the German problem. What came to be called ‘collaboration’ had a long prehistory, and this complicated responses to defeat in 1940.Less
This chapter examines some aspects of the relationship between France and Germany in the inter-war years, and discusses French responses to the German problem. What came to be called ‘collaboration’ had a long prehistory, and this complicated responses to defeat in 1940.
Emily Abrams Ansari
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- June 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190649692
- eISBN:
- 9780190649722
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190649692.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
Classical composers seeking to create an American sound enjoyed unprecedented success during the 1930s and 1940s. Aaron Copland, Roy Harris, Howard Hanson, and others brought national and ...
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Classical composers seeking to create an American sound enjoyed unprecedented success during the 1930s and 1940s. Aaron Copland, Roy Harris, Howard Hanson, and others brought national and international attention to American composers for the first time in history. In the years after World War II, however, something changed. The prestige of musical Americanism waned rapidly as anti-Communists made accusations against leading Americanist composers. Meanwhile, a method of harmonic organization that some considered more Cold War–appropriate—serialism—began to rise in status. For many composers and historians, the Cold War had effectively “killed off” musical Americanism. In this book, the author offers a fuller, more nuanced picture of the effect of the Cold War on Americanist composers. She shows that the ideological conflict brought both challenges and opportunities. Some leftist Americanist composers struggled greatly in this new artistic and political environment, especially as American nationalism increasingly meant American exceptionalism. But composers of all political stripes would find in the federal government a new and unique channel through which to ensure the survival of musical Americanism, as the White House sought to use American music as a Cold War propaganda tool and American composers as cultural diplomats. The Americanists’ efforts to safeguard the reputation of their style would have significant consequences. Ultimately, they effected a rebranding of musical Americanism, with consequences that remain with us today.Less
Classical composers seeking to create an American sound enjoyed unprecedented success during the 1930s and 1940s. Aaron Copland, Roy Harris, Howard Hanson, and others brought national and international attention to American composers for the first time in history. In the years after World War II, however, something changed. The prestige of musical Americanism waned rapidly as anti-Communists made accusations against leading Americanist composers. Meanwhile, a method of harmonic organization that some considered more Cold War–appropriate—serialism—began to rise in status. For many composers and historians, the Cold War had effectively “killed off” musical Americanism. In this book, the author offers a fuller, more nuanced picture of the effect of the Cold War on Americanist composers. She shows that the ideological conflict brought both challenges and opportunities. Some leftist Americanist composers struggled greatly in this new artistic and political environment, especially as American nationalism increasingly meant American exceptionalism. But composers of all political stripes would find in the federal government a new and unique channel through which to ensure the survival of musical Americanism, as the White House sought to use American music as a Cold War propaganda tool and American composers as cultural diplomats. The Americanists’ efforts to safeguard the reputation of their style would have significant consequences. Ultimately, they effected a rebranding of musical Americanism, with consequences that remain with us today.
Stacy Braukman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813039824
- eISBN:
- 9780813043166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813039824.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the 1959 purge of homosexual professors at the University of Florida and its aftershocks, and the changing approach by the Johns Committee toward civil rights activists ...
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This chapter examines the 1959 purge of homosexual professors at the University of Florida and its aftershocks, and the changing approach by the Johns Committee toward civil rights activists following the wave of sit-ins in 1960.Less
This chapter examines the 1959 purge of homosexual professors at the University of Florida and its aftershocks, and the changing approach by the Johns Committee toward civil rights activists following the wave of sit-ins in 1960.
Matthew Taunton
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198817710
- eISBN:
- 9780191859175
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198817710.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature, World Literature
Red Britain provocatively situates the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 as the most definitive pretext for the cultural and political debates of the British mid-century. Drawing on new archival research ...
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Red Britain provocatively situates the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 as the most definitive pretext for the cultural and political debates of the British mid-century. Drawing on new archival research and historical scholarship to investigate British responses to Soviet politics and culture, Taunton describes their conceptual, discursive, and formal reverberations in British literature and culture. The book provides new insight into writers including Arthur Koestler, Doris Lessing, George Orwell, Dorothy Richardson, H. G Wells, and Raymond Williams, as well as a diverse cast of lesser-known writers, intellectuals, journalists, and visitors to the Soviet Union. As Taunton shows, the cultural resonances of the Russian Revolution are more far-reaching and various than has been acknowledged. Each of the five chapters of Red Britain takes as its subject one particular problem or debate, and explores the ways in which it was politicized as a result of the Russian Revolution and the subsequent development of the Soviet state. The chapters focus on the idea of the future; numbers and arithmetic; law and justice; debates around agriculture and landowning; and finally orality, literacy, and religion. In all of these spheres, Red Britain explores how political ideas formed in the Bolshevik revolution—futurist, utilitarian, literate, urban, statist, and economistic—clashed with and sometimes redirected, and were sometimes overwritten by, the medievalist, romantic, oral, pastoral, anarchic, and ethical emphases of English socialism.Less
Red Britain provocatively situates the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 as the most definitive pretext for the cultural and political debates of the British mid-century. Drawing on new archival research and historical scholarship to investigate British responses to Soviet politics and culture, Taunton describes their conceptual, discursive, and formal reverberations in British literature and culture. The book provides new insight into writers including Arthur Koestler, Doris Lessing, George Orwell, Dorothy Richardson, H. G Wells, and Raymond Williams, as well as a diverse cast of lesser-known writers, intellectuals, journalists, and visitors to the Soviet Union. As Taunton shows, the cultural resonances of the Russian Revolution are more far-reaching and various than has been acknowledged. Each of the five chapters of Red Britain takes as its subject one particular problem or debate, and explores the ways in which it was politicized as a result of the Russian Revolution and the subsequent development of the Soviet state. The chapters focus on the idea of the future; numbers and arithmetic; law and justice; debates around agriculture and landowning; and finally orality, literacy, and religion. In all of these spheres, Red Britain explores how political ideas formed in the Bolshevik revolution—futurist, utilitarian, literate, urban, statist, and economistic—clashed with and sometimes redirected, and were sometimes overwritten by, the medievalist, romantic, oral, pastoral, anarchic, and ethical emphases of English socialism.
Hun Joon Kim
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452390
- eISBN:
- 9780801470677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452390.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter discusses how the period between 1954 and 1987 had come to represent the first phase of the movement to find truth and restore justice. After a series of coups and regime changes ...
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This chapter discusses how the period between 1954 and 1987 had come to represent the first phase of the movement to find truth and restore justice. After a series of coups and regime changes occurred, a brief moment of democratization came around in 1979—the Seoul Spring. However, another anti-Communist regime came to power, following the successful coup led by General Chun Doo-hwan. Throughout these years, the victims' calls for truth and justice had been systematically suppressed. At the same time, the general public accepted the government's official narrative, perceiving the Jeju 4.3 events as a Communist rebellion and the victims as Communists and their supporters. Nevertheless, it was impossible for the government to cover up all traces of the atrocities. Pursuing the ideals of truth and justice, university students, journalists, and writers were particularly significant in the early advocacy process.Less
This chapter discusses how the period between 1954 and 1987 had come to represent the first phase of the movement to find truth and restore justice. After a series of coups and regime changes occurred, a brief moment of democratization came around in 1979—the Seoul Spring. However, another anti-Communist regime came to power, following the successful coup led by General Chun Doo-hwan. Throughout these years, the victims' calls for truth and justice had been systematically suppressed. At the same time, the general public accepted the government's official narrative, perceiving the Jeju 4.3 events as a Communist rebellion and the victims as Communists and their supporters. Nevertheless, it was impossible for the government to cover up all traces of the atrocities. Pursuing the ideals of truth and justice, university students, journalists, and writers were particularly significant in the early advocacy process.
Robin D. G. Kelley
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625485
- eISBN:
- 9781469625508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625485.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter discusses the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1935, which fanned the flames of anti-Communism while simultaneously creating opportunities for Communists in ...
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This chapter discusses the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1935, which fanned the flames of anti-Communism while simultaneously creating opportunities for Communists in the labor movement. In Birmingham, the CIO was more than just a federation of labor organizations. The CIO offered activists strength in numbers, security, interracial unity, and legitimacy—goals that Alabama Communists had hoped to achieve through the Popular Front. Thus, it should not be surprising that black Communists devoted more time and energy to the CIO, contributing to the decline of the Party. Most Blacks who left the Party during the Popular Front were not disillusioned with the goals or ideals of the movement; they simply found a better vehicle through which to realize these goals. For some black working people, the CIO was the first real alternative to the Communist Party; for others, the CIO became the Party.Less
This chapter discusses the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1935, which fanned the flames of anti-Communism while simultaneously creating opportunities for Communists in the labor movement. In Birmingham, the CIO was more than just a federation of labor organizations. The CIO offered activists strength in numbers, security, interracial unity, and legitimacy—goals that Alabama Communists had hoped to achieve through the Popular Front. Thus, it should not be surprising that black Communists devoted more time and energy to the CIO, contributing to the decline of the Party. Most Blacks who left the Party during the Popular Front were not disillusioned with the goals or ideals of the movement; they simply found a better vehicle through which to realize these goals. For some black working people, the CIO was the first real alternative to the Communist Party; for others, the CIO became the Party.
Luke Ferretter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625093
- eISBN:
- 9780748671694
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625093.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
This chapter discusses Plath's political views and her expression of these views in her fiction. After a discussion of the development of her political thought, the chapter examines Plath's ...
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This chapter discusses Plath's political views and her expression of these views in her fiction. After a discussion of the development of her political thought, the chapter examines Plath's conflicted representations of race in ‘The Perfect Setup’ and The Bell Jar. Her representations of the Cold War are considered next, from the story ‘Brief Encounter’ to the role of the Rosenbergs, the UN and Esther's romantic encounter with the Russian interpreter Constantin in The Bell Jar. In the novel, as in her diaries and in her Cold War collage of 1960, Plath sees American militarism and anti-Communism as against the interests of women, children and families. The chapter concludes with an examination of Plath's short stories on the racism experienced by German-Americans like her own family in the Second World War.Less
This chapter discusses Plath's political views and her expression of these views in her fiction. After a discussion of the development of her political thought, the chapter examines Plath's conflicted representations of race in ‘The Perfect Setup’ and The Bell Jar. Her representations of the Cold War are considered next, from the story ‘Brief Encounter’ to the role of the Rosenbergs, the UN and Esther's romantic encounter with the Russian interpreter Constantin in The Bell Jar. In the novel, as in her diaries and in her Cold War collage of 1960, Plath sees American militarism and anti-Communism as against the interests of women, children and families. The chapter concludes with an examination of Plath's short stories on the racism experienced by German-Americans like her own family in the Second World War.
Michelle Chase
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625003
- eISBN:
- 9781469625027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625003.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter argues that struggles over idealized visions of marriage, children, and the family were key to competing notions of the nation’s future in this period. The chapter demonstrates that, ...
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This chapter argues that struggles over idealized visions of marriage, children, and the family were key to competing notions of the nation’s future in this period. The chapter demonstrates that, during the revolution’s first year in power, the leadership embarked on moderate reforms to bolster the family, unveiling initiatives to increase formal rates of marriage, construct mass housing, foment popular family tourism, and supply day care for working mothers. But as the revolution radicalized, new political mobilizations such as the 1961 literacy campaign increasingly took women, adolescents, and children out of the family home, and broader societal conflicts over religion and education grew increasingly sharp. In this context, the growing anti-Communist movement appealed to the “destruction of the family,” intentionally spreading rumors that parental custodial rights would be abrogated. Meanwhile, revolutionary leaders sharpened their visions of how the state might remold the working-class family.Less
This chapter argues that struggles over idealized visions of marriage, children, and the family were key to competing notions of the nation’s future in this period. The chapter demonstrates that, during the revolution’s first year in power, the leadership embarked on moderate reforms to bolster the family, unveiling initiatives to increase formal rates of marriage, construct mass housing, foment popular family tourism, and supply day care for working mothers. But as the revolution radicalized, new political mobilizations such as the 1961 literacy campaign increasingly took women, adolescents, and children out of the family home, and broader societal conflicts over religion and education grew increasingly sharp. In this context, the growing anti-Communist movement appealed to the “destruction of the family,” intentionally spreading rumors that parental custodial rights would be abrogated. Meanwhile, revolutionary leaders sharpened their visions of how the state might remold the working-class family.
Reynold Humphries
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624553
- eISBN:
- 9780748651153
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624553.003.0005
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter focuses on the prolonged and violent strikes that shook Warner Brothers in 1945 and 1946, and the consequent right-wing backlash within the industry (and beyond). The House Committee on ...
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This chapter focuses on the prolonged and violent strikes that shook Warner Brothers in 1945 and 1946, and the consequent right-wing backlash within the industry (and beyond). The House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) had investigated Communism in Hollywood as early as 1940, and the union struggles throughout the 1930s had left indelible traces within the ranks of those opposed to unionisation within the film industry. If the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals was the explicitly right-wing manifestation of anti-Communism in Hollywood, its creation in early 1944 was not a purely local phenomenon but a sign of the times. The reaction of Hollywood liberals to its creation was in keeping with the anti-fascist alliance of the war years.Less
This chapter focuses on the prolonged and violent strikes that shook Warner Brothers in 1945 and 1946, and the consequent right-wing backlash within the industry (and beyond). The House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) had investigated Communism in Hollywood as early as 1940, and the union struggles throughout the 1930s had left indelible traces within the ranks of those opposed to unionisation within the film industry. If the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals was the explicitly right-wing manifestation of anti-Communism in Hollywood, its creation in early 1944 was not a purely local phenomenon but a sign of the times. The reaction of Hollywood liberals to its creation was in keeping with the anti-fascist alliance of the war years.
Reynold Humphries
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624553
- eISBN:
- 9780748651153
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624553.003.0010
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
In 1972, there appeared a film which failed lamentably at the box office in the United States precisely because it sums up so cogently the climate of the early 1970s and so brilliantly links that ...
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In 1972, there appeared a film which failed lamentably at the box office in the United States precisely because it sums up so cogently the climate of the early 1970s and so brilliantly links that climate to the period under discussion in this book: Billy Wilder's Avanti!. Richard Nixon's resignation in 1974 was a suitably ignominious ending to the most disreputable career in post-war American politics, one of Red-baiting, witch hunting, political chicanery and war crimes in Vietnam and Cambodia. It was a fitting ending to a politician who had gained power by claiming to find Red conspiracies everywhere. This is, however, a cautionary tale. Just as we have seen how the anti-Communism of liberals led to the suppression of the very laws concerning freedom of speech and thought they claimed to champion, so the refusal of liberals to oppose witch hunting led straight to the Vietnam war and opened the doors of the White House to Nixon. Ultimately, this was due to the attitude of liberals to Joseph McCarthy.Less
In 1972, there appeared a film which failed lamentably at the box office in the United States precisely because it sums up so cogently the climate of the early 1970s and so brilliantly links that climate to the period under discussion in this book: Billy Wilder's Avanti!. Richard Nixon's resignation in 1974 was a suitably ignominious ending to the most disreputable career in post-war American politics, one of Red-baiting, witch hunting, political chicanery and war crimes in Vietnam and Cambodia. It was a fitting ending to a politician who had gained power by claiming to find Red conspiracies everywhere. This is, however, a cautionary tale. Just as we have seen how the anti-Communism of liberals led to the suppression of the very laws concerning freedom of speech and thought they claimed to champion, so the refusal of liberals to oppose witch hunting led straight to the Vietnam war and opened the doors of the White House to Nixon. Ultimately, this was due to the attitude of liberals to Joseph McCarthy.
Robert W. Cherny
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040788
- eISBN:
- 9780252099243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040788.003.0009
- Subject:
- Art, Art History
During the early Cold War, the Arnautoffs attracted more FBI surveillance. Victor was designated as DETCOM (Communist to be detained in case of national emergency) and COMSAB (potential Communist ...
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During the early Cold War, the Arnautoffs attracted more FBI surveillance. Victor was designated as DETCOM (Communist to be detained in case of national emergency) and COMSAB (potential Communist saboteur). With the rise of abstract expressionism, Victor’s social realism became marginalized, but he found a new cultural home in the California Labor School. He strongly defended the work of Anton Refregier at San Francisco’s Rincon Annex postoffice when it came under attack from anti-Communists. The Arnautoffs continued to be active in the Communist party and applied again to emigrate to the Soviet Union but were again deniedLess
During the early Cold War, the Arnautoffs attracted more FBI surveillance. Victor was designated as DETCOM (Communist to be detained in case of national emergency) and COMSAB (potential Communist saboteur). With the rise of abstract expressionism, Victor’s social realism became marginalized, but he found a new cultural home in the California Labor School. He strongly defended the work of Anton Refregier at San Francisco’s Rincon Annex postoffice when it came under attack from anti-Communists. The Arnautoffs continued to be active in the Communist party and applied again to emigrate to the Soviet Union but were again denied
Colleen Doody
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037276
- eISBN:
- 9780252094446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037276.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter provides some context on the city of Detroit, New Deal labor, and the Communist Party. In the 1940s, Detroit was a boomtown confronted with enormous social and political change. Most ...
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This chapter provides some context on the city of Detroit, New Deal labor, and the Communist Party. In the 1940s, Detroit was a boomtown confronted with enormous social and political change. Most Detroit residents had lived there for no more than a generation. The city's political and economic elites struggled to control these newcomers while the migrants themselves fought to assert their rights, which often conflicted with the rights of others. As a result of the growth of both its population and its labor movement, Detroit, a formerly largely white, open-shop town, became the most heavily unionized city in the nation with one of the largest African American populations outside of the South. Many of the same factors that led to Detroit's population changes also led to the expansion of the city's Communist Party.Less
This chapter provides some context on the city of Detroit, New Deal labor, and the Communist Party. In the 1940s, Detroit was a boomtown confronted with enormous social and political change. Most Detroit residents had lived there for no more than a generation. The city's political and economic elites struggled to control these newcomers while the migrants themselves fought to assert their rights, which often conflicted with the rights of others. As a result of the growth of both its population and its labor movement, Detroit, a formerly largely white, open-shop town, became the most heavily unionized city in the nation with one of the largest African American populations outside of the South. Many of the same factors that led to Detroit's population changes also led to the expansion of the city's Communist Party.
N. Megan Kelley
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781496806277
- eISBN:
- 9781496806314
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496806277.003.0005
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter focuses on political passing, in which the specter of passing was utilized in Hollywood films produced in the context of the Cold War. Films about political passing called into question ...
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This chapter focuses on political passing, in which the specter of passing was utilized in Hollywood films produced in the context of the Cold War. Films about political passing called into question who was who and the nature of identity. The notion that somebody could pass politically mirrored fears about racial passing, complicated by postwar obsessions with Communism. The chapter examines how anti-Communist films such as My Son John and Woman on Pier 13 tackle the “enemy within” and portray Communists as caricatures, either gangster-like or hyperintellectual, thus making visible what was supposed to be an invisible threat. It also considers the way anti-Communism in Hollywood exploited anxieties that were linked to postwar ideas about identity.Less
This chapter focuses on political passing, in which the specter of passing was utilized in Hollywood films produced in the context of the Cold War. Films about political passing called into question who was who and the nature of identity. The notion that somebody could pass politically mirrored fears about racial passing, complicated by postwar obsessions with Communism. The chapter examines how anti-Communist films such as My Son John and Woman on Pier 13 tackle the “enemy within” and portray Communists as caricatures, either gangster-like or hyperintellectual, thus making visible what was supposed to be an invisible threat. It also considers the way anti-Communism in Hollywood exploited anxieties that were linked to postwar ideas about identity.
Rosario Forlenza
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198817444
- eISBN:
- 9780191859045
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198817444.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter deals with the growing influence of both Soviet and domestic Communism on the evolution of democracy and the political transformation of Italy. It inserts the political and existential ...
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This chapter deals with the growing influence of both Soviet and domestic Communism on the evolution of democracy and the political transformation of Italy. It inserts the political and existential choices of the fledgling democratic society into the overarching context of the time, which was the incipient Cold War. Italy was a microcosm of this global context, because the most important political forces, the Catholics and the Communists, operated with the myth of freedom/America and the myth of the Soviet Union respectively. Yet the struggle was not exclusively pervaded and marked by contrast, fear, and opposition. Party political opponents had fought together in the anti-fascist Resistance and had collaborated in the organization of the democratic institutional arrangement and in the writing of the republican Constitution. The apparently ideological struggle between Catholics and communists was in reality a search for order and meaning between two contested sovereignties.Less
This chapter deals with the growing influence of both Soviet and domestic Communism on the evolution of democracy and the political transformation of Italy. It inserts the political and existential choices of the fledgling democratic society into the overarching context of the time, which was the incipient Cold War. Italy was a microcosm of this global context, because the most important political forces, the Catholics and the Communists, operated with the myth of freedom/America and the myth of the Soviet Union respectively. Yet the struggle was not exclusively pervaded and marked by contrast, fear, and opposition. Party political opponents had fought together in the anti-fascist Resistance and had collaborated in the organization of the democratic institutional arrangement and in the writing of the republican Constitution. The apparently ideological struggle between Catholics and communists was in reality a search for order and meaning between two contested sovereignties.
Gregory S. Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049205
- eISBN:
- 9780813050072
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049205.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This biography examines the life of Paul Crouch, who spent seventeen years in the Communist Party of the United States of America and, later, five years as an informant for the Federal Government. ...
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This biography examines the life of Paul Crouch, who spent seventeen years in the Communist Party of the United States of America and, later, five years as an informant for the Federal Government. This work demonstrates the dangers posed by ideologues and their impact on modern American history. Crouch's early political life demonstrates his enactment of a Communist agenda to undermine the American way of life by finding ways to enforce the will of the Soviet Union. Crouch worked to install Communist agents in the military and to infiltrate the White House during the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt. He also organized Communist units in Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama, Tennessee, Utah, and California. Crouch's later political engagement, by contrast, demonstrates the willingness of anti-Communists during the Cold War and the McCarthy era to do anything, including lie, to advance their efforts to defeat Communism and the alleged Communist threat. In Congressional hearings, legal proceedings, and through countless press outlets, Crouch worked with J. Edgar Hoover and Joseph McCarthy to destroy the Communist menace. Crouch even named names, linking Harry Bridges, Charlie Chaplin, Robert Oppenheimer, and dozens more with the Communist Party. Using Crouch's life as a template, this work concludes that the failure of both the Communists and the anti-Communists was their ideological certitude. Not only did that failure hurt both movements, but it undermined fundamental American values and threatened the very essence of the nation.Less
This biography examines the life of Paul Crouch, who spent seventeen years in the Communist Party of the United States of America and, later, five years as an informant for the Federal Government. This work demonstrates the dangers posed by ideologues and their impact on modern American history. Crouch's early political life demonstrates his enactment of a Communist agenda to undermine the American way of life by finding ways to enforce the will of the Soviet Union. Crouch worked to install Communist agents in the military and to infiltrate the White House during the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt. He also organized Communist units in Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama, Tennessee, Utah, and California. Crouch's later political engagement, by contrast, demonstrates the willingness of anti-Communists during the Cold War and the McCarthy era to do anything, including lie, to advance their efforts to defeat Communism and the alleged Communist threat. In Congressional hearings, legal proceedings, and through countless press outlets, Crouch worked with J. Edgar Hoover and Joseph McCarthy to destroy the Communist menace. Crouch even named names, linking Harry Bridges, Charlie Chaplin, Robert Oppenheimer, and dozens more with the Communist Party. Using Crouch's life as a template, this work concludes that the failure of both the Communists and the anti-Communists was their ideological certitude. Not only did that failure hurt both movements, but it undermined fundamental American values and threatened the very essence of the nation.
Dafna Zur
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781503601680
- eISBN:
- 9781503603110
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503601680.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This chapter turns to children’s literature at its most significant watershed moment: the liberation of Korea from its thirty-five-year colonization. In the five years between 1945 and the Korean War ...
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This chapter turns to children’s literature at its most significant watershed moment: the liberation of Korea from its thirty-five-year colonization. In the five years between 1945 and the Korean War in 1950, the Korean peninsula experienced the euphoria of liberation, the arrival of the United State Military Government in Korea, the hardening of ideological positions, and the ensuing mass migration up and down the peninsula, as well as the official establishment of two separate and mutually intolerant regimes. Children’s literature provides a fascinating counterpoint to these historical shifts by showcasing powerful nationalist tendencies that set the tone for a new beginning, while simultaneously presenting strong undercurrents remaining from the colonial past. Most significantly, this chapter looks at the much-celebrated and freshly liberated child-heart and questions the extent of liberation in light of a newly forged relationship between Korea’s new young citizens and their liberated land.Less
This chapter turns to children’s literature at its most significant watershed moment: the liberation of Korea from its thirty-five-year colonization. In the five years between 1945 and the Korean War in 1950, the Korean peninsula experienced the euphoria of liberation, the arrival of the United State Military Government in Korea, the hardening of ideological positions, and the ensuing mass migration up and down the peninsula, as well as the official establishment of two separate and mutually intolerant regimes. Children’s literature provides a fascinating counterpoint to these historical shifts by showcasing powerful nationalist tendencies that set the tone for a new beginning, while simultaneously presenting strong undercurrents remaining from the colonial past. Most significantly, this chapter looks at the much-celebrated and freshly liberated child-heart and questions the extent of liberation in light of a newly forged relationship between Korea’s new young citizens and their liberated land.
