Catharine Cookson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195129441
- eISBN:
- 9780199834105
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019512944X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of ...
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Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of the anarchy of religious conscience, the U.S. Supreme Court opted instead for authoritarianism in this church and state matter: The state's need for civil order is conclusively presumed to be achieved by enforcing uniform obedience to generally applicable laws, and thus legislation must trump the human and constitutional right to religious freedom. Rejecting the Court's unthinking rigorism, the book more appropriately views a free exercise case as a conflict of principles or “goods”: the basic constitutional and human right to freedom of conscience and religious freedom versus the societal good furthered and protected by the legislation. The book recommends an alternative analytical free exercise process grounded within the common law tradition as well as social ethics: casuistry. Casuistical reasoning requires a careful analysis of the particulars and factual context of the case, and relies upon analogies and paradigmatic illustrations to get to the heart of the principles at issue. The book furthermore explores the panoply of theories, self‐understandings, typologies, contexts, and societal constructs at play in free exercise conflicts, and in the final chapters applies casuistry to two free exercise situations, spiritual healing methods applied to children, and ingestion of sacramental peyote in Native American Church rituals.Less
Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of the anarchy of religious conscience, the U.S. Supreme Court opted instead for authoritarianism in this church and state matter: The state's need for civil order is conclusively presumed to be achieved by enforcing uniform obedience to generally applicable laws, and thus legislation must trump the human and constitutional right to religious freedom. Rejecting the Court's unthinking rigorism, the book more appropriately views a free exercise case as a conflict of principles or “goods”: the basic constitutional and human right to freedom of conscience and religious freedom versus the societal good furthered and protected by the legislation. The book recommends an alternative analytical free exercise process grounded within the common law tradition as well as social ethics: casuistry. Casuistical reasoning requires a careful analysis of the particulars and factual context of the case, and relies upon analogies and paradigmatic illustrations to get to the heart of the principles at issue. The book furthermore explores the panoply of theories, self‐understandings, typologies, contexts, and societal constructs at play in free exercise conflicts, and in the final chapters applies casuistry to two free exercise situations, spiritual healing methods applied to children, and ingestion of sacramental peyote in Native American Church rituals.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international ...
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The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.Less
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Begins by giving an outline of the idea of trusteeship as presented by P. H. Kerr, and then as viewed against a background of the opposite idea—that of liberty, as considered by J. S. Mill. It states ...
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Begins by giving an outline of the idea of trusteeship as presented by P. H. Kerr, and then as viewed against a background of the opposite idea—that of liberty, as considered by J. S. Mill. It states the purpose of the book is to interrogate the character of trusteeship as an idea of international society, to investigate the assumptions, claims, and justifications that render it intelligible as a recognized and settled mode of human conduct in international life. It contends that the character of trusteeship is discernible in full relief at the intersection of two dispositions of human conduct: the good of assisting persons in need, and the good of respecting human autonomy. The first part of the chapter is a general discussion of the idea of trusteeship in contemporary international society, and it ends by commenting that, since the 11 September attacks, there is very little about the Bush administration's claims that would be out of place in the age of empire—an age in which trusteeship was the most obvious outward manifestation of a similarly righteous mission to propagate the virtue of civilization and to eradicate its enemies. The remaining three sections of the chapter discuss the idiom of Oakeshottian conversation in which the book is written, the international society/English School theoretical tradition in which the book is situated, and the character of trusteeship, which is intelligible in a particular relation of virtue, inequality, and tutelage.Less
Begins by giving an outline of the idea of trusteeship as presented by P. H. Kerr, and then as viewed against a background of the opposite idea—that of liberty, as considered by J. S. Mill. It states the purpose of the book is to interrogate the character of trusteeship as an idea of international society, to investigate the assumptions, claims, and justifications that render it intelligible as a recognized and settled mode of human conduct in international life. It contends that the character of trusteeship is discernible in full relief at the intersection of two dispositions of human conduct: the good of assisting persons in need, and the good of respecting human autonomy. The first part of the chapter is a general discussion of the idea of trusteeship in contemporary international society, and it ends by commenting that, since the 11 September attacks, there is very little about the Bush administration's claims that would be out of place in the age of empire—an age in which trusteeship was the most obvious outward manifestation of a similarly righteous mission to propagate the virtue of civilization and to eradicate its enemies. The remaining three sections of the chapter discuss the idiom of Oakeshottian conversation in which the book is written, the international society/English School theoretical tradition in which the book is situated, and the character of trusteeship, which is intelligible in a particular relation of virtue, inequality, and tutelage.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of ...
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Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.Less
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.
Jason Ralph
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546732
- eISBN:
- 9780191720406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546732.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter argues that the ICC is not merely a response to a developed consensus of the idea that individuals should be held criminally responsible for gross human rights violations. It is also a ...
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This chapter argues that the ICC is not merely a response to a developed consensus of the idea that individuals should be held criminally responsible for gross human rights violations. It is also a response to what Alexander Wendt might call the ‘instability’ of an international society that has enabled unaccountable great powers to decide when and where international criminal justice would be administered and promoted, and to grant effectively for themselves exceptions to the laws they applied to others. In this sense, the rules of international society remained unstable and states responded by creating the ICC, which, in effect, turned the exception into the norm. The chapter seeks to show how the Court's independence from the society of states leads us to contemplate further the other aspect of English School theorizing: world society. From this standpoint, it addresses the crucial issue of why so many states thought it necessary to create the Office of the Prosecutor, and to invest it with the powers to investigate without prior authorization of the UN Security Council.Less
This chapter argues that the ICC is not merely a response to a developed consensus of the idea that individuals should be held criminally responsible for gross human rights violations. It is also a response to what Alexander Wendt might call the ‘instability’ of an international society that has enabled unaccountable great powers to decide when and where international criminal justice would be administered and promoted, and to grant effectively for themselves exceptions to the laws they applied to others. In this sense, the rules of international society remained unstable and states responded by creating the ICC, which, in effect, turned the exception into the norm. The chapter seeks to show how the Court's independence from the society of states leads us to contemplate further the other aspect of English School theorizing: world society. From this standpoint, it addresses the crucial issue of why so many states thought it necessary to create the Office of the Prosecutor, and to invest it with the powers to investigate without prior authorization of the UN Security Council.
Joseph Parent
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199782192
- eISBN:
- 9780199919147
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782192.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
What causes states to politically unify voluntarily? The answers are urgent for states seeking stability and peaceful change with their neighbors. If realists are right, voluntary union should never ...
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What causes states to politically unify voluntarily? The answers are urgent for states seeking stability and peaceful change with their neighbors. If realists are right, voluntary union should never happen. States value their sovereignty supremely and would never give it up without a fight. Yet the United States and Switzerland are glaring exceptions to this view. If liberals and constructivists are right, voluntary unions should be much more common. Classic determinants of integration, like trade and communication, are stronger than they have ever been. Yet the number of states in the world continues to climb, and the most favorable arena for unification, the European Union, seems to be hitting a glass ceiling. In Uniting States, Joseph Parent argues that unions are the balancing coalitions of last resort. Elites can unify states only when threats are optimally intense, indefinite, and symmetrical. In these conditions, pro-union elites must take advantage of a security crisis and compete successfully in two of three arenas: the media, the military, and political procedures. Five cases test the logic of the argument: the United States, Switzerland, Sweden-Norway, Gran Colombia, and the European Union. Parent challenges Machiavelli’s classical realist view, and sheds light on political polarization, state dissolution, federalism, and how to overcome anarchy peacefully.Less
What causes states to politically unify voluntarily? The answers are urgent for states seeking stability and peaceful change with their neighbors. If realists are right, voluntary union should never happen. States value their sovereignty supremely and would never give it up without a fight. Yet the United States and Switzerland are glaring exceptions to this view. If liberals and constructivists are right, voluntary unions should be much more common. Classic determinants of integration, like trade and communication, are stronger than they have ever been. Yet the number of states in the world continues to climb, and the most favorable arena for unification, the European Union, seems to be hitting a glass ceiling. In Uniting States, Joseph Parent argues that unions are the balancing coalitions of last resort. Elites can unify states only when threats are optimally intense, indefinite, and symmetrical. In these conditions, pro-union elites must take advantage of a security crisis and compete successfully in two of three arenas: the media, the military, and political procedures. Five cases test the logic of the argument: the United States, Switzerland, Sweden-Norway, Gran Colombia, and the European Union. Parent challenges Machiavelli’s classical realist view, and sheds light on political polarization, state dissolution, federalism, and how to overcome anarchy peacefully.
André Béteille
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198080961
- eISBN:
- 9780199082049
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198080961.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Constitutional morality is important for constitutional laws to be effective. Without constitutional morality, the operation of a constitution tends to become arbitrary, erratic, and capricious. This ...
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Constitutional morality is important for constitutional laws to be effective. Without constitutional morality, the operation of a constitution tends to become arbitrary, erratic, and capricious. This chapter discusses constitutional morality in India, makes a distinction between ‘constitutional democracy’ and ‘populist democracy’, and argues that democracy has survived in India by moving away from the ideal of a constitutional democracy towards a more populist form. It looks at the Emergency of 1975–7 to show the connection between anarchy and the abuse of power as two forces that are both antithetical to constitutional morality. It also examines the link between constitutional morality and the principle of civil disobedience, which under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi became the cornerstone of India’s nationalist movement.Less
Constitutional morality is important for constitutional laws to be effective. Without constitutional morality, the operation of a constitution tends to become arbitrary, erratic, and capricious. This chapter discusses constitutional morality in India, makes a distinction between ‘constitutional democracy’ and ‘populist democracy’, and argues that democracy has survived in India by moving away from the ideal of a constitutional democracy towards a more populist form. It looks at the Emergency of 1975–7 to show the connection between anarchy and the abuse of power as two forces that are both antithetical to constitutional morality. It also examines the link between constitutional morality and the principle of civil disobedience, which under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi became the cornerstone of India’s nationalist movement.
Joseph M. Parent
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199782192
- eISBN:
- 9780199919147
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782192.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter asks the book’s central question: what causes state to politically unify voluntarily? It defines the concept of voluntary political unions and what cases fit this scope. Unification ...
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This chapter asks the book’s central question: what causes state to politically unify voluntarily? It defines the concept of voluntary political unions and what cases fit this scope. Unification between equals is rare, but it illuminates how states can pass from anarchy to hierarchy with minimal violence. The plan of the book is also laid out.Less
This chapter asks the book’s central question: what causes state to politically unify voluntarily? It defines the concept of voluntary political unions and what cases fit this scope. Unification between equals is rare, but it illuminates how states can pass from anarchy to hierarchy with minimal violence. The plan of the book is also laid out.
Oliver Creighton and Duncan Wright
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781781382424
- eISBN:
- 9781786943996
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781382424.001.0001
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Historical Archaeology
The turbulent reign of Stephen, King of England (1135–54), has been styled since the late 19th century as 'the Anarchy’, although the extent of political breakdown during the period has since been ...
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The turbulent reign of Stephen, King of England (1135–54), has been styled since the late 19th century as 'the Anarchy’, although the extent of political breakdown during the period has since been vigorously debated. Rebellion and bitter civil war characterised Stephen’s protracted struggle with rival claimant Empress Matilda and her Angevin supporters over ‘nineteen long winters’ when, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘Christ and his Saints slept’. Drawing on new research and fieldwork, this innovative volume offers the first ever overview and synthesis of the archaeological and material record for this controversial period. It presents and interrogates many different types of evidence at a variety of scales, ranging from nationwide mapping of historical events through to conflict landscapes of battlefields and sieges. The volume considers archaeological sites such as castles and other fortifications, churches, monasteries, bishops’ palaces and urban and rural settlements, alongside material culture including coins, pottery, seals and arms and armour. This approach not only augments but also challenges historical narratives, questioning the ‘real’ impact of Stephen’s troubled reign on society, settlement, church and the landscape, and opens up new perspectives on the conduct of Anglo-Norman warfare.Less
The turbulent reign of Stephen, King of England (1135–54), has been styled since the late 19th century as 'the Anarchy’, although the extent of political breakdown during the period has since been vigorously debated. Rebellion and bitter civil war characterised Stephen’s protracted struggle with rival claimant Empress Matilda and her Angevin supporters over ‘nineteen long winters’ when, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘Christ and his Saints slept’. Drawing on new research and fieldwork, this innovative volume offers the first ever overview and synthesis of the archaeological and material record for this controversial period. It presents and interrogates many different types of evidence at a variety of scales, ranging from nationwide mapping of historical events through to conflict landscapes of battlefields and sieges. The volume considers archaeological sites such as castles and other fortifications, churches, monasteries, bishops’ palaces and urban and rural settlements, alongside material culture including coins, pottery, seals and arms and armour. This approach not only augments but also challenges historical narratives, questioning the ‘real’ impact of Stephen’s troubled reign on society, settlement, church and the landscape, and opens up new perspectives on the conduct of Anglo-Norman warfare.
Marc Trachtenberg
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152028
- eISBN:
- 9781400842490
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152028.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter argues that, to get at the issue of international order, one must first deal with the theoretical question of how politics works in the highly stylized world associated with the term ...
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This chapter argues that, to get at the issue of international order, one must first deal with the theoretical question of how politics works in the highly stylized world associated with the term anarchy—a world where security and thus power are the only things that matter, a world in which no effective international society can be said to exist. The workings of such an idealized world are worth examining not because the real world necessarily works the same way, but simply because that sort of analysis is a necessary point of departure for thinking about real world problems. Only when one understands how a highly stylized world of this sort works can questions about the role of various factors—international law, for example, or economic interdependence—be posed in any meaningful way. If the goal is to understand what difference those factors make—that is, whether they contribute to order—one needs to start with a certain preexisting frame of reference, one that only theoretical analysis can provide.Less
This chapter argues that, to get at the issue of international order, one must first deal with the theoretical question of how politics works in the highly stylized world associated with the term anarchy—a world where security and thus power are the only things that matter, a world in which no effective international society can be said to exist. The workings of such an idealized world are worth examining not because the real world necessarily works the same way, but simply because that sort of analysis is a necessary point of departure for thinking about real world problems. Only when one understands how a highly stylized world of this sort works can questions about the role of various factors—international law, for example, or economic interdependence—be posed in any meaningful way. If the goal is to understand what difference those factors make—that is, whether they contribute to order—one needs to start with a certain preexisting frame of reference, one that only theoretical analysis can provide.
Catharine Cookson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195129441
- eISBN:
- 9780199834105
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019512944X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Often, competing worldviews or “frameworks” (as described by political philosopher Charles Taylor) are at the heart of free exercise conflicts. This chapter uses the trope or myth of “wilderness” as ...
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Often, competing worldviews or “frameworks” (as described by political philosopher Charles Taylor) are at the heart of free exercise conflicts. This chapter uses the trope or myth of “wilderness” as a tool for understanding how the same concept can be interpreted in contrary ways: wilderness as a holy place of purification, as an empty place to cultivate and make bloom, or as a dangerous, licentious, uncontrolled place where anarchy rules. The myth enables us to understand how people can approach the same activity/phenomenon with such drastically different unexamined assumptions, and how there may be different ramifications, meanings, and consequences depending upon the framework in which the religious behavior is initially and intuitively viewed.Less
Often, competing worldviews or “frameworks” (as described by political philosopher Charles Taylor) are at the heart of free exercise conflicts. This chapter uses the trope or myth of “wilderness” as a tool for understanding how the same concept can be interpreted in contrary ways: wilderness as a holy place of purification, as an empty place to cultivate and make bloom, or as a dangerous, licentious, uncontrolled place where anarchy rules. The myth enables us to understand how people can approach the same activity/phenomenon with such drastically different unexamined assumptions, and how there may be different ramifications, meanings, and consequences depending upon the framework in which the religious behavior is initially and intuitively viewed.
Mark Bevir
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150833
- eISBN:
- 9781400840281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150833.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter focuses on H. M. Hyndman, who built what there was of a Marxist movement in Britain. He founded and long dominated the Social Democratic Federation, which was the first socialist society ...
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This chapter focuses on H. M. Hyndman, who built what there was of a Marxist movement in Britain. He founded and long dominated the Social Democratic Federation, which was the first socialist society of the 1880s, for many years the largest and most famous Marxist organization in Britain, and the most prominent forerunner of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Hyndman's discovery of Marx provided a scientific basis for his Tory historiography and politics, suggesting that they reflected both the economic laws governing capitalism and the dialectic of history. His Tory inheritance still lingered in his Marxism, inspiring a medievalist historiography, a fear of anarchy, a commitment to statesmanship, and a belief in peaceful social change.Less
This chapter focuses on H. M. Hyndman, who built what there was of a Marxist movement in Britain. He founded and long dominated the Social Democratic Federation, which was the first socialist society of the 1880s, for many years the largest and most famous Marxist organization in Britain, and the most prominent forerunner of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Hyndman's discovery of Marx provided a scientific basis for his Tory historiography and politics, suggesting that they reflected both the economic laws governing capitalism and the dialectic of history. His Tory inheritance still lingered in his Marxism, inspiring a medievalist historiography, a fear of anarchy, a commitment to statesmanship, and a belief in peaceful social change.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199556267
- eISBN:
- 9780191725609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556267.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter locates hegemony in the context of IR theoretical debates. In particular, it examines two alternative conceptions of international stability, one related to a dispersal of power, and the ...
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This chapter locates hegemony in the context of IR theoretical debates. In particular, it examines two alternative conceptions of international stability, one related to a dispersal of power, and the other to a concentration of power. This allows the author to elaborate his own concept of hegemony, in close association with legitimacy. The main bodies of writing on hegemony (Gramsci, Hegemonic Stability Theory) are reviewed as part of this presentation, and the notion of the hegemon as a leading state, socially recognized as such, is introduced. The chapter then challenges those neorealist refutations of hegemony, based on its association with hierarchy rather than anarchy, in order to open up its alternative interpretation.Less
This chapter locates hegemony in the context of IR theoretical debates. In particular, it examines two alternative conceptions of international stability, one related to a dispersal of power, and the other to a concentration of power. This allows the author to elaborate his own concept of hegemony, in close association with legitimacy. The main bodies of writing on hegemony (Gramsci, Hegemonic Stability Theory) are reviewed as part of this presentation, and the notion of the hegemon as a leading state, socially recognized as such, is introduced. The chapter then challenges those neorealist refutations of hegemony, based on its association with hierarchy rather than anarchy, in order to open up its alternative interpretation.
CHRISTOPHER DUGGAN
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198206118
- eISBN:
- 9780191717178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206118.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Francesco Crispi's wife Lina Barbagallo was devastated at his return to power. Crispi felt he had no choice because Italy was on the brink of catastrophe. His first task as prime minister was to deal ...
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Francesco Crispi's wife Lina Barbagallo was devastated at his return to power. Crispi felt he had no choice because Italy was on the brink of catastrophe. His first task as prime minister was to deal with Sicily, where chaos in the west of the island had begun to spiral out of control. Reports of French gold and weapons being smuggled into Sicily, of links between the Fasci and French anarchists, of clandestine meetings in Marseilles, of a plot to detach the island from Italy, and of night-time signals from a French vessel, began to surface and circulate. Crispi eagerly seized on them and would soon declare a state of siege on Sicily. This chapter looks at how Crispi dealt with the country's financial crisis, terrorism, and subversion.Less
Francesco Crispi's wife Lina Barbagallo was devastated at his return to power. Crispi felt he had no choice because Italy was on the brink of catastrophe. His first task as prime minister was to deal with Sicily, where chaos in the west of the island had begun to spiral out of control. Reports of French gold and weapons being smuggled into Sicily, of links between the Fasci and French anarchists, of clandestine meetings in Marseilles, of a plot to detach the island from Italy, and of night-time signals from a French vessel, began to surface and circulate. Crispi eagerly seized on them and would soon declare a state of siege on Sicily. This chapter looks at how Crispi dealt with the country's financial crisis, terrorism, and subversion.
Samuel DeCanio
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300198782
- eISBN:
- 9780300216318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300198782.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter presents a theory of the state that challenges the assumption that democracy makes the state responsive to social preferences, electoral coalitions, and public opinion. It makes three ...
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This chapter presents a theory of the state that challenges the assumption that democracy makes the state responsive to social preferences, electoral coalitions, and public opinion. It makes three arguments regarding the consequences of high levels of voter ignorance for democratic politics: that public ignorance grants democratic states autonomy from society, allows elites to manipulate public opinion, and facilitates regulatory capture. As the source of legitimacy of modern states, democracy virtually ensures that society will not control the state since the electorate cannot be informed about the tasks undertaken by modern governments. The chapter also considers how public ignorance and anarchy influence political competition and how the public's knowledge of politics affects state autonomy.Less
This chapter presents a theory of the state that challenges the assumption that democracy makes the state responsive to social preferences, electoral coalitions, and public opinion. It makes three arguments regarding the consequences of high levels of voter ignorance for democratic politics: that public ignorance grants democratic states autonomy from society, allows elites to manipulate public opinion, and facilitates regulatory capture. As the source of legitimacy of modern states, democracy virtually ensures that society will not control the state since the electorate cannot be informed about the tasks undertaken by modern governments. The chapter also considers how public ignorance and anarchy influence political competition and how the public's knowledge of politics affects state autonomy.
Aaron James
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199846153
- eISBN:
- 9780199933389
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199846153.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter challenges “realist” skepticism about the applicability of fairness in a politically decentralized global economy. It argues that trade relations are not a situation of anarchy that ...
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This chapter challenges “realist” skepticism about the applicability of fairness in a politically decentralized global economy. It argues that trade relations are not a situation of anarchy that justifies the suspension of obligations of fair play. The trading system is now a relatively well-assured social practice that gives rise to a collective international responsibility to uphold fair terms of economic cooperation. Trade negotiations are subject to broadly legislative responsibilities. These are inconsistent with the dominant understanding of reciprocity in market access concessions. The chapter also challenges views that limit the scope of social justice to coercive relations found only or largely within the domestic state.Less
This chapter challenges “realist” skepticism about the applicability of fairness in a politically decentralized global economy. It argues that trade relations are not a situation of anarchy that justifies the suspension of obligations of fair play. The trading system is now a relatively well-assured social practice that gives rise to a collective international responsibility to uphold fair terms of economic cooperation. Trade negotiations are subject to broadly legislative responsibilities. These are inconsistent with the dominant understanding of reciprocity in market access concessions. The chapter also challenges views that limit the scope of social justice to coercive relations found only or largely within the domestic state.
Yoram Hazony
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199583157
- eISBN:
- 9780191728952
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583157.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
The Bible contains a central, unified political teaching in the Bible. It can be distinguished from the multitude of diverse political purposes to which the Bible has been put. In Genesis to Kings ...
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The Bible contains a central, unified political teaching in the Bible. It can be distinguished from the multitude of diverse political purposes to which the Bible has been put. In Genesis to Kings there is a political narrative the core teaching of which is the story of the rise, and then decline, of the Israelite people and their state. The narrative of the deliverance of Israel—once from bondage in Egypt and once from anarchy of the era of Judges—is the main vehicle for the presentation of biblical political teaching. Moses delivers Israel from the imperial state and David delivers Israel from disintegration and civil war. The limited state—in contrast to the empire, illustrated by Egypt, and the political dissolution of the period of the judges—is the best political form human beings can achieve. A state, with limited powers, limited claims upon citizens, ruling by law, and having limited ambitions in regard to its neighbors offers the most promising and stable political possibility.Less
The Bible contains a central, unified political teaching in the Bible. It can be distinguished from the multitude of diverse political purposes to which the Bible has been put. In Genesis to Kings there is a political narrative the core teaching of which is the story of the rise, and then decline, of the Israelite people and their state. The narrative of the deliverance of Israel—once from bondage in Egypt and once from anarchy of the era of Judges—is the main vehicle for the presentation of biblical political teaching. Moses delivers Israel from the imperial state and David delivers Israel from disintegration and civil war. The limited state—in contrast to the empire, illustrated by Egypt, and the political dissolution of the period of the judges—is the best political form human beings can achieve. A state, with limited powers, limited claims upon citizens, ruling by law, and having limited ambitions in regard to its neighbors offers the most promising and stable political possibility.
Hidemi Suganami
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273387
- eISBN:
- 9780191684043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273387.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The conditions that must be present for wars to occur may be called ‘prerequisites’ or ‘necessary conditions’ of war. If such conditions do exist, we may be able to identify them, and perhaps even ...
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The conditions that must be present for wars to occur may be called ‘prerequisites’ or ‘necessary conditions’ of war. If such conditions do exist, we may be able to identify them, and perhaps even remove them. It is in the nature of necessary conditions of war that, if we were to have succeeded in removing any one of them, we would necessarily have eliminated all future wars. The absence of any one of them would veto the very possibility of war. It is therefore such conditions that the seekers of world peace would wish ideally to be able to identify. This chapter examines two main ways of identifying a ‘necessary condition’, which it is important to distinguish at the outset. Kenneth Waltz argues that international anarchy’, or the fact that there is nothing in the international system to prevent war, is ‘the permissive cause’ of war. There are also a few things about human nature that constitute necessary conditions of war.Less
The conditions that must be present for wars to occur may be called ‘prerequisites’ or ‘necessary conditions’ of war. If such conditions do exist, we may be able to identify them, and perhaps even remove them. It is in the nature of necessary conditions of war that, if we were to have succeeded in removing any one of them, we would necessarily have eliminated all future wars. The absence of any one of them would veto the very possibility of war. It is therefore such conditions that the seekers of world peace would wish ideally to be able to identify. This chapter examines two main ways of identifying a ‘necessary condition’, which it is important to distinguish at the outset. Kenneth Waltz argues that international anarchy’, or the fact that there is nothing in the international system to prevent war, is ‘the permissive cause’ of war. There are also a few things about human nature that constitute necessary conditions of war.
Hidemi Suganami
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273387
- eISBN:
- 9780191684043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273387.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Kenneth Waltz, one of the most influential theorists of international relations, and of war in particular, has paid very little attention to the variety of ways in which war comes about. His main ...
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Kenneth Waltz, one of the most influential theorists of international relations, and of war in particular, has paid very little attention to the variety of ways in which war comes about. His main concern is the constant possibility and recurrence of war, rather than the occurrence of any particular war. Wars may be different in terms of their immediate causes, Waltz appears to concede. But, in his judgement, they are all the same with respect to their underlying cause. This is said to be ‘international anarchy’. This chapter attempts to replace Waltz's third-image theory, and his tripartite analysis itself, with a more comprehensive overview, or understanding, of war origins. It presents a theory of war origins that takes more seriously than Waltz has done the fact that wars come about in different ways. It investigates what sorts of thing fall under the categories of the background, chance coincidences, mechanisms, and government actions. These are the four building blocks commonly used in constructing narrative explanations, or stories, of war origins.Less
Kenneth Waltz, one of the most influential theorists of international relations, and of war in particular, has paid very little attention to the variety of ways in which war comes about. His main concern is the constant possibility and recurrence of war, rather than the occurrence of any particular war. Wars may be different in terms of their immediate causes, Waltz appears to concede. But, in his judgement, they are all the same with respect to their underlying cause. This is said to be ‘international anarchy’. This chapter attempts to replace Waltz's third-image theory, and his tripartite analysis itself, with a more comprehensive overview, or understanding, of war origins. It presents a theory of war origins that takes more seriously than Waltz has done the fact that wars come about in different ways. It investigates what sorts of thing fall under the categories of the background, chance coincidences, mechanisms, and government actions. These are the four building blocks commonly used in constructing narrative explanations, or stories, of war origins.
Hidemi Suganami
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273387
- eISBN:
- 9780191684043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273387.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book began by examining two major contributions to the study of how to reason about the causes of war: Man, the State and War by Kenneth Waltz and Why War? by Keith Nelson and Spencer Olin. The ...
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This book began by examining two major contributions to the study of how to reason about the causes of war: Man, the State and War by Kenneth Waltz and Why War? by Keith Nelson and Spencer Olin. The two works share one serious shortcoming: neither of them pays sufficient attention to the important fact that, under the rubric of the causes of war, a number of distinct questions arise. In particular, it was argued, the following three types must be clearly distinguished as a preliminary move in any discussion of the causes of war: (a) ‘What are the conditions which must be present for wars to occur?’; (b) ‘Under what sorts of circumstances have wars occurred more frequently?’; and (c) ‘How did this particular war come about?’ Waltz's theory of war holds that ‘international anarchy’ is the permissive and underlying cause of war, that an aggressive foreign policy results in war.Less
This book began by examining two major contributions to the study of how to reason about the causes of war: Man, the State and War by Kenneth Waltz and Why War? by Keith Nelson and Spencer Olin. The two works share one serious shortcoming: neither of them pays sufficient attention to the important fact that, under the rubric of the causes of war, a number of distinct questions arise. In particular, it was argued, the following three types must be clearly distinguished as a preliminary move in any discussion of the causes of war: (a) ‘What are the conditions which must be present for wars to occur?’; (b) ‘Under what sorts of circumstances have wars occurred more frequently?’; and (c) ‘How did this particular war come about?’ Waltz's theory of war holds that ‘international anarchy’ is the permissive and underlying cause of war, that an aggressive foreign policy results in war.
