Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
In the ‘war on terror’ both sides have taken great pains to justify their actions in moral terms. As force is employed so are sophisticated arguments which directly invoke the just war traditions of ...
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In the ‘war on terror’ both sides have taken great pains to justify their actions in moral terms. As force is employed so are sophisticated arguments which directly invoke the just war traditions of the West and Islam. This book explores the moral‐theological arguments for war offered by the George W. Bush administration and al‐Qaeda. It examines the way in which these actors have drawn upon key just war concepts and, in some cases, reconceptualized their scope and content. The book's principal contention is that, in significant ways, the just war arguments of Bush and bin Laden are inconsistent with the moral requirements of their respective just war traditions. In two parts, the book examines these arguments in relation to the body of thought which comprises the Western just war tradition and that of Islamic jihad, and assesses the consistency of Bush and bin Laden's claims. The central argument of the book—that the Bush administration and al‐Qaeda depart from important consensuses about justified warfare—contains within it an alternative way of understanding the war on terror. Rather than a clash between civilizations, it is suggested that the war on terror can be accounted for by a clash within civilizations: in resorting to violence, both sides have acted against their own traditions and contravened the requirements of their own civilizations.Less
In the ‘war on terror’ both sides have taken great pains to justify their actions in moral terms. As force is employed so are sophisticated arguments which directly invoke the just war traditions of the West and Islam. This book explores the moral‐theological arguments for war offered by the George W. Bush administration and al‐Qaeda. It examines the way in which these actors have drawn upon key just war concepts and, in some cases, reconceptualized their scope and content. The book's principal contention is that, in significant ways, the just war arguments of Bush and bin Laden are inconsistent with the moral requirements of their respective just war traditions. In two parts, the book examines these arguments in relation to the body of thought which comprises the Western just war tradition and that of Islamic jihad, and assesses the consistency of Bush and bin Laden's claims. The central argument of the book—that the Bush administration and al‐Qaeda depart from important consensuses about justified warfare—contains within it an alternative way of understanding the war on terror. Rather than a clash between civilizations, it is suggested that the war on terror can be accounted for by a clash within civilizations: in resorting to violence, both sides have acted against their own traditions and contravened the requirements of their own civilizations.
Diego Gambetta
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199276998
- eISBN:
- 9780191707735
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276998.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book attempts to shed light on suicide missions and provide answers to the questions we all ask. Are these the actions of aggressive religious zealots and unbridled, irrational radicals or is ...
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This book attempts to shed light on suicide missions and provide answers to the questions we all ask. Are these the actions of aggressive religious zealots and unbridled, irrational radicals or is there a logic driving those behind them? Are their motivations religious or has Islam provided a language to express essentially political causes? How can the perpetrators remain so lucidly effective in the face of certain death? And do these disparate attacks have something like a common cause? It focuses on four main instances: the Kamikaze, missions carried out by the Tamil Tigers in the civil war in Sri Lanka, the Lebanese and Palestinian groups in the Middle East, and the al-Qaeda 9/11 attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. For more than two years, the authors have pursued an unprejudiced inquiry, investigating organizers and perpetrators alike of this extraordinary social phenomenon. Close comparisons between a whole range of cases raise challenging further questions: If suicide missions are so effective, why are they not more common? If killing is what matters, why not stick to ‘ordinary’ violent means? Or, if dying is what matters, why kill in the process?Less
This book attempts to shed light on suicide missions and provide answers to the questions we all ask. Are these the actions of aggressive religious zealots and unbridled, irrational radicals or is there a logic driving those behind them? Are their motivations religious or has Islam provided a language to express essentially political causes? How can the perpetrators remain so lucidly effective in the face of certain death? And do these disparate attacks have something like a common cause? It focuses on four main instances: the Kamikaze, missions carried out by the Tamil Tigers in the civil war in Sri Lanka, the Lebanese and Palestinian groups in the Middle East, and the al-Qaeda 9/11 attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. For more than two years, the authors have pursued an unprejudiced inquiry, investigating organizers and perpetrators alike of this extraordinary social phenomenon. Close comparisons between a whole range of cases raise challenging further questions: If suicide missions are so effective, why are they not more common? If killing is what matters, why not stick to ‘ordinary’ violent means? Or, if dying is what matters, why kill in the process?
Stephen Holmes
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199276998
- eISBN:
- 9780191707735
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276998.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many of the key actors in the 9/11 drama articulated their grievances using archaic religious language. But the very fact that the code involved is ancient while the behaviour that needs to be ...
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Many of the key actors in the 9/11 drama articulated their grievances using archaic religious language. But the very fact that the code involved is ancient while the behaviour that needs to be explained is recent suggests the inadequacy of causal theories that overemphasize the religious element. This chapter examines whether non-religious motives may well have been predominant in the 9/11 mission. To pursue this suggestion, the inquiry is divided into two parts, discussing first the perpetrators and then the instigators and supervisors of the plot.Less
Many of the key actors in the 9/11 drama articulated their grievances using archaic religious language. But the very fact that the code involved is ancient while the behaviour that needs to be explained is recent suggests the inadequacy of causal theories that overemphasize the religious element. This chapter examines whether non-religious motives may well have been predominant in the 9/11 mission. To pursue this suggestion, the inquiry is divided into two parts, discussing first the perpetrators and then the instigators and supervisors of the plot.
Mark Juergensmeyer
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195188356
- eISBN:
- 9780199785247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188356.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This essay explores the rise, characteristics, and agendas of religious antiglobalism movements. Using al-Qaeda and Ayatollah Khomeini as key examples, it describes how anti-secular, anti-Western ...
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This essay explores the rise, characteristics, and agendas of religious antiglobalism movements. Using al-Qaeda and Ayatollah Khomeini as key examples, it describes how anti-secular, anti-Western views merge with antiglobalism. It also highlights the ironic pairing, in some cases, of an antiglobal movement that relies on transnational networks. The essay concludes by projecting three possible futures of religious antiglobalism: one where religious and ethnic politics ignore globalization, another where they rail against it, and yet another where they envision their own transnational futures.Less
This essay explores the rise, characteristics, and agendas of religious antiglobalism movements. Using al-Qaeda and Ayatollah Khomeini as key examples, it describes how anti-secular, anti-Western views merge with antiglobalism. It also highlights the ironic pairing, in some cases, of an antiglobal movement that relies on transnational networks. The essay concludes by projecting three possible futures of religious antiglobalism: one where religious and ethnic politics ignore globalization, another where they rail against it, and yet another where they envision their own transnational futures.
Paul Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374360
- eISBN:
- 9780199871902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374360.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter describes Islamist terrorists’ developed ideology and how to them this explains and justifies their brutalities. It then contrasts their stated motives and rationales with press coverage ...
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This chapter describes Islamist terrorists’ developed ideology and how to them this explains and justifies their brutalities. It then contrasts their stated motives and rationales with press coverage of their attacks in Yemen, Bali, Iraq, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, seeking to show that both the terrorists’ goals and the identity of their victims are repeatedly misstated. Whereas Al Qaeda consistently describes its intended targets in religious loaded terms—as Christians, Jews, Crusaders, followers of the cross, Hindus, Buddhists, apostates, idolaters, infidels, and polytheists—and will frequently spare people, even Americans, if they are Muslims, many journalists consistently describe Al Qaeda strikes as attacks on “westerners,” “non-Arabs,” or “Americans” and their allies. Consequently, the connection between Australian and United Nations actions in East Timor and the bombings in Bali and of the UN compound in Baghdad were missed almost entirely.Less
This chapter describes Islamist terrorists’ developed ideology and how to them this explains and justifies their brutalities. It then contrasts their stated motives and rationales with press coverage of their attacks in Yemen, Bali, Iraq, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, seeking to show that both the terrorists’ goals and the identity of their victims are repeatedly misstated. Whereas Al Qaeda consistently describes its intended targets in religious loaded terms—as Christians, Jews, Crusaders, followers of the cross, Hindus, Buddhists, apostates, idolaters, infidels, and polytheists—and will frequently spare people, even Americans, if they are Muslims, many journalists consistently describe Al Qaeda strikes as attacks on “westerners,” “non-Arabs,” or “Americans” and their allies. Consequently, the connection between Australian and United Nations actions in East Timor and the bombings in Bali and of the UN compound in Baghdad were missed almost entirely.
Nadav Samin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164441
- eISBN:
- 9781400873852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164441.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This concluding chapter examines the notion that a genealogical rule of governance pervades Saudi Arabia in relation to Wahhabism and Islam. It suggests that Saudi Arabia's modern genealogical ...
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This concluding chapter examines the notion that a genealogical rule of governance pervades Saudi Arabia in relation to Wahhabism and Islam. It suggests that Saudi Arabia's modern genealogical culture is a direct consequence of the rise of Salaf religiosity in the kingdom and that the acute genealogical consciousness of modern Saudi society is a form of bedouin tribal vengeance against modernity. Just as the economic paternalism of the Saudi state has influenced the discourse and strategies of al-Qaeda, the kingdom's economic model has played an important role in shaping its modern genealogical culture as well. The chapter also discusses Hamad al-Jāsir's genealogical project, which preceded the wholesale politicization of the Saudi oral culture, and argues that the attachment to the Arabian past that drove such project was real and visceral, rather than an ideological fetish encouraged or manufactured by the Saudi state.Less
This concluding chapter examines the notion that a genealogical rule of governance pervades Saudi Arabia in relation to Wahhabism and Islam. It suggests that Saudi Arabia's modern genealogical culture is a direct consequence of the rise of Salaf religiosity in the kingdom and that the acute genealogical consciousness of modern Saudi society is a form of bedouin tribal vengeance against modernity. Just as the economic paternalism of the Saudi state has influenced the discourse and strategies of al-Qaeda, the kingdom's economic model has played an important role in shaping its modern genealogical culture as well. The chapter also discusses Hamad al-Jāsir's genealogical project, which preceded the wholesale politicization of the Saudi oral culture, and argues that the attachment to the Arabian past that drove such project was real and visceral, rather than an ideological fetish encouraged or manufactured by the Saudi state.
Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter begins with the observation that both ‘sides’ of the ‘war on terror’ claim to be fighting a just war. The Bush administration and al‐Qaeda have each deliberately invoked ...
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This introductory chapter begins with the observation that both ‘sides’ of the ‘war on terror’ claim to be fighting a just war. The Bush administration and al‐Qaeda have each deliberately invoked their respective just war traditions. Yet within each tradition, the arguments put forward for the resort to war and for the way in which war is fought have been feverishly contested. Hence, the normative clashes within the Western and Islamic worlds are as relevant as any supposed clash between them. The chapter also lays out the book's conceptual assumptions—that traditions are constantly evolving and that ideas are urgently relevant to understanding international relations—and offers an overview of the remainder of the book.Less
This introductory chapter begins with the observation that both ‘sides’ of the ‘war on terror’ claim to be fighting a just war. The Bush administration and al‐Qaeda have each deliberately invoked their respective just war traditions. Yet within each tradition, the arguments put forward for the resort to war and for the way in which war is fought have been feverishly contested. Hence, the normative clashes within the Western and Islamic worlds are as relevant as any supposed clash between them. The chapter also lays out the book's conceptual assumptions—that traditions are constantly evolving and that ideas are urgently relevant to understanding international relations—and offers an overview of the remainder of the book.
Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter begins with an overview of the development of the Islamic just war tradition (jihad). It then narrows the focus to the critical issue of just cause. Osama bin Laden and his deputy, Ayman ...
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This chapter begins with an overview of the development of the Islamic just war tradition (jihad). It then narrows the focus to the critical issue of just cause. Osama bin Laden and his deputy, Ayman al‐Zawahiri, consistently maintain that aggression is both wrong and illegal, and that in using violence al‐Qaeda is merely repelling America's attacks. However, since the United States had launched no invasion of bin Laden's country before 11 September, be it Saudi Arabia, Sudan or Afghanistan, it was incumbent upon him to redefine the concept of ‘aggression’. This attempt was contested a series of Muslim leaders who described al‐Qaeda as the belligerent party on 9/11.Less
This chapter begins with an overview of the development of the Islamic just war tradition (jihad). It then narrows the focus to the critical issue of just cause. Osama bin Laden and his deputy, Ayman al‐Zawahiri, consistently maintain that aggression is both wrong and illegal, and that in using violence al‐Qaeda is merely repelling America's attacks. However, since the United States had launched no invasion of bin Laden's country before 11 September, be it Saudi Arabia, Sudan or Afghanistan, it was incumbent upon him to redefine the concept of ‘aggression’. This attempt was contested a series of Muslim leaders who described al‐Qaeda as the belligerent party on 9/11.
Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter continues the discussion of the Islamic jus ad bellum by looking at Osama bin Laden's just war claims in three other areas: right authority, last resort, and reasonable hope of success. ...
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This chapter continues the discussion of the Islamic jus ad bellum by looking at Osama bin Laden's just war claims in three other areas: right authority, last resort, and reasonable hope of success. In setting out al‐Qaeda's case for war, bin Laden does not depend solely on faith‐based statements about good versus evil. Instead, he offers a series of sometimes intricate arguments that connect with the jihad tradition and endeavour to present al‐Qaeda's cause as authorized, necessary, and practical. Despite his best efforts, however, the legacy of bin Laden's case for the resort to war is that of innovation.Less
This chapter continues the discussion of the Islamic jus ad bellum by looking at Osama bin Laden's just war claims in three other areas: right authority, last resort, and reasonable hope of success. In setting out al‐Qaeda's case for war, bin Laden does not depend solely on faith‐based statements about good versus evil. Instead, he offers a series of sometimes intricate arguments that connect with the jihad tradition and endeavour to present al‐Qaeda's cause as authorized, necessary, and practical. Despite his best efforts, however, the legacy of bin Laden's case for the resort to war is that of innovation.
Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
In the 1990s, Osama bin Laden observed proudly that the Afghan jihad against the Russians was unstained by the blood of innocents. Yet, since 1993, civilians have been al‐Qaeda's chosen targets. This ...
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In the 1990s, Osama bin Laden observed proudly that the Afghan jihad against the Russians was unstained by the blood of innocents. Yet, since 1993, civilians have been al‐Qaeda's chosen targets. This chapter explores issues raised by al‐Qaeda's conduct during its war against the United States in the light of Islamic ideas about jus in bello. The first section of this chapter briefly introduces the jus in bello tradition in Islam. The second section discusses the legitimacy of suicide attacks and the place of martyrdom in the Islamic tradition. The final section examines bin Laden's attempts to overturn the robust Islamic protections for civilians in war. Bin Laden himself subscribes to the principle of non‐combatant immunity and employs it in levelling virulent criticism against the US's policies—yet his acceptance of the principle leads him into an unclear and uncomfortable moral position with regard to al‐Qaeda's attacks.Less
In the 1990s, Osama bin Laden observed proudly that the Afghan jihad against the Russians was unstained by the blood of innocents. Yet, since 1993, civilians have been al‐Qaeda's chosen targets. This chapter explores issues raised by al‐Qaeda's conduct during its war against the United States in the light of Islamic ideas about jus in bello. The first section of this chapter briefly introduces the jus in bello tradition in Islam. The second section discusses the legitimacy of suicide attacks and the place of martyrdom in the Islamic tradition. The final section examines bin Laden's attempts to overturn the robust Islamic protections for civilians in war. Bin Laden himself subscribes to the principle of non‐combatant immunity and employs it in levelling virulent criticism against the US's policies—yet his acceptance of the principle leads him into an unclear and uncomfortable moral position with regard to al‐Qaeda's attacks.
Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter synthesizes the discussion in the preceding chapters and offers some conclusions on moral traditions, on just war, on the ‘war on terror’, and on al‐Qaeda. It ends with the argument that ...
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This chapter synthesizes the discussion in the preceding chapters and offers some conclusions on moral traditions, on just war, on the ‘war on terror’, and on al‐Qaeda. It ends with the argument that al‐Qaeda both defines and empowers itself with moral reasoning. And to deny that Osama bin Laden possesses a moral project would be to deny ourselves the most powerful weapon in the campaign against al‐Qaeda: it is precisely because bin Laden invokes the Islamic jihad tradition and simultaneously pushes its moral boundaries that the main source of vulnerability for al‐Qaeda is created.Less
This chapter synthesizes the discussion in the preceding chapters and offers some conclusions on moral traditions, on just war, on the ‘war on terror’, and on al‐Qaeda. It ends with the argument that al‐Qaeda both defines and empowers itself with moral reasoning. And to deny that Osama bin Laden possesses a moral project would be to deny ourselves the most powerful weapon in the campaign against al‐Qaeda: it is precisely because bin Laden invokes the Islamic jihad tradition and simultaneously pushes its moral boundaries that the main source of vulnerability for al‐Qaeda is created.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
On September 19, 2002, the author of this book spent her last day in an Israeli military court. She went with Andre Rosenthal, a leftist Jewish Israeli lawyer, to Erez, the court located in a base at ...
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On September 19, 2002, the author of this book spent her last day in an Israeli military court. She went with Andre Rosenthal, a leftist Jewish Israeli lawyer, to Erez, the court located in a base at the edge of the Gaza Strip. In the courtroom, waiting for the hearings to get underway, soldiers on guard duty kept instructing the five Gaza women and her not to talk or lean on the benches in front of them, and they periodically ordered one or another to move to a different spot. Rosenthal's first case was the high-profile and widely publicized “Palestinian from al-Qaeda.” Rosenthal pointed out a gap in logic between the charges and the confession. Here the author expresses how much she learned in an Israeli military court. In fact, she states that she not want to leave behind or turn away from the suffering and the struggles for rights and justice.Less
On September 19, 2002, the author of this book spent her last day in an Israeli military court. She went with Andre Rosenthal, a leftist Jewish Israeli lawyer, to Erez, the court located in a base at the edge of the Gaza Strip. In the courtroom, waiting for the hearings to get underway, soldiers on guard duty kept instructing the five Gaza women and her not to talk or lean on the benches in front of them, and they periodically ordered one or another to move to a different spot. Rosenthal's first case was the high-profile and widely publicized “Palestinian from al-Qaeda.” Rosenthal pointed out a gap in logic between the charges and the confession. Here the author expresses how much she learned in an Israeli military court. In fact, she states that she not want to leave behind or turn away from the suffering and the struggles for rights and justice.
Patrick Stewart
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199751501
- eISBN:
- 9780199895366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199751501.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, it has become commonplace to assert that weak states are ideal breeding grounds for transnational terrorism. This chapter reviews the evidence for ...
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Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, it has become commonplace to assert that weak states are ideal breeding grounds for transnational terrorism. This chapter reviews the evidence for the connection between state fragility and transnational terrorism, focusing on al-Qaeda and its affiliated organizations, which pose the most acute global terrorist threat. It concludes that the links between these two phenomena are more complex and contingent than conventional wisdom would have us believe.Less
Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, it has become commonplace to assert that weak states are ideal breeding grounds for transnational terrorism. This chapter reviews the evidence for the connection between state fragility and transnational terrorism, focusing on al-Qaeda and its affiliated organizations, which pose the most acute global terrorist threat. It concludes that the links between these two phenomena are more complex and contingent than conventional wisdom would have us believe.
Nigel D. White
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199218592
- eISBN:
- 9780191705595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199218592.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
The war on terrorism, starting in earnest with the military action in Afghanistan October 2001, involved British troops acting alongside the United States against al-Qaeda and the Taliban on the ...
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The war on terrorism, starting in earnest with the military action in Afghanistan October 2001, involved British troops acting alongside the United States against al-Qaeda and the Taliban on the basis of the right of self-defence, the same right that was invoked in the Falklands War. Was the British reliance on the right of self-defence controversial either domestically or internationally? Was the fact that the action seemed to have approval from the Security Council, as well as NATO, important? While the initial operation — Operation Enduring Freedom — was based upon article 51 of the UN Charter preserving the right of self-defence, once the Taliban had been removed and al-Qaeda routed, Britain led a Security Council authorized security presence in and around Kabul providing stability while a nascent Afghan government tried to assert authority over the country. Concern was expressed in parliament at ‘mission creep’ as the functions of the NATO force (ISAF) changed, and British troops faced a resurgent Taliban in Helmand province from 2006 onwards.Less
The war on terrorism, starting in earnest with the military action in Afghanistan October 2001, involved British troops acting alongside the United States against al-Qaeda and the Taliban on the basis of the right of self-defence, the same right that was invoked in the Falklands War. Was the British reliance on the right of self-defence controversial either domestically or internationally? Was the fact that the action seemed to have approval from the Security Council, as well as NATO, important? While the initial operation — Operation Enduring Freedom — was based upon article 51 of the UN Charter preserving the right of self-defence, once the Taliban had been removed and al-Qaeda routed, Britain led a Security Council authorized security presence in and around Kabul providing stability while a nascent Afghan government tried to assert authority over the country. Concern was expressed in parliament at ‘mission creep’ as the functions of the NATO force (ISAF) changed, and British troops faced a resurgent Taliban in Helmand province from 2006 onwards.
David Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599240
- eISBN:
- 9780191725692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599240.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religion and Society
Following the 9/11 attacks, al‐Qaeda and other terrorist groups pose a threat, operating with global networks and potentially armed with weapons of mass destruction. To counter these threats, US ...
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Following the 9/11 attacks, al‐Qaeda and other terrorist groups pose a threat, operating with global networks and potentially armed with weapons of mass destruction. To counter these threats, US policy‐makers argued that extreme times justify extreme measures. These include pre‐emptive military action to forestall terrorist attacks and new methods of interrogation to uncover them. Just‐war thinking would license neither the new US doctrine of pre‐emption nor the new interrogation techniques. For an absolutist torture is always wrong, but a consequentialist, such as Dershowitz, justifies torture if it could save lives. To understand why torture is wrong we need to deploy all the resources of virtuous consequentialism, attending not just to the consequences but the internal states and character of the torturer and his victim. We want our public servants to be virtuous. Yet we need our special interrogators to be men or women of vice.Less
Following the 9/11 attacks, al‐Qaeda and other terrorist groups pose a threat, operating with global networks and potentially armed with weapons of mass destruction. To counter these threats, US policy‐makers argued that extreme times justify extreme measures. These include pre‐emptive military action to forestall terrorist attacks and new methods of interrogation to uncover them. Just‐war thinking would license neither the new US doctrine of pre‐emption nor the new interrogation techniques. For an absolutist torture is always wrong, but a consequentialist, such as Dershowitz, justifies torture if it could save lives. To understand why torture is wrong we need to deploy all the resources of virtuous consequentialism, attending not just to the consequences but the internal states and character of the torturer and his victim. We want our public servants to be virtuous. Yet we need our special interrogators to be men or women of vice.
Mark L. Haas
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199838424
- eISBN:
- 9780199933419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199838424.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the effects of ideologies on U.S.-Saudi relations. It is divided into two main sections. The first explores why the two states were able to establish a close alliance over many ...
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This chapter examines the effects of ideologies on U.S.-Saudi relations. It is divided into two main sections. The first explores why the two states were able to establish a close alliance over many decades during the Cold War despite large ideological differences. This outcome was due to a combination of a number of factors (not just oil) that other relationships rarely possess. These findings help us understand why some ideological enemies and not others are able to ally. The chapter’s second primary objective is to demonstrate how ideological calculations affected in major ways U.S.-Saudi relations after the Cold War’s end, and especially after 2001. The ideological gulf separating Saudi Arabia and the United States weakened the alliance in the 1990s and early 2000s, and mutual enmity against a shared ideological rival—dissident Islamists led by al Qaeda—played a critical role in resuscitating the alliance at a time when it was vulnerable.Less
This chapter examines the effects of ideologies on U.S.-Saudi relations. It is divided into two main sections. The first explores why the two states were able to establish a close alliance over many decades during the Cold War despite large ideological differences. This outcome was due to a combination of a number of factors (not just oil) that other relationships rarely possess. These findings help us understand why some ideological enemies and not others are able to ally. The chapter’s second primary objective is to demonstrate how ideological calculations affected in major ways U.S.-Saudi relations after the Cold War’s end, and especially after 2001. The ideological gulf separating Saudi Arabia and the United States weakened the alliance in the 1990s and early 2000s, and mutual enmity against a shared ideological rival—dissident Islamists led by al Qaeda—played a critical role in resuscitating the alliance at a time when it was vulnerable.
Susan Jeffords and Fahed Al-Sumait (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038860
- eISBN:
- 9780252096822
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Starting in 2001, much of the world media used the image of Osama bin Laden as a shorthand for terrorism. Bin Laden himself considered media manipulation on a par with military, political, and ...
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Starting in 2001, much of the world media used the image of Osama bin Laden as a shorthand for terrorism. Bin Laden himself considered media manipulation on a par with military, political, and ideological tools, and intentionally used interviews, taped speeches, and distributed statements to further al Qaeda's ends. This book collates perspectives from global scholars by exploring a startling premise: that media depictions of bin Laden not only diverge but often contradict each other, depending on the media provider and format, the place where the depiction is presented, and the viewer's political and cultural background. The chapters analyze the representations of the many bin Ladens, ranging from Al Jazeera broadcasts to video games. They examine the media's dominant role in shaping our understanding of terrorists and why/how they should be feared, and they engage with the ways the mosaic of bin Laden images and narratives have influenced policies and actions around the world.Less
Starting in 2001, much of the world media used the image of Osama bin Laden as a shorthand for terrorism. Bin Laden himself considered media manipulation on a par with military, political, and ideological tools, and intentionally used interviews, taped speeches, and distributed statements to further al Qaeda's ends. This book collates perspectives from global scholars by exploring a startling premise: that media depictions of bin Laden not only diverge but often contradict each other, depending on the media provider and format, the place where the depiction is presented, and the viewer's political and cultural background. The chapters analyze the representations of the many bin Ladens, ranging from Al Jazeera broadcasts to video games. They examine the media's dominant role in shaping our understanding of terrorists and why/how they should be feared, and they engage with the ways the mosaic of bin Laden images and narratives have influenced policies and actions around the world.
Alex J. Bellamy
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199288427
- eISBN:
- 9780191745430
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288427.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter examines the radical Islamist ideology of selective extermination espoused by Al Qaeda and the impact of the West's response on civilian immunity. The radical Islamist doctrine holds ...
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This chapter examines the radical Islamist ideology of selective extermination espoused by Al Qaeda and the impact of the West's response on civilian immunity. The radical Islamist doctrine holds that civilian immunity does not apply to non-believers or apostates and that members of these groups may be legitimately killed either as collective punishment for perceived wrongs inflicted on the Muslim world or as a necessary part of a war to establish a world Islamic state (caliphate). Rejected by most of the world's non-Muslims, the ideology is also hotly disputed within the Muslim world itself. The second part examines aspects of the US-led response to radical Islamism. Although the US and its allies have, in the main, attempted to comply with the norm of civilian immunity, some aspects of the War on Terror were conducted in ways that appeared to privilege necessity over civilian immunity. The 2004 assaults on Fallujah stand out in this regard.Less
This chapter examines the radical Islamist ideology of selective extermination espoused by Al Qaeda and the impact of the West's response on civilian immunity. The radical Islamist doctrine holds that civilian immunity does not apply to non-believers or apostates and that members of these groups may be legitimately killed either as collective punishment for perceived wrongs inflicted on the Muslim world or as a necessary part of a war to establish a world Islamic state (caliphate). Rejected by most of the world's non-Muslims, the ideology is also hotly disputed within the Muslim world itself. The second part examines aspects of the US-led response to radical Islamism. Although the US and its allies have, in the main, attempted to comply with the norm of civilian immunity, some aspects of the War on Terror were conducted in ways that appeared to privilege necessity over civilian immunity. The 2004 assaults on Fallujah stand out in this regard.
H. Jefferson Powell
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190492847
- eISBN:
- 9780190492878
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190492847.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
A centerpiece of the U.S. government’s current war against international terrorism is targeted killing by unmanned drone aircraft. The executive branch insists that it limits the use of drone strikes ...
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A centerpiece of the U.S. government’s current war against international terrorism is targeted killing by unmanned drone aircraft. The executive branch insists that it limits the use of drone strikes to conform with all relevant legal norms but also that those norms permit the killing of a U.S. citizen who meets the targeting criteria: The killing of Anwar al-Awlaki in September 2011 was the first acknowledged strike against a citizen. The legality as well as the wisdom of the government’s policies are hotly debated, and this book analyzes the constitutionality of the killing of al-Awlaki as a lens for examining the lawfulness of the drone strike policies in general. The book concludes that constitutional authorization for the al-Awlaki strike, and for the Obama administration’s announced policies on targeted killing by drone, exists under the 2001 congressional Authorization for the Use of Military Force but not on the broader bases that the administration sometimes asserts. U.S. citizens acting as combatants in al-Qaeda and associated groups, the book also contends, are not entitled to due process protections; if due process did apply, as the president has insisted it does, then the administration’s procedures are not constitutionally adequate, and the killing of al-Awlaki, and any other U.S. citizen, violates the Constitution.Less
A centerpiece of the U.S. government’s current war against international terrorism is targeted killing by unmanned drone aircraft. The executive branch insists that it limits the use of drone strikes to conform with all relevant legal norms but also that those norms permit the killing of a U.S. citizen who meets the targeting criteria: The killing of Anwar al-Awlaki in September 2011 was the first acknowledged strike against a citizen. The legality as well as the wisdom of the government’s policies are hotly debated, and this book analyzes the constitutionality of the killing of al-Awlaki as a lens for examining the lawfulness of the drone strike policies in general. The book concludes that constitutional authorization for the al-Awlaki strike, and for the Obama administration’s announced policies on targeted killing by drone, exists under the 2001 congressional Authorization for the Use of Military Force but not on the broader bases that the administration sometimes asserts. U.S. citizens acting as combatants in al-Qaeda and associated groups, the book also contends, are not entitled to due process protections; if due process did apply, as the president has insisted it does, then the administration’s procedures are not constitutionally adequate, and the killing of al-Awlaki, and any other U.S. citizen, violates the Constitution.
David Malet
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199939459
- eISBN:
- 9780199333127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199939459.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the recruitment of the Arab Afghan volunteers in the 1980s war that led to the formation of both al Qaeda and the modern transnational jihadi Islamist movement. After the Soviet ...
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This chapter examines the recruitment of the Arab Afghan volunteers in the 1980s war that led to the formation of both al Qaeda and the modern transnational jihadi Islamist movement. After the Soviet Red Army intervened on behalf of the faltering communist faction in the civil war in Afghanistan, Arab activists led a campaign to persuade Muslims around the world to liberate Afghans from Russian communist occupation. Despite the limited impact of the transnational insurgents in that war, the frame of a global Islamic community under threat has continued for decades since to be used by Arab Afghan veterans and other recruiters to draw foreign fighters to conflicts across the globe.Less
This chapter examines the recruitment of the Arab Afghan volunteers in the 1980s war that led to the formation of both al Qaeda and the modern transnational jihadi Islamist movement. After the Soviet Red Army intervened on behalf of the faltering communist faction in the civil war in Afghanistan, Arab activists led a campaign to persuade Muslims around the world to liberate Afghans from Russian communist occupation. Despite the limited impact of the transnational insurgents in that war, the frame of a global Islamic community under threat has continued for decades since to be used by Arab Afghan veterans and other recruiters to draw foreign fighters to conflicts across the globe.
