Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in ...
More
In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).Less
In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The conclusion ends the book with an explication of the Federalists’ idea of an American national state.It starts by pointing out that the ratification of the US Constitution did not mean the end of ...
More
The conclusion ends the book with an explication of the Federalists’ idea of an American national state.It starts by pointing out that the ratification of the US Constitution did not mean the end of politics, nor the end of the debate about the future course of the American republic, for now the Federalists faced the next step of state building: creating the institutions of government that would realize their ideas about a national state in America. The mainstream interpretation of the Federalist argument presents it as a call for limited government and protection of minority rights, but this study has offered a different interpretation. It sees the Federalist argument as an attempt to convince the American public about the need to build a powerful state and to explain how this state would work – the idea of an American national state that the Federalists developed during the ratification debate was the result of creative thinking in the face of serious challenges. This conclusion is devoted to an explication of both the challenge that the Federalists faced and the concept of the state they developed, but the basic issue may be summed up as follows: what the Federalists had to do, and what they did, in the debate over ratification, was to develop a conceptual framework that made it possible to accommodate the creation of a powerful national government to the strong anti‐statist current in the American political tradition.Less
The conclusion ends the book with an explication of the Federalists’ idea of an American national state.
It starts by pointing out that the ratification of the US Constitution did not mean the end of politics, nor the end of the debate about the future course of the American republic, for now the Federalists faced the next step of state building: creating the institutions of government that would realize their ideas about a national state in America. The mainstream interpretation of the Federalist argument presents it as a call for limited government and protection of minority rights, but this study has offered a different interpretation. It sees the Federalist argument as an attempt to convince the American public about the need to build a powerful state and to explain how this state would work – the idea of an American national state that the Federalists developed during the ratification debate was the result of creative thinking in the face of serious challenges. This conclusion is devoted to an explication of both the challenge that the Federalists faced and the concept of the state they developed, but the basic issue may be summed up as follows: what the Federalists had to do, and what they did, in the debate over ratification, was to develop a conceptual framework that made it possible to accommodate the creation of a powerful national government to the strong anti‐statist current in the American political tradition.
Peter Ferdinand
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278665
- eISBN:
- 9780191684227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278665.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter describes Bukharin as an advocate and principal defender of the New Economic Policy (NEP). It also traces the developments of Bukharin's ideas on how to transform the Soviet Union into a ...
More
This chapter describes Bukharin as an advocate and principal defender of the New Economic Policy (NEP). It also traces the developments of Bukharin's ideas on how to transform the Soviet Union into a modern socialist society. First, it considers the period from 1916 to May 1918, which can be characterized as one of radical anti-statism, when Bukharin placed much greater stress upon the role of the working masses in overthrowing the bourgeois state and all forms of statism. The second period, from June 1918 to 1920, revealed an increasing acceptance of the coercive role of the state in forcing social progress. The third, from 1921 to 1925, was marked by a high enthusiasm for society to carry out its own transformation, and for the state's role to be significantly restricted. The last period, from 1926 to 1928, showed a more positive view of the role of the state in planning the direction of social progress and in laying down many of the policies which were to be adopted in pursuit of them.Less
This chapter describes Bukharin as an advocate and principal defender of the New Economic Policy (NEP). It also traces the developments of Bukharin's ideas on how to transform the Soviet Union into a modern socialist society. First, it considers the period from 1916 to May 1918, which can be characterized as one of radical anti-statism, when Bukharin placed much greater stress upon the role of the working masses in overthrowing the bourgeois state and all forms of statism. The second period, from June 1918 to 1920, revealed an increasing acceptance of the coercive role of the state in forcing social progress. The third, from 1921 to 1925, was marked by a high enthusiasm for society to carry out its own transformation, and for the state's role to be significantly restricted. The last period, from 1926 to 1928, showed a more positive view of the role of the state in planning the direction of social progress and in laying down many of the policies which were to be adopted in pursuit of them.
Krzystof Motyka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199282548
- eISBN:
- 9780191700200
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199282548.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter reports on Leon Petrażyckian's contribution to the topic with a focus on what justifies listing him among the classic contributions to a sociological approach to law and considering him, ...
More
This chapter reports on Leon Petrażyckian's contribution to the topic with a focus on what justifies listing him among the classic contributions to a sociological approach to law and considering him, to use Adam Podgorecki's phrase, the father of sociology of law. The chapter supports Professor Cotterrell's call for more sensitivity of the sociolegal academy to its intellectual tradition, which is ‘still too little valued in the sociolegal enterprise and considered too arbitrarily and marginally’. In addition, the chapter briefly describes the idea of adequacy and of class concepts, his comments on the role of language in science, and his classification of art and sciences. Petrażyckian's own concept of law can be best distinguished by three headings, namely psychologism, a correlativity of rights and duties and ‘anti-statism’, and legal pluralism. Although all of these aspects that have affecting Petrażyckian's concept of law are closely related, they can be discussed to some extent separately, outside their original theoretical context, usually with a sociological colouring. It is also noted in this chapter that Petrażycki's interdisciplinary contribution is full of potential for a sociological inquiry into the capitals and the much more interesting countryside of law's empire.Less
This chapter reports on Leon Petrażyckian's contribution to the topic with a focus on what justifies listing him among the classic contributions to a sociological approach to law and considering him, to use Adam Podgorecki's phrase, the father of sociology of law. The chapter supports Professor Cotterrell's call for more sensitivity of the sociolegal academy to its intellectual tradition, which is ‘still too little valued in the sociolegal enterprise and considered too arbitrarily and marginally’. In addition, the chapter briefly describes the idea of adequacy and of class concepts, his comments on the role of language in science, and his classification of art and sciences. Petrażyckian's own concept of law can be best distinguished by three headings, namely psychologism, a correlativity of rights and duties and ‘anti-statism’, and legal pluralism. Although all of these aspects that have affecting Petrażyckian's concept of law are closely related, they can be discussed to some extent separately, outside their original theoretical context, usually with a sociological colouring. It is also noted in this chapter that Petrażycki's interdisciplinary contribution is full of potential for a sociological inquiry into the capitals and the much more interesting countryside of law's empire.
Allan B. McBride
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049878
- eISBN:
- 9780813050348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049878.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Political scientist Allen B. McBride tells us that the Tea Party erupted on the political scene virtually overnight in the immediate aftermath of the election of America's first black president. ...
More
Political scientist Allen B. McBride tells us that the Tea Party erupted on the political scene virtually overnight in the immediate aftermath of the election of America's first black president. Despite its northern origins, McBride cites the anti-statist ideology of the Tea Party as the main reason for its strong support in Dixie. The chapter argues that the Tea Party may be better described as a movement than an actual party and is actually the latest incarnation of populism in America. More important, perhaps, through the use of polling data and the monitoring of social media, this chapter concludes that, like the Populist Party of the 1890s, preliminary data suggests that today's Tea Party is not distinctively southern nor may it be expressly racist. McBride provides important caveats to both points: stressing that these conclusions are based on preliminary data; that the South may be in the process of losing its regional distinctiveness; and that public opinion survey data has long been known to underestimate attitudes and behaviors that fall outside of the political mainstream.Less
Political scientist Allen B. McBride tells us that the Tea Party erupted on the political scene virtually overnight in the immediate aftermath of the election of America's first black president. Despite its northern origins, McBride cites the anti-statist ideology of the Tea Party as the main reason for its strong support in Dixie. The chapter argues that the Tea Party may be better described as a movement than an actual party and is actually the latest incarnation of populism in America. More important, perhaps, through the use of polling data and the monitoring of social media, this chapter concludes that, like the Populist Party of the 1890s, preliminary data suggests that today's Tea Party is not distinctively southern nor may it be expressly racist. McBride provides important caveats to both points: stressing that these conclusions are based on preliminary data; that the South may be in the process of losing its regional distinctiveness; and that public opinion survey data has long been known to underestimate attitudes and behaviors that fall outside of the political mainstream.
Ian Cummins
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447334804
- eISBN:
- 9781447334859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447334804.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This concluding chapter summarises the book's key themes and offers a number of suggestions about how social work can reassert its core mission and commitment to social justice. It begins with the ...
More
This concluding chapter summarises the book's key themes and offers a number of suggestions about how social work can reassert its core mission and commitment to social justice. It begins with the argument that neoliberalism has to be understood as a political and economic project, noting how neoliberals' anti-statism is most apparent in attitudes to the welfare state — or, more precisely, payments made to those who are out of work. It then considers the cumulative effect of the government's austerity policies, the ideological attack on the whole basis of the social contract and the post-war welfare settlement, and the increase in the so-called ‘marketisation’ of the state. It also explains how neoliberal policies followed by a period of austerity has exacerbated inequality and ends by analysing the poverty paradox of social work.Less
This concluding chapter summarises the book's key themes and offers a number of suggestions about how social work can reassert its core mission and commitment to social justice. It begins with the argument that neoliberalism has to be understood as a political and economic project, noting how neoliberals' anti-statism is most apparent in attitudes to the welfare state — or, more precisely, payments made to those who are out of work. It then considers the cumulative effect of the government's austerity policies, the ideological attack on the whole basis of the social contract and the post-war welfare settlement, and the increase in the so-called ‘marketisation’ of the state. It also explains how neoliberal policies followed by a period of austerity has exacerbated inequality and ends by analysing the poverty paradox of social work.
Carl Death
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300215830
- eISBN:
- 9780300224894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300215830.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter explains why starting with the concept of the green state is politically and intellectually important. It begins by noting that many theorists from different perspectives have been very ...
More
This chapter explains why starting with the concept of the green state is politically and intellectually important. It begins by noting that many theorists from different perspectives have been very critical of state-centrism or reliance on states to solve environmental problems. Ecologists, Marxists, Feminists, Critical Theorists and Neoliberals have all articulated powerful critiques of the state. In response, theorists of ecological modernisation have defended the role or potential of the state, and authors like Robyn Eckersley and John Dryzek have formulated the notion of the green state to describe states which protect or advance environmental or ecological issues. A crucial lacuna in their work is the developing world, however, particularly in Africa. This chapter explains why this occurs, and challenges this omission through examples of variants of green states in Egypt and South Africa. It calls for green state theories which challenge the neo-Weberian assumptions of ecological modernisation.Less
This chapter explains why starting with the concept of the green state is politically and intellectually important. It begins by noting that many theorists from different perspectives have been very critical of state-centrism or reliance on states to solve environmental problems. Ecologists, Marxists, Feminists, Critical Theorists and Neoliberals have all articulated powerful critiques of the state. In response, theorists of ecological modernisation have defended the role or potential of the state, and authors like Robyn Eckersley and John Dryzek have formulated the notion of the green state to describe states which protect or advance environmental or ecological issues. A crucial lacuna in their work is the developing world, however, particularly in Africa. This chapter explains why this occurs, and challenges this omission through examples of variants of green states in Egypt and South Africa. It calls for green state theories which challenge the neo-Weberian assumptions of ecological modernisation.
Mark I. Vail
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190683986
- eISBN:
- 9780190684020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190683986.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter analyzes how Italian clientelist liberalism has shaped policy outcomes in fiscal policy, labor-market policy, and financial regulation since the early 1990s. Unlike France and Germany, ...
More
This chapter analyzes how Italian clientelist liberalism has shaped policy outcomes in fiscal policy, labor-market policy, and financial regulation since the early 1990s. Unlike France and Germany, where national liberal traditions were successfully synthesized with the postwar political-economic order, in Italy a weakly embedded liberalism became increasingly dominated and undermined by clientelistic imperatives. Like its German counterpart, Italian liberalism has traditionally viewed groups as the fundamental components of the social and economic order. Unlike those in Germany, however, these groups have acted and been seen as acting as impediments to adjustments rather than partners with the state. The result has been a zero-sum conception of political reform, a conflation of notions of the limits of state power with the vested interests of powerful groups, and a deep distrust of the state. In fiscal policy, labor-market policy, and financial regulation, these political dysfunctions have frustrated reforms and undermined effective adjustment.Less
This chapter analyzes how Italian clientelist liberalism has shaped policy outcomes in fiscal policy, labor-market policy, and financial regulation since the early 1990s. Unlike France and Germany, where national liberal traditions were successfully synthesized with the postwar political-economic order, in Italy a weakly embedded liberalism became increasingly dominated and undermined by clientelistic imperatives. Like its German counterpart, Italian liberalism has traditionally viewed groups as the fundamental components of the social and economic order. Unlike those in Germany, however, these groups have acted and been seen as acting as impediments to adjustments rather than partners with the state. The result has been a zero-sum conception of political reform, a conflation of notions of the limits of state power with the vested interests of powerful groups, and a deep distrust of the state. In fiscal policy, labor-market policy, and financial regulation, these political dysfunctions have frustrated reforms and undermined effective adjustment.
