Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280385
- eISBN:
- 9780191598852
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280386.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book analyses the Uruguayan and Chilean experiences with the transitional politics of truth and justice regarding past human rights violations. These policies are shaped by the legacy of ...
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This book analyses the Uruguayan and Chilean experiences with the transitional politics of truth and justice regarding past human rights violations. These policies are shaped by the legacy of repressive rule, and the dynamics of the politics of transition and of the balance of power under the new democratic governments peculiar to each country. The issue is central to the politics of transition for ethical, symbolic, practical and political reasons: politically it is the most explosive transitional issue; on a practical level, only official acknowledgement can resolve pending legal questions for survivors and families of victims; ethically, it is hard to generate democratic consensus or social endorsement for social reform without involving principles and ideals that appeal to the underlying values and aspirations of the citizenry. Dealing with legacies of state repression permits the beginning of the process of ‘deconstruction of cultures of fear’ without which democratization cannot occur. This is not only desirable and necessary; some kind of truth telling policy has proved to be both required and feasible in a wide range of contemporary regime transitions. However, justice is not always possible: limitations on prosecutions are more self-imposed than 'structural', more political than institutional, and clearly there is a tension between the conditions necessary to ensure accountability and those that govern periods of transition. Unconsolidated democracies are not able to practise the politics of a consolidated democracy; the politics of consolidated democracies includes the capacity to call the powerful to account. This is perhaps the yardstick with which to measure consolidation. Instead of practising the politics of consolidated democracy, what these countries have to engage in is the politics of democratic consolidation. Although truth and justice policies may remain relevant after the transition and 'leak into' the politics of democratization, (where they can continue to be a source of conflict in the judicial system and of latent or overt painful and deep-seated social animosities), the resolution of the issue in the formal political arena can and does make it marginal in terms of day-to-day politics. Consolidation depends more crucially on the reform of key institutions that permitted abuse and impunity: the thorough reform of the judiciary and of the forces of repression. If a government does not undertake a proper reform of the institutions that made abuse and impunity possible, the democracy it presides over will be lame and incomplete.Less
This book analyses the Uruguayan and Chilean experiences with the transitional politics of truth and justice regarding past human rights violations. These policies are shaped by the legacy of repressive rule, and the dynamics of the politics of transition and of the balance of power under the new democratic governments peculiar to each country. The issue is central to the politics of transition for ethical, symbolic, practical and political reasons: politically it is the most explosive transitional issue; on a practical level, only official acknowledgement can resolve pending legal questions for survivors and families of victims; ethically, it is hard to generate democratic consensus or social endorsement for social reform without involving principles and ideals that appeal to the underlying values and aspirations of the citizenry. Dealing with legacies of state repression permits the beginning of the process of ‘deconstruction of cultures of fear’ without which democratization cannot occur. This is not only desirable and necessary; some kind of truth telling policy has proved to be both required and feasible in a wide range of contemporary regime transitions. However, justice is not always possible: limitations on prosecutions are more self-imposed than 'structural', more political than institutional, and clearly there is a tension between the conditions necessary to ensure accountability and those that govern periods of transition. Unconsolidated democracies are not able to practise the politics of a consolidated democracy; the politics of consolidated democracies includes the capacity to call the powerful to account. This is perhaps the yardstick with which to measure consolidation. Instead of practising the politics of consolidated democracy, what these countries have to engage in is the politics of democratic consolidation. Although truth and justice policies may remain relevant after the transition and 'leak into' the politics of democratization, (where they can continue to be a source of conflict in the judicial system and of latent or overt painful and deep-seated social animosities), the resolution of the issue in the formal political arena can and does make it marginal in terms of day-to-day politics. Consolidation depends more crucially on the reform of key institutions that permitted abuse and impunity: the thorough reform of the judiciary and of the forces of repression. If a government does not undertake a proper reform of the institutions that made abuse and impunity possible, the democracy it presides over will be lame and incomplete.
Deepti Misri
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038853
- eISBN:
- 9780252096815
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038853.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This book shows how 1947 marked the beginning of a history of politicized animosity associated with the differing ideas of “India” held by communities and in regions on one hand, and by the ...
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This book shows how 1947 marked the beginning of a history of politicized animosity associated with the differing ideas of “India” held by communities and in regions on one hand, and by the political–military Indian state on the other. Assembling literary, historiographic, performative, and visual representations of gendered violence against men and women, the book establishes that cultural expressions do not just follow violence but determine its very contours, and interrogates the gendered scripts underwriting the violence originating in the contested visions of what “India” means. Ambitious and ranging across disciplines, the book offers both an overview of and nuanced new perspectives on the ways caste, identity, and class complicate representations of violence, and how such representations shape our understandings of both violence and India.Less
This book shows how 1947 marked the beginning of a history of politicized animosity associated with the differing ideas of “India” held by communities and in regions on one hand, and by the political–military Indian state on the other. Assembling literary, historiographic, performative, and visual representations of gendered violence against men and women, the book establishes that cultural expressions do not just follow violence but determine its very contours, and interrogates the gendered scripts underwriting the violence originating in the contested visions of what “India” means. Ambitious and ranging across disciplines, the book offers both an overview of and nuanced new perspectives on the ways caste, identity, and class complicate representations of violence, and how such representations shape our understandings of both violence and India.
Colleen Doody
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037276
- eISBN:
- 9780252094446
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037276.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book locates the roots of American conservatism in a city that was a nexus of labor and industry in postwar America. Drawing on archival research focusing on Detroit, the book shows how conflict ...
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This book locates the roots of American conservatism in a city that was a nexus of labor and industry in postwar America. Drawing on archival research focusing on Detroit, the book shows how conflict over business values and opposition to labor, anticommunism, racial animosity, and religion led to the development of a conservative ethos in the aftermath of World War II. Using Detroit—with its large population of African American and Catholic workers, strong union presence, and starkly segregated urban landscape—as a case study, the book articulates a nuanced understanding of anticommunism during the Red Scare. Looking beyond national politics, the book focuses on key debates occurring at the local level among a wide variety of common citizens. In examining this city's social and political fabric, it illustrates that domestic anticommunism was a cohesive, multifaceted ideology that arose less from Soviet ideological incursion than from tensions within the American public.Less
This book locates the roots of American conservatism in a city that was a nexus of labor and industry in postwar America. Drawing on archival research focusing on Detroit, the book shows how conflict over business values and opposition to labor, anticommunism, racial animosity, and religion led to the development of a conservative ethos in the aftermath of World War II. Using Detroit—with its large population of African American and Catholic workers, strong union presence, and starkly segregated urban landscape—as a case study, the book articulates a nuanced understanding of anticommunism during the Red Scare. Looking beyond national politics, the book focuses on key debates occurring at the local level among a wide variety of common citizens. In examining this city's social and political fabric, it illustrates that domestic anticommunism was a cohesive, multifaceted ideology that arose less from Soviet ideological incursion than from tensions within the American public.
Paul Langford
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205340
- eISBN:
- 9780191676574
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205340.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
In this chapter, the image of Parliament is transformed from the heroic defender of individual rights and liberties into the pawn of interest groups, not so much imposing its legislative will as ...
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In this chapter, the image of Parliament is transformed from the heroic defender of individual rights and liberties into the pawn of interest groups, not so much imposing its legislative will as providing its legislative services. The parliamentary achievement of the 18th century, which followed the Revolution of 1688, is often thought of in terms of constitutional progress. It paved the way for cabinet government and parliamentary democracy. Regular and predictable parliamentary sessions facilitated legislation on an unprecedented scale. Parliament's concessive attitude left extensive powers in the hands of vested interests, and the spirit of competition throve on numberless jealousies and animosities.Less
In this chapter, the image of Parliament is transformed from the heroic defender of individual rights and liberties into the pawn of interest groups, not so much imposing its legislative will as providing its legislative services. The parliamentary achievement of the 18th century, which followed the Revolution of 1688, is often thought of in terms of constitutional progress. It paved the way for cabinet government and parliamentary democracy. Regular and predictable parliamentary sessions facilitated legislation on an unprecedented scale. Parliament's concessive attitude left extensive powers in the hands of vested interests, and the spirit of competition throve on numberless jealousies and animosities.
Kaushik Roy
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198099109
- eISBN:
- 9780199085286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198099109.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
The evolution of insurgencies and COIN reflect both continuity and change. The globalization of insurgency after 1945 was due to development of communication technology and use of media by the ...
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The evolution of insurgencies and COIN reflect both continuity and change. The globalization of insurgency after 1945 was due to development of communication technology and use of media by the insurgents in ways undreamt of earlier. After the collapse of USSR, the world is experiencing a throwback to insurgencies fuelled by religious and tribal/ethnic animosities, as in the nineteenth century. Both the British officers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the American military officers as well as civilian intellectuals of the early twenty-first century believed that jihad and mullahs were crucial components of Afghan mentality. This volume acts as a corrective because we have shown that even the Mughals, Safavids, and the Uzbeks, despite being Muslim themselves, faced tough opposition from the Afghans. Therefore, Islam in general and jihad in particular are not always crucial components of Afghan opposition to external invaders in their homelands.Less
The evolution of insurgencies and COIN reflect both continuity and change. The globalization of insurgency after 1945 was due to development of communication technology and use of media by the insurgents in ways undreamt of earlier. After the collapse of USSR, the world is experiencing a throwback to insurgencies fuelled by religious and tribal/ethnic animosities, as in the nineteenth century. Both the British officers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the American military officers as well as civilian intellectuals of the early twenty-first century believed that jihad and mullahs were crucial components of Afghan mentality. This volume acts as a corrective because we have shown that even the Mughals, Safavids, and the Uzbeks, despite being Muslim themselves, faced tough opposition from the Afghans. Therefore, Islam in general and jihad in particular are not always crucial components of Afghan opposition to external invaders in their homelands.
Charles Upchurch
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520258532
- eISBN:
- 9780520943582
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520258532.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
By the 1760s most newspapers in the London press were printed with four columns per page. Other elements were also consistent across most London news papers. The different categories of news, such as ...
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By the 1760s most newspapers in the London press were printed with four columns per page. Other elements were also consistent across most London news papers. The different categories of news, such as foreign intelligence, domestic intelligence, shipping news, and other business information were included even in papers that catered to a “fashionable” or “radical” readership. The two themes of animosity toward authority and the call to protect the lower orders pervaded the Black Dwarf's coverage of the most widely discussed unnatural assault arrest that occurred during its lifetime. Implicit in the Black Dwarf article is the idea that a man of weak character who is easily led, as soldiers were assumed to be, might be tempted into sex with other men. The bishop of Clogher is presented as already beyond the pale of depravity: the greatest concern is expressed for those with whom he might come into contact.Less
By the 1760s most newspapers in the London press were printed with four columns per page. Other elements were also consistent across most London news papers. The different categories of news, such as foreign intelligence, domestic intelligence, shipping news, and other business information were included even in papers that catered to a “fashionable” or “radical” readership. The two themes of animosity toward authority and the call to protect the lower orders pervaded the Black Dwarf's coverage of the most widely discussed unnatural assault arrest that occurred during its lifetime. Implicit in the Black Dwarf article is the idea that a man of weak character who is easily led, as soldiers were assumed to be, might be tempted into sex with other men. The bishop of Clogher is presented as already beyond the pale of depravity: the greatest concern is expressed for those with whom he might come into contact.
Jennifer Hochschild
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520220430
- eISBN:
- 9780520936911
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520220430.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This chapter demonstrates that no matter how much they differ, ordinary whites and blacks overlap in many respects suggesting rich areas of convergence in areas no less than separatism and ...
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This chapter demonstrates that no matter how much they differ, ordinary whites and blacks overlap in many respects suggesting rich areas of convergence in areas no less than separatism and separation. It opines that Edmund Wilson's question of “Who Cares Who Killed Roger Ackroyd”?—asked in a famous 1945 New Yorker essay, referring to Agatha Christie's Who Killed Roger Ackroyd?,finding such mystery novels “a waste of time”—might well be applied to arguments over the causes of racial animosity in America that have raged during the past few decades. It explains that asking who's to blame for racial hierarchy and division is not entirely a waste of time but it risks raising conflict without leading to illumination or productive results. It notes that the evidence on the causes of racial discord is as conflicting as it is voluminous, and the contenders hold equally passionate convictions about the causes of America's racial mess.Less
This chapter demonstrates that no matter how much they differ, ordinary whites and blacks overlap in many respects suggesting rich areas of convergence in areas no less than separatism and separation. It opines that Edmund Wilson's question of “Who Cares Who Killed Roger Ackroyd”?—asked in a famous 1945 New Yorker essay, referring to Agatha Christie's Who Killed Roger Ackroyd?,finding such mystery novels “a waste of time”—might well be applied to arguments over the causes of racial animosity in America that have raged during the past few decades. It explains that asking who's to blame for racial hierarchy and division is not entirely a waste of time but it risks raising conflict without leading to illumination or productive results. It notes that the evidence on the causes of racial discord is as conflicting as it is voluminous, and the contenders hold equally passionate convictions about the causes of America's racial mess.
Roger Lohmann and Jon Van Til (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231151689
- eISBN:
- 9780231525282
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231151689.001.0001
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations
Public deliberation and group discussion can strengthen the foundations of civil society, even when the groups engaged in debate share a history of animosity. Scholars have begun to study the ...
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Public deliberation and group discussion can strengthen the foundations of civil society, even when the groups engaged in debate share a history of animosity. Scholars have begun to study the dialogue sustaining these conversations, especially its power to unite and divide groups and individuals. The book analyzes public exchanges and the nature of sustained dialogue within the context of race relations, social justice, ethnic conflicts, public-safety issues, public management, community design, and family therapy. They particularly focus on college campuses and the networks of organizations and actors that have found success there. Open discussion may seem like an idealistic if not foolhardy gesture in such milieus, yet in fact the practice proves crucial to establishing and reinforcing civic harmony.Less
Public deliberation and group discussion can strengthen the foundations of civil society, even when the groups engaged in debate share a history of animosity. Scholars have begun to study the dialogue sustaining these conversations, especially its power to unite and divide groups and individuals. The book analyzes public exchanges and the nature of sustained dialogue within the context of race relations, social justice, ethnic conflicts, public-safety issues, public management, community design, and family therapy. They particularly focus on college campuses and the networks of organizations and actors that have found success there. Open discussion may seem like an idealistic if not foolhardy gesture in such milieus, yet in fact the practice proves crucial to establishing and reinforcing civic harmony.
James Wolfinger
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501702402
- eISBN:
- 9781501704239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501702402.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the hard times of the 1930s that highlights the powerful impact finances had on labor relations in the transit industry. Like transportation companies across the country, the ...
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This chapter examines the hard times of the 1930s that highlights the powerful impact finances had on labor relations in the transit industry. Like transportation companies across the country, the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company (PRT) faced an annual drumbeat of falling ridership, declining income, and darkening prospects. The employees' dissatisfaction with the PRT, coupled with the gathering strength of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), led them to abandon their company union and organize in the Transport Workers Union (TWU). Management, pressed to the wall by its financial situation, knew how much the TWU would cost them at the bargaining table, and turned to racist techniques that were sharpened by racial animosity within the workforce.Less
This chapter examines the hard times of the 1930s that highlights the powerful impact finances had on labor relations in the transit industry. Like transportation companies across the country, the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company (PRT) faced an annual drumbeat of falling ridership, declining income, and darkening prospects. The employees' dissatisfaction with the PRT, coupled with the gathering strength of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), led them to abandon their company union and organize in the Transport Workers Union (TWU). Management, pressed to the wall by its financial situation, knew how much the TWU would cost them at the bargaining table, and turned to racist techniques that were sharpened by racial animosity within the workforce.
James Reilly
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231158060
- eISBN:
- 9780231528085
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231158060.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the origins of public mobilization against Japan in the early 2000s. It looks into the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) methods in shaping trends in activism, popular media, and ...
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This chapter examines the origins of public mobilization against Japan in the early 2000s. It looks into the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) methods in shaping trends in activism, popular media, and public opinion—the three elements in a wave of public mobilization. The wave of public mobilization arose from complex interactions among social actors, external forces, and the state. Decades of official propaganda contributed to popular animosity toward Japan, while state tolerance allowed initial instances of activism and sensational media stories to emerge unchecked. The state's role, however, was primarily indirect and passive. The chapter describes how the activists and journalists seized the increasing tensions against Japan provided by official tolerance to engage in innovative protest strategies and to spotlight sensationalist issues in China–Japan relations. These demonstrations show how a dynamic and engaged society can coexist with a nondemocratic regime, creating pressures for policy change without threatening regime overthrow.Less
This chapter examines the origins of public mobilization against Japan in the early 2000s. It looks into the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) methods in shaping trends in activism, popular media, and public opinion—the three elements in a wave of public mobilization. The wave of public mobilization arose from complex interactions among social actors, external forces, and the state. Decades of official propaganda contributed to popular animosity toward Japan, while state tolerance allowed initial instances of activism and sensational media stories to emerge unchecked. The state's role, however, was primarily indirect and passive. The chapter describes how the activists and journalists seized the increasing tensions against Japan provided by official tolerance to engage in innovative protest strategies and to spotlight sensationalist issues in China–Japan relations. These demonstrations show how a dynamic and engaged society can coexist with a nondemocratic regime, creating pressures for policy change without threatening regime overthrow.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804773164
- eISBN:
- 9780804782852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804773164.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines the history of welfare as charity provision in Mexico. It shows how the state authorities were blinded by their anticlerical animosities and forced the Catholic Church to sell ...
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This chapter examines the history of welfare as charity provision in Mexico. It shows how the state authorities were blinded by their anticlerical animosities and forced the Catholic Church to sell its assets which reduced its capabilities of serving the needy during the period 1850 –1950. It also explains that though several secular private welfare institutions emerged during the second half of the nineteenth century they failed to fill the void left by Catholic charitable enterprise. This chapter also mentions that the growth of the secular welfare institutions was hindered by state bureaucracy and they were not granted legal personality until the late 1940s.Less
This chapter examines the history of welfare as charity provision in Mexico. It shows how the state authorities were blinded by their anticlerical animosities and forced the Catholic Church to sell its assets which reduced its capabilities of serving the needy during the period 1850 –1950. It also explains that though several secular private welfare institutions emerged during the second half of the nineteenth century they failed to fill the void left by Catholic charitable enterprise. This chapter also mentions that the growth of the secular welfare institutions was hindered by state bureaucracy and they were not granted legal personality until the late 1940s.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226626628
- eISBN:
- 9780226626642
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226626642.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Racial attitudes vary across different social environments, with racial diversity at the metropolitan level often causing racial tension. In particular, whites, African Americans, and Latinos ...
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Racial attitudes vary across different social environments, with racial diversity at the metropolitan level often causing racial tension. In particular, whites, African Americans, and Latinos residing in more racially diverse metropolitan areas exhibit higher levels of interracial competition and resentment. The opposite is true at the neighborhood level: people who live in racially diverse neighborhoods show higher levels of racial tolerance, while those found in homogeneous neighborhoods show higher levels of racial mistrust and resentment. One self-evident and plausible explanation is geographic self-selection, which attributes the tendency of people in integrated neighborhoods to be more racially tolerant to their greater willingness to live in racially diverse settings. In contrast, racially intolerant people prefer to live in more segregated places. Therefore, the pronounced differences across neighborhoods indicate geographic sorting based on the degree of racial animosity. This chapter examines how people's neighborhood racial preferences influence the relationship between racial attitudes and social environments. Blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans may show preferences for same-race neighborhoods, but this is unrelated to their animosities toward other races.Less
Racial attitudes vary across different social environments, with racial diversity at the metropolitan level often causing racial tension. In particular, whites, African Americans, and Latinos residing in more racially diverse metropolitan areas exhibit higher levels of interracial competition and resentment. The opposite is true at the neighborhood level: people who live in racially diverse neighborhoods show higher levels of racial tolerance, while those found in homogeneous neighborhoods show higher levels of racial mistrust and resentment. One self-evident and plausible explanation is geographic self-selection, which attributes the tendency of people in integrated neighborhoods to be more racially tolerant to their greater willingness to live in racially diverse settings. In contrast, racially intolerant people prefer to live in more segregated places. Therefore, the pronounced differences across neighborhoods indicate geographic sorting based on the degree of racial animosity. This chapter examines how people's neighborhood racial preferences influence the relationship between racial attitudes and social environments. Blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans may show preferences for same-race neighborhoods, but this is unrelated to their animosities toward other races.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846312359
- eISBN:
- 9781846316104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846316104.007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the early twentienth century, animosity existed between policemen and the public in Manchester, Birmingham, and Liverpool. Much of this animosity was reflected in ‘incivility’, when both sides ...
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In the early twentienth century, animosity existed between policemen and the public in Manchester, Birmingham, and Liverpool. Much of this animosity was reflected in ‘incivility’, when both sides hurled insults against each other, and even escalated into physical conflicts. Disputes typically arose due to differences in perceptions of appropriate behaviour. Police constables exercised discretion in law enforcement, while civilians often believed that they were overreacting when dealing with minor offences. Both sides usually claimed that their actions had been entirely justified in the circumstances. In the final analysis, however, policemen were expected to prevent conflicts, rather than take part in them.Less
In the early twentienth century, animosity existed between policemen and the public in Manchester, Birmingham, and Liverpool. Much of this animosity was reflected in ‘incivility’, when both sides hurled insults against each other, and even escalated into physical conflicts. Disputes typically arose due to differences in perceptions of appropriate behaviour. Police constables exercised discretion in law enforcement, while civilians often believed that they were overreacting when dealing with minor offences. Both sides usually claimed that their actions had been entirely justified in the circumstances. In the final analysis, however, policemen were expected to prevent conflicts, rather than take part in them.
Naomi Greene
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824838355
- eISBN:
- 9780824869755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824838355.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter examines American films of the 1990s containing intensely negative images of China. Films of the 1990s came after a period of détente between America and China. In the decades following ...
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This chapter examines American films of the 1990s containing intensely negative images of China. Films of the 1990s came after a period of détente between America and China. In the decades following U.S. President Richard Nixon’s 1972 meeting with Chinese leader Mao Zedong, Americans were full of admiration for the achievements and seeming social harmony of modern China. However, the friendship and goodwill between the two countries would soon be followed by another dramatic swing of the pendulum, sparked by the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. This chapter considers how the events at Tiananmen Square not only ended America’s “infatuation” with China but also ushered in a period marked by rising tensions between them. It illustrates the renewed animosity between America and China by looking at films such as Little Buddha, Red Corner, Seven Years in Tibet, and Kundun. It shows how myth and history intersect in American cinema with regards to China and Chinese.Less
This chapter examines American films of the 1990s containing intensely negative images of China. Films of the 1990s came after a period of détente between America and China. In the decades following U.S. President Richard Nixon’s 1972 meeting with Chinese leader Mao Zedong, Americans were full of admiration for the achievements and seeming social harmony of modern China. However, the friendship and goodwill between the two countries would soon be followed by another dramatic swing of the pendulum, sparked by the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. This chapter considers how the events at Tiananmen Square not only ended America’s “infatuation” with China but also ushered in a period marked by rising tensions between them. It illustrates the renewed animosity between America and China by looking at films such as Little Buddha, Red Corner, Seven Years in Tibet, and Kundun. It shows how myth and history intersect in American cinema with regards to China and Chinese.
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846316999
- eISBN:
- 9781846317064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846317064.003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter describes how Liverpool made its money during the nineteenth century to provide a better understanding of the brutality, boisterousness, and vulgarity of its early inhabitants. It ...
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This chapter describes how Liverpool made its money during the nineteenth century to provide a better understanding of the brutality, boisterousness, and vulgarity of its early inhabitants. It explains that Liverpool's maritime industry was divided into whaling ventures, slavery, and privateering and that it had a vital and shameful role in human trafficking until the abolition of slave trade in 1807. This chapter also discusses other factors that contributed to the high crime rate, which included swift population growth and the heavy presence of the migrant Irish closely bound up with sectarian and factional animosities.Less
This chapter describes how Liverpool made its money during the nineteenth century to provide a better understanding of the brutality, boisterousness, and vulgarity of its early inhabitants. It explains that Liverpool's maritime industry was divided into whaling ventures, slavery, and privateering and that it had a vital and shameful role in human trafficking until the abolition of slave trade in 1807. This chapter also discusses other factors that contributed to the high crime rate, which included swift population growth and the heavy presence of the migrant Irish closely bound up with sectarian and factional animosities.
Joshua T. McCabe
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190841300
- eISBN:
- 9780190841331
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190841300.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Population and Demography
Chapter 7 reviews the evidence presented in the previous chapters. It summarizes the support for my theories of fiscalization, presents an extensive discussion of alternative arguments, and explains ...
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Chapter 7 reviews the evidence presented in the previous chapters. It summarizes the support for my theories of fiscalization, presents an extensive discussion of alternative arguments, and explains why these other theories are wrong or cannot explain as well as my theories do the timing or the shape that fiscalization took in the US, the UK, and Canada. It concludes with a discussion of the theoretical implications of for the study of culture and political institutions and its practical implications for reform-oriented advocates interested in the politics of tax and antipoverty policies. This discussion includes a detailed blueprint for a politically viable consolidation of child-related tax benefits that would bring the US’s child poverty rate down in line with other liberal welfare regimes.Less
Chapter 7 reviews the evidence presented in the previous chapters. It summarizes the support for my theories of fiscalization, presents an extensive discussion of alternative arguments, and explains why these other theories are wrong or cannot explain as well as my theories do the timing or the shape that fiscalization took in the US, the UK, and Canada. It concludes with a discussion of the theoretical implications of for the study of culture and political institutions and its practical implications for reform-oriented advocates interested in the politics of tax and antipoverty policies. This discussion includes a detailed blueprint for a politically viable consolidation of child-related tax benefits that would bring the US’s child poverty rate down in line with other liberal welfare regimes.
Neelima Jeychandran
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190201661
- eISBN:
- 9780190201692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190201661.003.0009
- Subject:
- Music, Dance
Every evening at the India-Pakistan border stations of Wagah and Hussainiwala, the gates at the border are closed for the day with a retreat ceremony called the lowering of flags. Performed by the ...
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Every evening at the India-Pakistan border stations of Wagah and Hussainiwala, the gates at the border are closed for the day with a retreat ceremony called the lowering of flags. Performed by the Border Security Force of India and the Pakistan Rangers, the lowering of flags is a choreographed drill with slogan chanting, speed marches, high kicks, and foot stampings. This state-organized performance, though a public spectacle, is also an arena for staging political conflicts between the two countries. Through their bodily choreographies, the soldiers evince the tensions between India and Pakistan caused by frequent battles over territorial intrusions and militant infiltrations. By mobilizing theorizations of body narratives, hypermasculinity, and nationalism, the chapter shows how the soldiers play out their aggressions and employ the drill, not only as a substitute for cross-border battles and military interventions, but as embodiments of the nation and protectors of the motherland.Less
Every evening at the India-Pakistan border stations of Wagah and Hussainiwala, the gates at the border are closed for the day with a retreat ceremony called the lowering of flags. Performed by the Border Security Force of India and the Pakistan Rangers, the lowering of flags is a choreographed drill with slogan chanting, speed marches, high kicks, and foot stampings. This state-organized performance, though a public spectacle, is also an arena for staging political conflicts between the two countries. Through their bodily choreographies, the soldiers evince the tensions between India and Pakistan caused by frequent battles over territorial intrusions and militant infiltrations. By mobilizing theorizations of body narratives, hypermasculinity, and nationalism, the chapter shows how the soldiers play out their aggressions and employ the drill, not only as a substitute for cross-border battles and military interventions, but as embodiments of the nation and protectors of the motherland.
Udayon Misra
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199478361
- eISBN:
- 9780199090914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199478361.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Indian History, Political History
The Assamese–Bengali animosity in post-Partition Assam was considerably aggravated owing to the Referendum in the Bengali-speaking district of Sylhet. The question of status of the Assamese language ...
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The Assamese–Bengali animosity in post-Partition Assam was considerably aggravated owing to the Referendum in the Bengali-speaking district of Sylhet. The question of status of the Assamese language was closely linked with the question of Sylhet, which tilted the scales against an Assamese linguistic majority in the province. The chapter traces the history of Sylhet’s incorporation into Assam and how this had all along been resisted by the Assamese, who wished to see a homogenous Assamese homeland. Though the Assamese did want Sylhet to be separated and they had strong reasons for it, yet the Assamese middle-class leadership represented by the Assam Congress was neither in a position to influence nor did it have any direct hand in influencing the outcome of the Referendum in favour of Pakistan. The chapter also takes up for discussion the language issue and concludes by referring to the dissipation of Assamese–Bengali rivalry.Less
The Assamese–Bengali animosity in post-Partition Assam was considerably aggravated owing to the Referendum in the Bengali-speaking district of Sylhet. The question of status of the Assamese language was closely linked with the question of Sylhet, which tilted the scales against an Assamese linguistic majority in the province. The chapter traces the history of Sylhet’s incorporation into Assam and how this had all along been resisted by the Assamese, who wished to see a homogenous Assamese homeland. Though the Assamese did want Sylhet to be separated and they had strong reasons for it, yet the Assamese middle-class leadership represented by the Assam Congress was neither in a position to influence nor did it have any direct hand in influencing the outcome of the Referendum in favour of Pakistan. The chapter also takes up for discussion the language issue and concludes by referring to the dissipation of Assamese–Bengali rivalry.
