Sujit Choudhry
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Some preliminary reflections are offered on the place of citizenship in a theory of federalism. Citizenship is one of the central concepts in political theory, and an account of citizenship, at the ...
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Some preliminary reflections are offered on the place of citizenship in a theory of federalism. Citizenship is one of the central concepts in political theory, and an account of citizenship, at the very least, defines the criteria for, and the method for the acquisition of, membership in a political community; more importantly, it also lays down the rights and responsibilities that attach to membership. The first section in this chapter makes the point that the three chapters following in this last section of the book further the debate on citizenship and federalism by invoking three different conceptions of citizenship, ethnocultural (Ch. 17), civic (Ch. 15), and economic (Ch. 16), which in turn express different underlying conceptions of political community; these different conceptions are discussed. The second section argues that the three chapters do not fully address the complication that federalism poses for citizenship, which is termed here the problem of divided, multiple or conflicting allegiances/loyalties; this is done by discussing conceptions of citizenship in the EU, and contrasting them with the situation in the USA.Less
Some preliminary reflections are offered on the place of citizenship in a theory of federalism. Citizenship is one of the central concepts in political theory, and an account of citizenship, at the very least, defines the criteria for, and the method for the acquisition of, membership in a political community; more importantly, it also lays down the rights and responsibilities that attach to membership. The first section in this chapter makes the point that the three chapters following in this last section of the book further the debate on citizenship and federalism by invoking three different conceptions of citizenship, ethnocultural (Ch. 17), civic (Ch. 15), and economic (Ch. 16), which in turn express different underlying conceptions of political community; these different conceptions are discussed. The second section argues that the three chapters do not fully address the complication that federalism poses for citizenship, which is termed here the problem of divided, multiple or conflicting allegiances/loyalties; this is done by discussing conceptions of citizenship in the EU, and contrasting them with the situation in the USA.
Kenneth Husted and Snejina Michailova
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199235926
- eISBN:
- 9780191717093
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235926.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Knowledge Management
Companies involved in R&D collaboration face a serious challenge: they want to achieve the intended benefits from the collaboration without risking unintended knowledge sharing. This chapter argues ...
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Companies involved in R&D collaboration face a serious challenge: they want to achieve the intended benefits from the collaboration without risking unintended knowledge sharing. This chapter argues that socialization tactics are a highly efficient and relatively low-cost mechanism for governing individual knowledge-sharing behaviour and can substitute more resource-demanding mechanisms. Socialization tactics can be utilized to influence R&D workers' dual allegiance (i.e., their loyalty to their own organization and to the collaboration). The chapter develops a classification of four distinct types of R&D individual collaborators' dual allegiance: Lonely Wolfs, Gone Native, Company Soldiers, and Gatekeepers. These types differ on several dimensions and hence, require different governance, e.g., predispose the employment of different context, content, and social aspects of socialization.Less
Companies involved in R&D collaboration face a serious challenge: they want to achieve the intended benefits from the collaboration without risking unintended knowledge sharing. This chapter argues that socialization tactics are a highly efficient and relatively low-cost mechanism for governing individual knowledge-sharing behaviour and can substitute more resource-demanding mechanisms. Socialization tactics can be utilized to influence R&D workers' dual allegiance (i.e., their loyalty to their own organization and to the collaboration). The chapter develops a classification of four distinct types of R&D individual collaborators' dual allegiance: Lonely Wolfs, Gone Native, Company Soldiers, and Gatekeepers. These types differ on several dimensions and hence, require different governance, e.g., predispose the employment of different context, content, and social aspects of socialization.
Jeffrey Blustein
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195067996
- eISBN:
- 9780199852895
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195067996.003.0014
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter briefly discusses the paramount relationships between integrity and self-transformation. Change of basic allegiances does not always come about as a result of rational reflection on the ...
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This chapter briefly discusses the paramount relationships between integrity and self-transformation. Change of basic allegiances does not always come about as a result of rational reflection on the circumstances of one's life. In such cases, change of core commitments is not a step-by-step process involving deliberation on the direction one's life has taken, but a relatively sudden and unstructured event like a gestalt switch. Further, while the preconversion and postconversion selves may each have integrity relative to their respective commitments, the shift in allegiance from one core commitment to another does not in itself display integrity. Self-transformation is not always a matter of shifting allegiances from one commitment to another. It might also be a change from an integrated life to a life of dissolution or, in less extreme cases, it might just involve the loss of a basic commitment without its replacement by a new one.Less
This chapter briefly discusses the paramount relationships between integrity and self-transformation. Change of basic allegiances does not always come about as a result of rational reflection on the circumstances of one's life. In such cases, change of core commitments is not a step-by-step process involving deliberation on the direction one's life has taken, but a relatively sudden and unstructured event like a gestalt switch. Further, while the preconversion and postconversion selves may each have integrity relative to their respective commitments, the shift in allegiance from one core commitment to another does not in itself display integrity. Self-transformation is not always a matter of shifting allegiances from one commitment to another. It might also be a change from an integrated life to a life of dissolution or, in less extreme cases, it might just involve the loss of a basic commitment without its replacement by a new one.
Russell Hardin
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199232567
- eISBN:
- 9780191715976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232567.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter explores Hume's account of convention. His theory is that government derives its power to rule by convention, and the populace acquiesces in that rule by its own convention. He denies ...
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This chapter explores Hume's account of convention. His theory is that government derives its power to rule by convention, and the populace acquiesces in that rule by its own convention. He denies Hobbes's claims of the necessity of an all-powerful sovereign and of the absolute need of government if we are to have social order. Iterated coordination, the force of convention, conventions and functional explanation, allegiance to government, and unequal coordination are discussed.Less
This chapter explores Hume's account of convention. His theory is that government derives its power to rule by convention, and the populace acquiesces in that rule by its own convention. He denies Hobbes's claims of the necessity of an all-powerful sovereign and of the absolute need of government if we are to have social order. Iterated coordination, the force of convention, conventions and functional explanation, allegiance to government, and unequal coordination are discussed.
Rex Martin
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292937
- eISBN:
- 9780191599811
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292937.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter is concerned with political obligation, i.e. with one's obligation to obey the laws of one's own country. Here, it is suggested that such an obligation (or one's ‘allegiance,’ as I ...
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This chapter is concerned with political obligation, i.e. with one's obligation to obey the laws of one's own country. Here, it is suggested that such an obligation (or one's ‘allegiance,’ as I prefer to call it) varies from system to system; it is one thing in Plato's republic but something quite different in a democratic system of rights. We are concerned, then, with the allegiance of a typical citizen, when acting in character, within a given system of political principles and institutions.It is argued that citizens have an obligation, a system‐specific duty, in a democratic system of rights to conform to the civil rights laws there. This institutional duty is then extended to take in one's duties towards some non‐rights laws (e.g. tax laws), but it never embraces literally all laws in that society. In the course of the analysis, the views of both John Simmons and John Rawls are criticized.Democratic institutions provide an example of an inherently imperfect procedure for making civil rights laws; the connection between such institutions and such laws represents at best only a probabilistic tendency. In the end, then, we find that citizens have no duty to conform to all non‐defective rights laws simply in so far as they are enacted laws; The typical citizen can be civilly disobedient with respect to some civil rights laws (subject to certain constraints, e.g. nonviolence) while still satisfying fully the conditions of allegiance in a democratic system of rights.Less
This chapter is concerned with political obligation, i.e. with one's obligation to obey the laws of one's own country. Here, it is suggested that such an obligation (or one's ‘allegiance,’ as I prefer to call it) varies from system to system; it is one thing in Plato's republic but something quite different in a democratic system of rights. We are concerned, then, with the allegiance of a typical citizen, when acting in character, within a given system of political principles and institutions.
It is argued that citizens have an obligation, a system‐specific duty, in a democratic system of rights to conform to the civil rights laws there. This institutional duty is then extended to take in one's duties towards some non‐rights laws (e.g. tax laws), but it never embraces literally all laws in that society. In the course of the analysis, the views of both John Simmons and John Rawls are criticized.
Democratic institutions provide an example of an inherently imperfect procedure for making civil rights laws; the connection between such institutions and such laws represents at best only a probabilistic tendency. In the end, then, we find that citizens have no duty to conform to all non‐defective rights laws simply in so far as they are enacted laws; The typical citizen can be civilly disobedient with respect to some civil rights laws (subject to certain constraints, e.g. nonviolence) while still satisfying fully the conditions of allegiance in a democratic system of rights.
Michael Walzer
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The members of greedy communities do not make good citizens because they are only marginally interested in the political community; their sense of the common good is determined mostly by their ...
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The members of greedy communities do not make good citizens because they are only marginally interested in the political community; their sense of the common good is determined mostly by their religious beliefs and not by their membership in or allegiance to the state: some of them refuse, on principle, to declare their allegiance to anything as secular as a state. Immigration is an individual (or familial) decision, a free choice, which represents a break with those Old World communities whose members were, in Sandel’s exact sense, encumbered selves, that is, men and women whose obligations were given; the immigrants, once they have arrived in their new country, do not have obligations in quite the same sense. The more active members of groups (though not of the greediest groups) are also the more active citizens of the republic, the people who come closest to the civic commitment that Sandel wants to encourage–but a substantial part of what they are doing, and they probably understand it this way, is representing particular interests, bargaining for a place on “balanced” tickets, negotiating compromise arrangements, getting as much as they can from the state. Justice is a kind of recognition, and individual men and women who are recognized in their communities and empowered by them may be the most likely citizens of the community of communities.Less
The members of greedy communities do not make good citizens because they are only marginally interested in the political community; their sense of the common good is determined mostly by their religious beliefs and not by their membership in or allegiance to the state: some of them refuse, on principle, to declare their allegiance to anything as secular as a state. Immigration is an individual (or familial) decision, a free choice, which represents a break with those Old World communities whose members were, in Sandel’s exact sense, encumbered selves, that is, men and women whose obligations were given; the immigrants, once they have arrived in their new country, do not have obligations in quite the same sense. The more active members of groups (though not of the greediest groups) are also the more active citizens of the republic, the people who come closest to the civic commitment that Sandel wants to encourage–but a substantial part of what they are doing, and they probably understand it this way, is representing particular interests, bargaining for a place on “balanced” tickets, negotiating compromise arrangements, getting as much as they can from the state. Justice is a kind of recognition, and individual men and women who are recognized in their communities and empowered by them may be the most likely citizens of the community of communities.
Mark Tushnet
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Democracy’s Discontent has been so well received more because it expresses a mood than because it makes an argument. Middle-class professionals and managers are no longer ...
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Democracy’s Discontent has been so well received more because it expresses a mood than because it makes an argument. Middle-class professionals and managers are no longer experts offering professional and autonomous advice on how best to steer the economy, but employees subject to the market forces they had believed they controlled. Unsurprisingly, they might be interested in recapturing some control at the expense of some slight reduction in their material well-being, even if the effects on the material well-being of less privileged groups might be more substantial. Our different identities–our cosmopolitanism and our more particular commitments to family, friends, neighbors, nations, ethnic groups, and religious confreres–might sometimes conflict, but a public philosophy that acknowledges the possibility of internal conflicts, and treats such conflicts as an occasion for political deliberation and struggle, might inspire the allegiance that Sandel requires. To exercise effective control over transnational corporate power, people must participate in supranational institutions as democrats, not as Kurds or Quebecois–and, to that extent, as cosmopolitans.Less
Democracy’s Discontent has been so well received more because it expresses a mood than because it makes an argument. Middle-class professionals and managers are no longer experts offering professional and autonomous advice on how best to steer the economy, but employees subject to the market forces they had believed they controlled. Unsurprisingly, they might be interested in recapturing some control at the expense of some slight reduction in their material well-being, even if the effects on the material well-being of less privileged groups might be more substantial. Our different identities–our cosmopolitanism and our more particular commitments to family, friends, neighbors, nations, ethnic groups, and religious confreres–might sometimes conflict, but a public philosophy that acknowledges the possibility of internal conflicts, and treats such conflicts as an occasion for political deliberation and struggle, might inspire the allegiance that Sandel requires. To exercise effective control over transnational corporate power, people must participate in supranational institutions as democrats, not as Kurds or Quebecois–and, to that extent, as cosmopolitans.
Elizabeth Meehan
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Begins with a brief reference to the constitutional and institutional frameworks of allegiances, identification, and citizenship rights, and goes on to argue that there are grounds for questioning ...
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Begins with a brief reference to the constitutional and institutional frameworks of allegiances, identification, and citizenship rights, and goes on to argue that there are grounds for questioning the customary conceptual and political overlap between nationality and citizenship. Some decoupling has taken place in the EU, opening, according to some commentators, the possibility of a new paradigm in citizenship praxis. Thus, the chapter explores Carlos Closa's idea that supranational citizenship has more potential than national citizenship to be democratic, and draws on Joseph Weiler's ideas, which in some respects are similar to those of Closa but differ in respect of the significance of nationality and national identity; Weiler's acknowledgement of national forces is, however, consistent with Closa's suggestion that civil society in the EU is too weak to take advantage of the more democratic potential of supranational citizenship. Both ideas can be used to infer that difficulties in European citizenship may be reinforced by enlargement, not because of the introduction of a further set of nationalities per se into a supranational citizenship system, but because of a new complexity in the principled norms that Closa says have to be present in a site of democratic citizenship. In view of this, there are lessons to be learned from American theories of republican federalism, which, as expounded by S. H. Beer (1993), have much in common with a modern interest among radical democrats in deliberative or dialogic democracy; in this respect, Weiler's ideas about a European public space must be taken seriouslyLess
Begins with a brief reference to the constitutional and institutional frameworks of allegiances, identification, and citizenship rights, and goes on to argue that there are grounds for questioning the customary conceptual and political overlap between nationality and citizenship. Some decoupling has taken place in the EU, opening, according to some commentators, the possibility of a new paradigm in citizenship praxis. Thus, the chapter explores Carlos Closa's idea that supranational citizenship has more potential than national citizenship to be democratic, and draws on Joseph Weiler's ideas, which in some respects are similar to those of Closa but differ in respect of the significance of nationality and national identity; Weiler's acknowledgement of national forces is, however, consistent with Closa's suggestion that civil society in the EU is too weak to take advantage of the more democratic potential of supranational citizenship. Both ideas can be used to infer that difficulties in European citizenship may be reinforced by enlargement, not because of the introduction of a further set of nationalities per se into a supranational citizenship system, but because of a new complexity in the principled norms that Closa says have to be present in a site of democratic citizenship. In view of this, there are lessons to be learned from American theories of republican federalism, which, as expounded by S. H. Beer (1993), have much in common with a modern interest among radical democrats in deliberative or dialogic democracy; in this respect, Weiler's ideas about a European public space must be taken seriously
Denis Lacorne
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Draws an analogy between the threats posed by social heterogeneity in the USA and the threats posed by differing national allegiances in the EU. The author reminds USA that core political identities ...
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Draws an analogy between the threats posed by social heterogeneity in the USA and the threats posed by differing national allegiances in the EU. The author reminds USA that core political identities can vary over time and that early conceptions of citizenship in the USA focussed almost exclusively on state, not federal, citizenship; in his view, within unitary states communities of identity are fine so long as individuals do not conflate these with their core political identity. In a federal system, the problem or challenge is exactly that of belonging to several political communities. Lacorne argues that pure constitutional patriotism will not suffice, since individuals require a substantial citizenship; what is needed instead are ‘common and concrete political experiences’ that would give rise to ‘a new European ethics of responsibility’. The two sections of the chapter are: The Irrelevance of the American Model of Federal Citizenship; and The Relevance of the American Multicultural Model.Less
Draws an analogy between the threats posed by social heterogeneity in the USA and the threats posed by differing national allegiances in the EU. The author reminds USA that core political identities can vary over time and that early conceptions of citizenship in the USA focussed almost exclusively on state, not federal, citizenship; in his view, within unitary states communities of identity are fine so long as individuals do not conflate these with their core political identity. In a federal system, the problem or challenge is exactly that of belonging to several political communities. Lacorne argues that pure constitutional patriotism will not suffice, since individuals require a substantial citizenship; what is needed instead are ‘common and concrete political experiences’ that would give rise to ‘a new European ethics of responsibility’. The two sections of the chapter are: The Irrelevance of the American Model of Federal Citizenship; and The Relevance of the American Multicultural Model.
James K. Wellman Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195300116
- eISBN:
- 9780199868742
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300116.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter presents the theory of moral worldviews of each subculture; moral worldviews are not instrumental but organic — more like onions than tools. Each moral worldview has multiple layers, ...
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This chapter presents the theory of moral worldviews of each subculture; moral worldviews are not instrumental but organic — more like onions than tools. Each moral worldview has multiple layers, beginning with core allegiances; followed by moral values; moral projects, and aesthetic tastes and preferences. The closer that layers are to the core the more absolute and certain they are held, the further away, the more negotiable they are. For evangelicals, a personal, intimate relationship to Jesus Christ is the core; for liberals, the core is more a principle of inclusiveness and hospitality, exemplified more by Jesus ministry and actions than by Jesus as a god object.Less
This chapter presents the theory of moral worldviews of each subculture; moral worldviews are not instrumental but organic — more like onions than tools. Each moral worldview has multiple layers, beginning with core allegiances; followed by moral values; moral projects, and aesthetic tastes and preferences. The closer that layers are to the core the more absolute and certain they are held, the further away, the more negotiable they are. For evangelicals, a personal, intimate relationship to Jesus Christ is the core; for liberals, the core is more a principle of inclusiveness and hospitality, exemplified more by Jesus ministry and actions than by Jesus as a god object.
COLIN NEWBURY
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257812
- eISBN:
- 9780191717864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257812.003.06
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
By contrast with British attempts to ‘govern through the governors’ in Egypt, the French Protectorate Government of Morocco exercised power through ministries which excluded Moroccan officials. The ...
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By contrast with British attempts to ‘govern through the governors’ in Egypt, the French Protectorate Government of Morocco exercised power through ministries which excluded Moroccan officials. The Sultanate provided little more than legitimacy for the regime. Outside the coastal zone, the French enlisted traditional caids (chieftains) in Central Morocco and the chieftains of the Rif. The Sultanate, although without executive power, maintained a covert support for nationalist opposition and the Istiqlal party from 1944. Consequently, the restoration of King Muhammed ben Yussuf in 1955 marked a period of French concessions to demands for independence led by the monarch. Morocco left the French Union the following year with a Constitution fashioned by the royal house. The Sultanate preserved the balance between the patrimonial rule of a leader of the Islamic community and secular control over ministers, police and army, in a system that placed a high value on allegiance and loyalty, in return for redress of grievances.Less
By contrast with British attempts to ‘govern through the governors’ in Egypt, the French Protectorate Government of Morocco exercised power through ministries which excluded Moroccan officials. The Sultanate provided little more than legitimacy for the regime. Outside the coastal zone, the French enlisted traditional caids (chieftains) in Central Morocco and the chieftains of the Rif. The Sultanate, although without executive power, maintained a covert support for nationalist opposition and the Istiqlal party from 1944. Consequently, the restoration of King Muhammed ben Yussuf in 1955 marked a period of French concessions to demands for independence led by the monarch. Morocco left the French Union the following year with a Constitution fashioned by the royal house. The Sultanate preserved the balance between the patrimonial rule of a leader of the Islamic community and secular control over ministers, police and army, in a system that placed a high value on allegiance and loyalty, in return for redress of grievances.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199268436
- eISBN:
- 9780191708572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the ...
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This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the rules of government, and allegiance to the government. Distrust in politicians but support for the democratic ideal stimulates calls for policy reforms, and this contributes to the recent history of democratic institutional reforms in the U.S. states and cross-nationally.Less
This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the rules of government, and allegiance to the government. Distrust in politicians but support for the democratic ideal stimulates calls for policy reforms, and this contributes to the recent history of democratic institutional reforms in the U.S. states and cross-nationally.
Patricia Lynch
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199256211
- eISBN:
- 9780191719677
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256211.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book explores the relationship between the British Liberal party and the rural working-class voters enfranchised by the Third Reform Act of 1884. In contrast to many works that present urban ...
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This book explores the relationship between the British Liberal party and the rural working-class voters enfranchised by the Third Reform Act of 1884. In contrast to many works that present urban voters as the primary agents of political change in 19th- and 20th-century England, this study argues that an examination of the dynamics of popular rural politics is essential to a thorough understanding of political developments in the early years of mass enfranchisement. Prior to 1914, capturing a substantial portion of the rural vote was essential to any political party seeking to establish a strong Parliamentary majority; and the Liberal party, coming from a traditionally strong urban base, had to work particularly hard to meet the expectations of the new rural electorate. The book shows that popular political culture in the English countryside was dominated by two important, sometimes conflicting, traditions: on one hand, a history of radical social protest, emphasising attacks on the privileges of landowning elites; on the other, a widespread concern for the harmony of the local community, coupled with a suspicion of unnecessary divisiveness. The attempt to appeal simultaneously to both of these facets of rural political culture helps to explain not only why the Liberals continued to launch rhetorical attacks on the landed aristocracy and to promote schemes of land reform long after one might have expected them to have switched to a more ‘modern’ emphasis on class politics, but also why the ‘New Liberal’ emphasis on the politics of community carried such broad electoral appeal in the early 20th century. The book suggests, finally, that in focusing primarily on urban democratisation, historians of this period may have exaggerated the role of class allegiances in shaping popular political opinion and underestimated the continuities between ‘Old’ and ‘New’ Liberalism.Less
This book explores the relationship between the British Liberal party and the rural working-class voters enfranchised by the Third Reform Act of 1884. In contrast to many works that present urban voters as the primary agents of political change in 19th- and 20th-century England, this study argues that an examination of the dynamics of popular rural politics is essential to a thorough understanding of political developments in the early years of mass enfranchisement. Prior to 1914, capturing a substantial portion of the rural vote was essential to any political party seeking to establish a strong Parliamentary majority; and the Liberal party, coming from a traditionally strong urban base, had to work particularly hard to meet the expectations of the new rural electorate. The book shows that popular political culture in the English countryside was dominated by two important, sometimes conflicting, traditions: on one hand, a history of radical social protest, emphasising attacks on the privileges of landowning elites; on the other, a widespread concern for the harmony of the local community, coupled with a suspicion of unnecessary divisiveness. The attempt to appeal simultaneously to both of these facets of rural political culture helps to explain not only why the Liberals continued to launch rhetorical attacks on the landed aristocracy and to promote schemes of land reform long after one might have expected them to have switched to a more ‘modern’ emphasis on class politics, but also why the ‘New Liberal’ emphasis on the politics of community carried such broad electoral appeal in the early 20th century. The book suggests, finally, that in focusing primarily on urban democratisation, historians of this period may have exaggerated the role of class allegiances in shaping popular political opinion and underestimated the continuities between ‘Old’ and ‘New’ Liberalism.
Stefania Tutino
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740536
- eISBN:
- 9780199894765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740536.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter examines the impact of Bellarmine’s theory in the debate over the Oath of Allegiance, promulgated by James Stuart in 1606. James’s attempt to shift the boundaries of the sovereign’s ...
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This chapter examines the impact of Bellarmine’s theory in the debate over the Oath of Allegiance, promulgated by James Stuart in 1606. James’s attempt to shift the boundaries of the sovereign’s authority beyond simple civil obedience hit the heart of Bellarmine’s doctrine of the indirecta potestas, which was introduced precisely to shift the boundaries of the Pope’s spiritual jurisdiction beyond simple spiritual authority, and indirectly into political matters. This chapter shows the theoretical and political impact of Bellarmine’s theory in early Stuart England by following closely the debate between Bellarmine, James and William Barclay. This chapter, thus, offers important elements not only to understand the significance of the Jesuit’s theories but also to gain a more accurate and historically nuanced explanation of James’s absolutism and its theoretical roots.Less
This chapter examines the impact of Bellarmine’s theory in the debate over the Oath of Allegiance, promulgated by James Stuart in 1606. James’s attempt to shift the boundaries of the sovereign’s authority beyond simple civil obedience hit the heart of Bellarmine’s doctrine of the indirecta potestas, which was introduced precisely to shift the boundaries of the Pope’s spiritual jurisdiction beyond simple spiritual authority, and indirectly into political matters. This chapter shows the theoretical and political impact of Bellarmine’s theory in early Stuart England by following closely the debate between Bellarmine, James and William Barclay. This chapter, thus, offers important elements not only to understand the significance of the Jesuit’s theories but also to gain a more accurate and historically nuanced explanation of James’s absolutism and its theoretical roots.
Stefania Tutino
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740536
- eISBN:
- 9780199894765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740536.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter expands our area of inquiry further, by examining the implications of the debate between Bellarmine, the French Gallicans, and the English supporters of the Oath of Allegiance in the ...
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This chapter expands our area of inquiry further, by examining the implications of the debate between Bellarmine, the French Gallicans, and the English supporters of the Oath of Allegiance in the German territories. This chapter, thus, focuses on an extraordinarily interesting case, that of the German Jesuit theorist Martin Becanus and of his works against the Oath of Allegiance and in support of Bellarmine’s potestas indirecta. Those works were at the center of a complex theoretical and political battle involving the interests of the Roman Curia and its necessity of satisfying the Gallican faction of French Catholicism without paying the price of losing the battle against the German Protestants. This chapter illustrates the case of Becanus from different perspectives and in different geo-political context.Less
This chapter expands our area of inquiry further, by examining the implications of the debate between Bellarmine, the French Gallicans, and the English supporters of the Oath of Allegiance in the German territories. This chapter, thus, focuses on an extraordinarily interesting case, that of the German Jesuit theorist Martin Becanus and of his works against the Oath of Allegiance and in support of Bellarmine’s potestas indirecta. Those works were at the center of a complex theoretical and political battle involving the interests of the Roman Curia and its necessity of satisfying the Gallican faction of French Catholicism without paying the price of losing the battle against the German Protestants. This chapter illustrates the case of Becanus from different perspectives and in different geo-political context.
John Wigger
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195387803
- eISBN:
- 9780199866410
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387803.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
As the Revolutionary War approached, John Wesley published pamphlets, beginning with A Calm Address to Our American Colonies, against the American cause. The other British preachers mostly sided with ...
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As the Revolutionary War approached, John Wesley published pamphlets, beginning with A Calm Address to Our American Colonies, against the American cause. The other British preachers mostly sided with Wesley, including Rankin and Thomas Webb, but Asbury tried to remain neutral. After falling sick in May 1776 Asbury went to the warm springs resort at Berkeley Springs, West Virginia, but was appalled by the indulgent lifestyle he encountered there. In 1778 Asbury went into hiding at the home of Thomas and Mary White in Delaware, in order to avoid taking a Maryland oath of allegiance. While several preachers, including Freeborn Garrettson, were arrested for preaching in Maryland, Asbury remained in seclusion. With time on his hands he prayed and read widely, but he felt guilty for his inactivity.Less
As the Revolutionary War approached, John Wesley published pamphlets, beginning with A Calm Address to Our American Colonies, against the American cause. The other British preachers mostly sided with Wesley, including Rankin and Thomas Webb, but Asbury tried to remain neutral. After falling sick in May 1776 Asbury went to the warm springs resort at Berkeley Springs, West Virginia, but was appalled by the indulgent lifestyle he encountered there. In 1778 Asbury went into hiding at the home of Thomas and Mary White in Delaware, in order to avoid taking a Maryland oath of allegiance. While several preachers, including Freeborn Garrettson, were arrested for preaching in Maryland, Asbury remained in seclusion. With time on his hands he prayed and read widely, but he felt guilty for his inactivity.
Nicholas Mcdowell
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199278008
- eISBN:
- 9780191707810
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278008.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature, Poetry
This introductory chapter emphasizes how Andrew Marvell the lyric poet has been divided in scholarship from Andrew Marvell the political poet. One of the goals of the book is to recover a social ...
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This introductory chapter emphasizes how Andrew Marvell the lyric poet has been divided in scholarship from Andrew Marvell the political poet. One of the goals of the book is to recover a social context for the early Marvell that can account for both the origins and audience of the lyric verse and the early political poems. This introduction surveys critical representations of Marvell as a solitary and private poet and juxtaposes these with evidence of his friendships with other poets after he had returned to England in 1646/7 from his travels on the continent. It also emphasizes the social function of poetry and its relationship with patronage for a man of Marvell's background and education in the 17th century.Less
This introductory chapter emphasizes how Andrew Marvell the lyric poet has been divided in scholarship from Andrew Marvell the political poet. One of the goals of the book is to recover a social context for the early Marvell that can account for both the origins and audience of the lyric verse and the early political poems. This introduction surveys critical representations of Marvell as a solitary and private poet and juxtaposes these with evidence of his friendships with other poets after he had returned to England in 1646/7 from his travels on the continent. It also emphasizes the social function of poetry and its relationship with patronage for a man of Marvell's background and education in the 17th century.
Nicholas Mcdowell
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199278008
- eISBN:
- 9780191707810
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278008.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature, Poetry
The concluding chapter focuses on Marvell's satire ‘Tom May's Death’, the allegiance which has long puzzled scholars given its apparently royalist sentiment but date of composition after the ...
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The concluding chapter focuses on Marvell's satire ‘Tom May's Death’, the allegiance which has long puzzled scholars given its apparently royalist sentiment but date of composition after the ‘Horatian Ode’. It is argued that the poem is written in the cause of wit, rather than royalism or republicanism, and so appropriate for an audience composed of former members of the Stanley circle. May's betrayal is of the muses; Marvell fears the same charge may be levelled at him. The echoes of the poem in the 1650s verse of Lovelace and Alexander Brome, another ‘Cavalier’ poet involved with the Stanley circle, offer suggestions as to how ‘Tom May's Death’ was read by royalist contemporaries, and how they reacted to Marvell's own pro-Cromwellian verse.Less
The concluding chapter focuses on Marvell's satire ‘Tom May's Death’, the allegiance which has long puzzled scholars given its apparently royalist sentiment but date of composition after the ‘Horatian Ode’. It is argued that the poem is written in the cause of wit, rather than royalism or republicanism, and so appropriate for an audience composed of former members of the Stanley circle. May's betrayal is of the muses; Marvell fears the same charge may be levelled at him. The echoes of the poem in the 1650s verse of Lovelace and Alexander Brome, another ‘Cavalier’ poet involved with the Stanley circle, offer suggestions as to how ‘Tom May's Death’ was read by royalist contemporaries, and how they reacted to Marvell's own pro-Cromwellian verse.
JEFFREY R. COLLINS
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199237647
- eISBN:
- 9780191708442
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237647.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter contextualizes the composition of Leviathan by placing that text within the religious debates roiling the English Revolution in the aftermath of the regicide. It demonstrates how ...
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This chapter contextualizes the composition of Leviathan by placing that text within the religious debates roiling the English Revolution in the aftermath of the regicide. It demonstrates how Hobbes's interest in Erastianism peaked during these years, as did his appreciation for Independency as a church form. These developments are set against a historical backdrop in which Oliver Cromwell and the Independents rose to power within post-regicidal England. Hobbes's intellectual development estranged him from the royalist cause, and ensured his fall from grace at the exiled court of the Stuarts. Hobbes offended both of the main royalist factions: the old royalists grouped around Edward Hyde, and the Louvre group royalists around Henrietta Maria.Less
This chapter contextualizes the composition of Leviathan by placing that text within the religious debates roiling the English Revolution in the aftermath of the regicide. It demonstrates how Hobbes's interest in Erastianism peaked during these years, as did his appreciation for Independency as a church form. These developments are set against a historical backdrop in which Oliver Cromwell and the Independents rose to power within post-regicidal England. Hobbes's intellectual development estranged him from the royalist cause, and ensured his fall from grace at the exiled court of the Stuarts. Hobbes offended both of the main royalist factions: the old royalists grouped around Edward Hyde, and the Louvre group royalists around Henrietta Maria.
Andrew Sabl
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134208
- eISBN:
- 9781400845521
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134208.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
This book provides a comprehensive examination of David Hume's political theory, and is the first book to focus on Hume's monumental History of England as the key to his distinctly political ideas. ...
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This book provides a comprehensive examination of David Hume's political theory, and is the first book to focus on Hume's monumental History of England as the key to his distinctly political ideas. The book argues that conventions of authority are the main building blocks of Humean politics, and explores how the History addresses political change and disequilibrium through a dynamic treatment of coordination problems. Dynamic coordination, as employed in Hume's work, explains how conventions of political authority arise, change, adapt to new social and economic conditions, improve or decay, and die. The book shows how Humean constitutional conservatism need not hinder—and may in fact facilitate—change and improvement in economic, social, and cultural life. It also identifies how Humean liberalism can offer a systematic alternative to neo-Kantian approaches to politics and liberal theory. The book builds bridges between political theory and political science. It treats issues of concern to both fields, including the prehistory of political coordination, the obstacles that must be overcome in order for citizens to see themselves as sharing common political interests, the close and counterintuitive relationship between governmental authority and civic allegiance, the strategic ethics of political crisis and constitutional change, and the ways in which the biases and injustices endemic to executive power can be corrected by legislative contestation and debate.Less
This book provides a comprehensive examination of David Hume's political theory, and is the first book to focus on Hume's monumental History of England as the key to his distinctly political ideas. The book argues that conventions of authority are the main building blocks of Humean politics, and explores how the History addresses political change and disequilibrium through a dynamic treatment of coordination problems. Dynamic coordination, as employed in Hume's work, explains how conventions of political authority arise, change, adapt to new social and economic conditions, improve or decay, and die. The book shows how Humean constitutional conservatism need not hinder—and may in fact facilitate—change and improvement in economic, social, and cultural life. It also identifies how Humean liberalism can offer a systematic alternative to neo-Kantian approaches to politics and liberal theory. The book builds bridges between political theory and political science. It treats issues of concern to both fields, including the prehistory of political coordination, the obstacles that must be overcome in order for citizens to see themselves as sharing common political interests, the close and counterintuitive relationship between governmental authority and civic allegiance, the strategic ethics of political crisis and constitutional change, and the ways in which the biases and injustices endemic to executive power can be corrected by legislative contestation and debate.
