John Parkinson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291113
- eISBN:
- 9780191604133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019929111X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter presents a brief conclusion which summarizes the main argument: that fully legitimate, deliberative, and democratic decision making can only be of the macro kind, not the micro. It poses ...
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This chapter presents a brief conclusion which summarizes the main argument: that fully legitimate, deliberative, and democratic decision making can only be of the macro kind, not the micro. It poses questions for future research and answers a hypothetical question from the Leicester case, giving a group of protestors six reasons to think that the outcome of the citizens’ jury was legitimate, and one reason — its restricted, local scope — to think that it was not.Less
This chapter presents a brief conclusion which summarizes the main argument: that fully legitimate, deliberative, and democratic decision making can only be of the macro kind, not the micro. It poses questions for future research and answers a hypothetical question from the Leicester case, giving a group of protestors six reasons to think that the outcome of the citizens’ jury was legitimate, and one reason — its restricted, local scope — to think that it was not.
Michael Quinlan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199563944
- eISBN:
- 9780191721274
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563944.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book reflects the author's experience across more than forty years in assessing and helping to shape policy about nuclear weapons, mostly at senior levels close to the centre both of British ...
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This book reflects the author's experience across more than forty years in assessing and helping to shape policy about nuclear weapons, mostly at senior levels close to the centre both of British governmental decision-making and of NATO's development of plans and deployments, with much interaction also with comparable levels of United States activity in the Pentagon and the State Department. From this exceptional background of practical experience Part I of this book seeks to distill basic conceptual ways of understanding the nuclear revolution—the transformation brought about by the existence of nuclear weapons, and their significance in preventing major war. It also surveys NATO's progressive development of thinking about nuclear deterrence, and then discusses the deep moral dilemmas posed—for all possible standpoints—by the existence of such weapons. Part II considers the risks and costs of nuclear-weapon possession, including proliferation dangers, and looks at both successful and unsuccessful ideas for risk-management. Part III illustrates specific issues by reviewing the history and current policies of one long-established possessor, the United Kingdom, and two more recent ones in South Asia. Part IV turns to the future, examines the goal of the eventual abolition of all nuclear armouries, and then discusses the practical agenda, short of such a goal, which governments can usefully tackle in reducing the risks of proliferation and other dangers while not surrendering prematurely the war-prevention benefits which nuclear weapons have brought since 1945.Less
This book reflects the author's experience across more than forty years in assessing and helping to shape policy about nuclear weapons, mostly at senior levels close to the centre both of British governmental decision-making and of NATO's development of plans and deployments, with much interaction also with comparable levels of United States activity in the Pentagon and the State Department. From this exceptional background of practical experience Part I of this book seeks to distill basic conceptual ways of understanding the nuclear revolution—the transformation brought about by the existence of nuclear weapons, and their significance in preventing major war. It also surveys NATO's progressive development of thinking about nuclear deterrence, and then discusses the deep moral dilemmas posed—for all possible standpoints—by the existence of such weapons. Part II considers the risks and costs of nuclear-weapon possession, including proliferation dangers, and looks at both successful and unsuccessful ideas for risk-management. Part III illustrates specific issues by reviewing the history and current policies of one long-established possessor, the United Kingdom, and two more recent ones in South Asia. Part IV turns to the future, examines the goal of the eventual abolition of all nuclear armouries, and then discusses the practical agenda, short of such a goal, which governments can usefully tackle in reducing the risks of proliferation and other dangers while not surrendering prematurely the war-prevention benefits which nuclear weapons have brought since 1945.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, ...
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This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.Less
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.
John Parkinson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291113
- eISBN:
- 9780191604133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019929111X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the context of the cases, setting out the history of patient involvement initiatives and deliberative experiments in the UK. It highlights the antipathy to interest groups and ...
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This chapter explores the context of the cases, setting out the history of patient involvement initiatives and deliberative experiments in the UK. It highlights the antipathy to interest groups and the ‘research orientation’ of those experiments, and the effects that orientation has had on limiting the scope and agenda of deliberation. It argues that whether deliberation occurs at the local level or at the centre matters a great deal, but that deliberative experiments tend to be at least as much about resource battles between the centre and the periphery as responding to citizens’ needs.Less
This chapter explores the context of the cases, setting out the history of patient involvement initiatives and deliberative experiments in the UK. It highlights the antipathy to interest groups and the ‘research orientation’ of those experiments, and the effects that orientation has had on limiting the scope and agenda of deliberation. It argues that whether deliberation occurs at the local level or at the centre matters a great deal, but that deliberative experiments tend to be at least as much about resource battles between the centre and the periphery as responding to citizens’ needs.
John Parkinson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291113
- eISBN:
- 9780191604133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019929111X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the definition of rationality is a major source of disagreement over the legitimacy of decision making processes. It draws attention to battles over competing problem ...
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This chapter argues that the definition of rationality is a major source of disagreement over the legitimacy of decision making processes. It draws attention to battles over competing problem definitions and agendas as a means of controlling debate, and the failure of micro-deliberative processes to handle such battles. It identifies the rhetorical devices used by deliberators to persuade their external audiences, and the impact these have on the rationality of the process. It argues that the more decisive a process is, the more it will attract publicity and the more inclusive it will be, but also the greater the incentives are to act strategically.Less
This chapter argues that the definition of rationality is a major source of disagreement over the legitimacy of decision making processes. It draws attention to battles over competing problem definitions and agendas as a means of controlling debate, and the failure of micro-deliberative processes to handle such battles. It identifies the rhetorical devices used by deliberators to persuade their external audiences, and the impact these have on the rationality of the process. It argues that the more decisive a process is, the more it will attract publicity and the more inclusive it will be, but also the greater the incentives are to act strategically.
Tim Dunne
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199265206
- eISBN:
- 9780191601866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199265208.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this ...
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The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this chapter, the author explores what may be described as the ‘new agenda’ in English School thinking about world politics. He begins by briefly tracing the long history of the concept of international society, noting how it has become synonymous with the English School despite the fact that other paradigms have also made use of the term. He moves on to reiterate one of the central claims of the first part of this book: that the English School and the concept of international society have been propelled to the forefront of contemporary debates about world politics by important sociological and normative developments in mainstream international relations in North America. He then identifies four core and as yet unsolved ‘puzzles’ that will frame the English School's new agenda as it continues to develop; these are the relationship between agency and structure, the boundaries between international society and world society, the moral basis of international society, and the tension between forces of society and hierarchy in contemporary world politics.Less
The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this chapter, the author explores what may be described as the ‘new agenda’ in English School thinking about world politics. He begins by briefly tracing the long history of the concept of international society, noting how it has become synonymous with the English School despite the fact that other paradigms have also made use of the term. He moves on to reiterate one of the central claims of the first part of this book: that the English School and the concept of international society have been propelled to the forefront of contemporary debates about world politics by important sociological and normative developments in mainstream international relations in North America. He then identifies four core and as yet unsolved ‘puzzles’ that will frame the English School's new agenda as it continues to develop; these are the relationship between agency and structure, the boundaries between international society and world society, the moral basis of international society, and the tension between forces of society and hierarchy in contemporary world politics.
William H. Starbuck
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199288533
- eISBN:
- 9780191700521
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288533.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Organization Studies, Knowledge Management
This book reflects on a number of challenges associated with management and social science research — the search for a ‘behavioral science’, the limits of rationality, the unreliability of many ...
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This book reflects on a number of challenges associated with management and social science research — the search for a ‘behavioral science’, the limits of rationality, the unreliability of many research findings, the social shaping of research agendas, cultures, and judgements. The book is chronologically structured and includes discussions of research projects and various methodological debates. This is a feisty argument based on all aspects of research — carrying out research programmes, evaluating research, tirelessly questioning the assumptions and claims of social science research, and never avoiding the awkward theoretical or practical challenges that face organizational researchers.Less
This book reflects on a number of challenges associated with management and social science research — the search for a ‘behavioral science’, the limits of rationality, the unreliability of many research findings, the social shaping of research agendas, cultures, and judgements. The book is chronologically structured and includes discussions of research projects and various methodological debates. This is a feisty argument based on all aspects of research — carrying out research programmes, evaluating research, tirelessly questioning the assumptions and claims of social science research, and never avoiding the awkward theoretical or practical challenges that face organizational researchers.
Simon Reich and Richard Ned Lebow
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160429
- eISBN:
- 9781400850426
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160429.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many policymakers, journalists, and scholars insist that U.S. hegemony is essential for warding off global chaos. This book argues that hegemony is a fiction propagated to support a large defense ...
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Many policymakers, journalists, and scholars insist that U.S. hegemony is essential for warding off global chaos. This book argues that hegemony is a fiction propagated to support a large defense establishment, justifying American claims to world leadership, and buttressing the self-esteem of voters. It is also contrary to American interests and the global order. This book argues that hegemony should instead find expression in agenda setting, economic custodianship, and the sponsorship of global initiatives. Today, these functions are diffused through the system, with European countries, China, and lesser powers making important contributions. In contrast, the United States has often been a source of political and economic instability. Rejecting the focus on power common to American realists and liberals, the book offers a novel analysis of influence. In the process, they differentiate influence from power and power from material resources. Their analysis shows why the United States, the greatest power the world has ever seen, is increasingly incapable of translating its power into influence. The book's analysis formulates a more realistic place for America in world affairs.Less
Many policymakers, journalists, and scholars insist that U.S. hegemony is essential for warding off global chaos. This book argues that hegemony is a fiction propagated to support a large defense establishment, justifying American claims to world leadership, and buttressing the self-esteem of voters. It is also contrary to American interests and the global order. This book argues that hegemony should instead find expression in agenda setting, economic custodianship, and the sponsorship of global initiatives. Today, these functions are diffused through the system, with European countries, China, and lesser powers making important contributions. In contrast, the United States has often been a source of political and economic instability. Rejecting the focus on power common to American realists and liberals, the book offers a novel analysis of influence. In the process, they differentiate influence from power and power from material resources. Their analysis shows why the United States, the greatest power the world has ever seen, is increasingly incapable of translating its power into influence. The book's analysis formulates a more realistic place for America in world affairs.
Thomas Poguntke and Paul Webb (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a ...
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Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a combination of long-term structural changes in modern politics and societies’ contingent factors that fluctuate over time. While these contingent, short-term factors relate to the personalities of office holders, the overall political agenda, and the majority situation in parliament, there are several structural factors that are relatively uniform across modern nations. First, the internationalization of modern politics (which is particularly pronounced within the European Union) has led to an ‘executive bias’ of the political process that has strengthened the role of political top elites vis-à-vis their parliamentary groups and/or their parties. Their predominance has been amplified further by the vastly expanded steering capacities of state machineries, which have severely reduced the scope of effective parliamentary control. At the same time, the declining stability of political alignments has increased the proportion of citizens whose voting decisions are not constrained by long-standing party loyalties. In conjunction with the mediatization of politics, this has increased the capacity of political leaders to bypass their party machines and to appeal directly to voters.As a result, three interrelated processes have led to a political process increasingly moulded by the inherent logic of presidentialism: increasing leadership power and autonomy within the political executive; increasing leadership power and autonomy within political parties; and increasingly leadership-centered electoral processes.The book presents evidence for this process of presidentialization for 14 modern democracies (including the USA and Canada). While there are substantial cross-national differences, the overall thesis holds: modern democracies are increasingly following a presidential logic of governance through which leadership is becoming more central and more powerful, but also increasingly dependent on successful immediate appeal to the mass public. Implications for democratic theory are considered.Less
Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a combination of long-term structural changes in modern politics and societies’ contingent factors that fluctuate over time. While these contingent, short-term factors relate to the personalities of office holders, the overall political agenda, and the majority situation in parliament, there are several structural factors that are relatively uniform across modern nations. First, the internationalization of modern politics (which is particularly pronounced within the European Union) has led to an ‘executive bias’ of the political process that has strengthened the role of political top elites vis-à-vis their parliamentary groups and/or their parties. Their predominance has been amplified further by the vastly expanded steering capacities of state machineries, which have severely reduced the scope of effective parliamentary control. At the same time, the declining stability of political alignments has increased the proportion of citizens whose voting decisions are not constrained by long-standing party loyalties. In conjunction with the mediatization of politics, this has increased the capacity of political leaders to bypass their party machines and to appeal directly to voters.
As a result, three interrelated processes have led to a political process increasingly moulded by the inherent logic of presidentialism: increasing leadership power and autonomy within the political executive; increasing leadership power and autonomy within political parties; and increasingly leadership-centered electoral processes.
The book presents evidence for this process of presidentialization for 14 modern democracies (including the USA and Canada). While there are substantial cross-national differences, the overall thesis holds: modern democracies are increasingly following a presidential logic of governance through which leadership is becoming more central and more powerful, but also increasingly dependent on successful immediate appeal to the mass public. Implications for democratic theory are considered.
Andreas Aust and Frank Bönker
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Analyses developments in Germany and emphasises the way in which the context of a corporatist welfare state settlement and a semi‐sovereign state shapes policy making. Reform is slow and depends on ...
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Analyses developments in Germany and emphasises the way in which the context of a corporatist welfare state settlement and a semi‐sovereign state shapes policy making. Reform is slow and depends on compromises between political actors. At the same time, the structure of old social risks policies pre‐empts available resources and creates powerful constituencies which resist change. Greater political party disagreement on welfare issues in the 1990s and the emergence of a reforming Red–Green coalition were important factors in change.Less
Analyses developments in Germany and emphasises the way in which the context of a corporatist welfare state settlement and a semi‐sovereign state shapes policy making. Reform is slow and depends on compromises between political actors. At the same time, the structure of old social risks policies pre‐empts available resources and creates powerful constituencies which resist change. Greater political party disagreement on welfare issues in the 1990s and the emergence of a reforming Red–Green coalition were important factors in change.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage is animated by the fact that the benefits of membership create incentives for states to satisfy the entry requirements, setting the stage for the effectiveness of conditionality within the EU’s pre-accession process. Three characteristics of this process make it particularly powerful: asymmetric interdependence, enforcement, and meritocracy. This chapter explores the origins of the EU’s pre-accession process, unpacks the requirements of membership, and details all of the different tools that enable the EU to exercise conditionality within the process. It compares the EU’s active leverage to the efforts of NATO, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to promote democratic standards and economic reform in Eastern Europe's new democracies.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage is animated by the fact that the benefits of membership create incentives for states to satisfy the entry requirements, setting the stage for the effectiveness of conditionality within the EU’s pre-accession process. Three characteristics of this process make it particularly powerful: asymmetric interdependence, enforcement, and meritocracy. This chapter explores the origins of the EU’s pre-accession process, unpacks the requirements of membership, and details all of the different tools that enable the EU to exercise conditionality within the process. It compares the EU’s active leverage to the efforts of NATO, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to promote democratic standards and economic reform in Eastern Europe's new democracies.
Jack Hayward (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199535026
- eISBN:
- 9780191715860
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535026.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
From the 1950s, successive incarnations of European integration were intended to be leaderless. They have shown that much can be achieved without sustained leadership. Attachment to national ...
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From the 1950s, successive incarnations of European integration were intended to be leaderless. They have shown that much can be achieved without sustained leadership. Attachment to national sovereignty of elites and mass populations has meant that in practice confederalism has been implicitly accepted for the foreseeable future. Three issue clusters are clarified in this book. First, who provided the impetus to integration? Particular insiders episodically exerted decisive innovative influence, while conciliating the jealous champions of national sovereignty, illustrated in this book by case studies of economic and monetary, environmental, and technology policies. Second, the book asks why is the European Union currently leaderless? The weakened Commission and increasingly assertive European Council and Council of Ministers contend to control agenda-setting. Foreign and Security policy shows EU leaderlessness most conspicuously. The reduced capacity of the Franco-German tandem to offer acceptable leadership and British incapacity to join or replace them in overall control are discussed. Third, European integration has nevertheless advanced thanks to the European Court of Justice enforcing agreed policies on laggard national governments, while the European Parliament acts as both ally and constraint on the Commission, Council of Ministers, and rotating presidency in improving incremental changes. So, the European Union muddles forward.Less
From the 1950s, successive incarnations of European integration were intended to be leaderless. They have shown that much can be achieved without sustained leadership. Attachment to national sovereignty of elites and mass populations has meant that in practice confederalism has been implicitly accepted for the foreseeable future. Three issue clusters are clarified in this book. First, who provided the impetus to integration? Particular insiders episodically exerted decisive innovative influence, while conciliating the jealous champions of national sovereignty, illustrated in this book by case studies of economic and monetary, environmental, and technology policies. Second, the book asks why is the European Union currently leaderless? The weakened Commission and increasingly assertive European Council and Council of Ministers contend to control agenda-setting. Foreign and Security policy shows EU leaderlessness most conspicuously. The reduced capacity of the Franco-German tandem to offer acceptable leadership and British incapacity to join or replace them in overall control are discussed. Third, European integration has nevertheless advanced thanks to the European Court of Justice enforcing agreed policies on laggard national governments, while the European Parliament acts as both ally and constraint on the Commission, Council of Ministers, and rotating presidency in improving incremental changes. So, the European Union muddles forward.
Richard Falk
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199265206
- eISBN:
- 9780191601866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199265208.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Part Three of the book turns to the question of international society and international relations after September 11, starting with a chapter by Richard Falk, who argues that international society ...
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Part Three of the book turns to the question of international society and international relations after September 11, starting with a chapter by Richard Falk, who argues that international society remains a useful starting point for studying today's globalized world because it is predicated on the dual assertions of international anarchy and a (potentially) global normative order – a duality that provides a fertile breeding ground for different accounts of what the world should look like. The author discusses the changing geopolitical context of globalization and global governance, suggesting that if globalization is to be retained as a label for the current phase of international relations, its net must be cast far more broadly than it has been – since the events of 2001 it needs to be interpreted far less economistically, and more comprehensively. The last part of the chapter considers approaches to global governance, international society, and world society given this altered understanding of ‘globalization’. The author identifies five overlapping accounts of globalization that provide alternative and competing pictures of the future of global governance and international society: corporate globalization, which refers to the growth of transnational business and the forging of common interests and values based on neoliberal economics; civic globalization, which in many ways is a civil society response to the corporate variety and has manifested itself in a number of transnational anti‐globalization movements, but has now moved beyond straightforward opposition towards the articulation of new global political agendas; imperial globalization, which is a US‐led form of globalization that seeks not the creation of a genuinely multinational neoliberal global economy but rather the extension of American power and the satisfaction of US interests narrowly conceived; apocalyptic globalization, the variant promoted by Osama Bin Laden and his followers and aims to overthrow the society of states and replace it with an Islamic world state; and regional globalization, in which a number of regions around the world are developing their own subsystems as a way of moderating pressures created by the global flow of capital. The author argues that none of these forms of globalization is likely to predominate completely, but that the relationship between them is likely to shape the nature of global governance for the foreseeable future.Less
Part Three of the book turns to the question of international society and international relations after September 11, starting with a chapter by Richard Falk, who argues that international society remains a useful starting point for studying today's globalized world because it is predicated on the dual assertions of international anarchy and a (potentially) global normative order – a duality that provides a fertile breeding ground for different accounts of what the world should look like. The author discusses the changing geopolitical context of globalization and global governance, suggesting that if globalization is to be retained as a label for the current phase of international relations, its net must be cast far more broadly than it has been – since the events of 2001 it needs to be interpreted far less economistically, and more comprehensively. The last part of the chapter considers approaches to global governance, international society, and world society given this altered understanding of ‘globalization’. The author identifies five overlapping accounts of globalization that provide alternative and competing pictures of the future of global governance and international society: corporate globalization, which refers to the growth of transnational business and the forging of common interests and values based on neoliberal economics; civic globalization, which in many ways is a civil society response to the corporate variety and has manifested itself in a number of transnational anti‐globalization movements, but has now moved beyond straightforward opposition towards the articulation of new global political agendas; imperial globalization, which is a US‐led form of globalization that seeks not the creation of a genuinely multinational neoliberal global economy but rather the extension of American power and the satisfaction of US interests narrowly conceived; apocalyptic globalization, the variant promoted by Osama Bin Laden and his followers and aims to overthrow the society of states and replace it with an Islamic world state; and regional globalization, in which a number of regions around the world are developing their own subsystems as a way of moderating pressures created by the global flow of capital. The author argues that none of these forms of globalization is likely to predominate completely, but that the relationship between them is likely to shape the nature of global governance for the foreseeable future.
Christian Reus-Smit
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199265206
- eISBN:
- 9780191601866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199265208.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this ...
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The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this chapter, the author investigates the emerging dialogue between English School and constructivist approaches in order to explore how they help to understand the post‐September 11 world, arguing, in particular, that, taken together, both English School and constructivist scholarship can add much to the understanding of contemporary international society. The chapter undertakes two tasks, first, it revisits an argument made elsewhere by the author: that although constructivism and the English School share much in common, and there is considerable scope for productive engagement, scholars on both sides are currently mired in an unproductive dialogue of stereotypes. In this dialogue, constructivists draw little more from the English School than the well‐rehearsed proposition that states can form international societies not just systems, and English School scholars focus too heavily on the statist, positivistic form of constructivism associated with the writings of Alexander Wendt – although it is likely to be far more fruitful to see both perspectives as bounded realms of debate, each characterized by significant internal debates over ontology, methods, and ethics. The chapter's second task is to suggest how an enriched dialogue between constructivism and the English School could be productively deployed to grapple with some of the central research questions of the post‐September 11 world: namely, the relationship between power and institutions, international society and world society, and order and justice.Less
The final two chapters in Part One investigate the evolving research agenda of the English School of International Relations and its contribution to contemporary international relations. In this chapter, the author investigates the emerging dialogue between English School and constructivist approaches in order to explore how they help to understand the post‐September 11 world, arguing, in particular, that, taken together, both English School and constructivist scholarship can add much to the understanding of contemporary international society. The chapter undertakes two tasks, first, it revisits an argument made elsewhere by the author: that although constructivism and the English School share much in common, and there is considerable scope for productive engagement, scholars on both sides are currently mired in an unproductive dialogue of stereotypes. In this dialogue, constructivists draw little more from the English School than the well‐rehearsed proposition that states can form international societies not just systems, and English School scholars focus too heavily on the statist, positivistic form of constructivism associated with the writings of Alexander Wendt – although it is likely to be far more fruitful to see both perspectives as bounded realms of debate, each characterized by significant internal debates over ontology, methods, and ethics. The chapter's second task is to suggest how an enriched dialogue between constructivism and the English School could be productively deployed to grapple with some of the central research questions of the post‐September 11 world: namely, the relationship between power and institutions, international society and world society, and order and justice.
Susan J. Carroll (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293484
- eISBN:
- 9780191598944
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293488.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This volume presents a research agenda, developed by leading scholars of American politics, suggesting directions that could fruitfully shape the study of women and American politics in the early ...
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This volume presents a research agenda, developed by leading scholars of American politics, suggesting directions that could fruitfully shape the study of women and American politics in the early 21st century. Each contributor was asked to identify existing gaps in knowledge in her area of expertise, to think about new directions for research, and to imagine the kinds of research projects that would both enhance our understanding of the dynamics surrounding women's participation in American politics and facilitate the efforts of those who are working to increase women's representation and influence in politics. The volume includes useful reviews of existing research about various aspects of women's political participation, but the primary focus is on important research questions that pose a challenge for the next generation of scholars. The contributors to this volume suggest approaches, methods, and topics for future research on the following subjects: political recruitment, campaign strategy, money, political leadership, parties and women's organizations, the gender gap in voting and public opinion, media, women of colour, and participation outside of conventional electoral politics. This volume originated from a conference organized by the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University.Less
This volume presents a research agenda, developed by leading scholars of American politics, suggesting directions that could fruitfully shape the study of women and American politics in the early 21st century. Each contributor was asked to identify existing gaps in knowledge in her area of expertise, to think about new directions for research, and to imagine the kinds of research projects that would both enhance our understanding of the dynamics surrounding women's participation in American politics and facilitate the efforts of those who are working to increase women's representation and influence in politics. The volume includes useful reviews of existing research about various aspects of women's political participation, but the primary focus is on important research questions that pose a challenge for the next generation of scholars. The contributors to this volume suggest approaches, methods, and topics for future research on the following subjects: political recruitment, campaign strategy, money, political leadership, parties and women's organizations, the gender gap in voting and public opinion, media, women of colour, and participation outside of conventional electoral politics. This volume originated from a conference organized by the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University.
Grant Hardy
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199731701
- eISBN:
- 9780199777167
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199731701.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Literature, World Religions
The majority of the Book of Mormon is narrated by Mormon, who is supposed to have lived at the end of Nephite history, in the fourth century AD. Whether one regards him as a historical figure or a ...
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The majority of the Book of Mormon is narrated by Mormon, who is supposed to have lived at the end of Nephite history, in the fourth century AD. Whether one regards him as a historical figure or a fictional construct, he structures his story in characteristic ways. Clues to his character can be found in his autobiographical chapters, two letters and a sermon reproduced verbatim, and especially in the hundred or so brief editorial comments he makes throughout the history he narrates. These passages show Mormon in three modes: 1) as a conscientious historian concerned with names, dates, and documentary sources; 2) as a literary artist who shapes the narrative with aesthetic parallels, significant phrasing, and focused selection; and 3) as a moral guide who explicitly points out the fulfillment of prophecies as well as spiritual lessons. The story of the destruction of the city of Ammonihah is analyzed as an example of what happens when these three agendas are at odds with each other.Less
The majority of the Book of Mormon is narrated by Mormon, who is supposed to have lived at the end of Nephite history, in the fourth century AD. Whether one regards him as a historical figure or a fictional construct, he structures his story in characteristic ways. Clues to his character can be found in his autobiographical chapters, two letters and a sermon reproduced verbatim, and especially in the hundred or so brief editorial comments he makes throughout the history he narrates. These passages show Mormon in three modes: 1) as a conscientious historian concerned with names, dates, and documentary sources; 2) as a literary artist who shapes the narrative with aesthetic parallels, significant phrasing, and focused selection; and 3) as a moral guide who explicitly points out the fulfillment of prophecies as well as spiritual lessons. The story of the destruction of the city of Ammonihah is analyzed as an example of what happens when these three agendas are at odds with each other.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
After Yeltsin abandoned attempts to influence the course of republican transitions from authoritarianism, few republics persevered along clearly democratic paths. This chapter examines the course ...
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After Yeltsin abandoned attempts to influence the course of republican transitions from authoritarianism, few republics persevered along clearly democratic paths. This chapter examines the course those transition paths followed, with particular attention paid to the drafting of republican constitutions. Who controlled that process set the political agenda by defining the ‘rules of the game’. The strong presidentialism found in virtually all of the republics is a recurring theme. Ten years of presidential and parliamentary elections are examined to discern the effect of these institutional choices. The crude sultanism that emerged in the republic of Kalmykia is examined in detail.Less
After Yeltsin abandoned attempts to influence the course of republican transitions from authoritarianism, few republics persevered along clearly democratic paths. This chapter examines the course those transition paths followed, with particular attention paid to the drafting of republican constitutions. Who controlled that process set the political agenda by defining the ‘rules of the game’. The strong presidentialism found in virtually all of the republics is a recurring theme. Ten years of presidential and parliamentary elections are examined to discern the effect of these institutional choices. The crude sultanism that emerged in the republic of Kalmykia is examined in detail.
Georg Menz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533886
- eISBN:
- 9780191714771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533886.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
In this chapter, the politics of bottom-up and top-down Europeanization of migration policies are analyzed. The European Commission has been highly active over the course of the past 10 years, but ...
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In this chapter, the politics of bottom-up and top-down Europeanization of migration policies are analyzed. The European Commission has been highly active over the course of the past 10 years, but top-down initiatives encounter often fierce resistance and play out in a highly intergovernmental setting, permitting room for bottom-up strategies of agenda-setting, ensuring first mover advantages and reduced implementation and transaction costs. At the national level, employer associations, trade unions and humanitarian nongovernmental organizations all vie for the attention of governments, attempting to decisively shape the reformulation of European migration policies. National systems of political economy, varieties of capitalism, the relative size of components of the economy, and sectoral corporate strategies all influence employer interest positions in advocating liberalized labor recruitment policies. Organizational characteristics of these groups will condition the amount of influence they can hope to command.Less
In this chapter, the politics of bottom-up and top-down Europeanization of migration policies are analyzed. The European Commission has been highly active over the course of the past 10 years, but top-down initiatives encounter often fierce resistance and play out in a highly intergovernmental setting, permitting room for bottom-up strategies of agenda-setting, ensuring first mover advantages and reduced implementation and transaction costs. At the national level, employer associations, trade unions and humanitarian nongovernmental organizations all vie for the attention of governments, attempting to decisively shape the reformulation of European migration policies. National systems of political economy, varieties of capitalism, the relative size of components of the economy, and sectoral corporate strategies all influence employer interest positions in advocating liberalized labor recruitment policies. Organizational characteristics of these groups will condition the amount of influence they can hope to command.
Hermann Schmitt and Jacques Thomassen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the first of six on the question of political representation in the EU, and the first of four that put the five requirements of the Responsible Party Model (outlined in this chapter) ...
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This chapter is the first of six on the question of political representation in the EU, and the first of four that put the five requirements of the Responsible Party Model (outlined in this chapter) to an empirical test. The questions investigated here are whether EU political parties are sufficiently distinct and cohesive to fulfil the partisan prerequisites of an effective system of political representation in the European Parliament. However, before this is done, a more formal description is given of the present structure of the EU party system, and an elaboration is presented of the partisan requirements of the Responsible Party Model of political representation. This model rests on the premises that government policy should be in line with the preferences of (a majority of) the electorate, that voters must have a choice between different policy proposals (position issues) offered by cohesive parties, and that voters have policy preferences and are assumed to vote for the party whose policy proposals they perceive to be closest to these preferences. The main part of the chapter uses data from the European Representation Study 1994 to test both the original Responsible Party Model and an alternative and more realistic variant based on weaker assumptions and inspired by the valence issue logic of Stokes and the issue salience theory of Budge and Farlie; in this alternative variant parties do not compete on specific policies (positions) but rather on the valence or salience of issues—effective representation is then no longer indicated by the congruence of policy preferences between party elites and party voters, but by the congruence of political agendas of representatives and represented.Less
This chapter is the first of six on the question of political representation in the EU, and the first of four that put the five requirements of the Responsible Party Model (outlined in this chapter) to an empirical test. The questions investigated here are whether EU political parties are sufficiently distinct and cohesive to fulfil the partisan prerequisites of an effective system of political representation in the European Parliament. However, before this is done, a more formal description is given of the present structure of the EU party system, and an elaboration is presented of the partisan requirements of the Responsible Party Model of political representation. This model rests on the premises that government policy should be in line with the preferences of (a majority of) the electorate, that voters must have a choice between different policy proposals (position issues) offered by cohesive parties, and that voters have policy preferences and are assumed to vote for the party whose policy proposals they perceive to be closest to these preferences. The main part of the chapter uses data from the European Representation Study 1994 to test both the original Responsible Party Model and an alternative and more realistic variant based on weaker assumptions and inspired by the valence issue logic of Stokes and the issue salience theory of Budge and Farlie; in this alternative variant parties do not compete on specific policies (positions) but rather on the valence or salience of issues—effective representation is then no longer indicated by the congruence of policy preferences between party elites and party voters, but by the congruence of political agendas of representatives and represented.
Thomas Christiano
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198297475
- eISBN:
- 9780191716867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297475.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This chapter explains the value and function of public deliberation in a society that realizes public equality. Public deliberation has instrumental value in a democratic society since it leads to ...
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This chapter explains the value and function of public deliberation in a society that realizes public equality. Public deliberation has instrumental value in a democratic society since it leads to the development of an informed, rational, and morally sensitive citizenry. But once there is a process of public deliberation in place, justice requires that this process be an egalitarian process. An egalitarian process of deliberation expresses equal respect for every citizen, and ensures equality of opportunity to contribute to the formation of the agenda for collective decision making and equality in the cognitive conditions for citizen decision making. These basic ideas are grounded in the principle of public equality defended in this book. It argues against the further thesis that public deliberation ought to be constrained by the idea that citizens ought to be reasonable, or ought only to advance proposals on the basis of shared political ideas.Less
This chapter explains the value and function of public deliberation in a society that realizes public equality. Public deliberation has instrumental value in a democratic society since it leads to the development of an informed, rational, and morally sensitive citizenry. But once there is a process of public deliberation in place, justice requires that this process be an egalitarian process. An egalitarian process of deliberation expresses equal respect for every citizen, and ensures equality of opportunity to contribute to the formation of the agenda for collective decision making and equality in the cognitive conditions for citizen decision making. These basic ideas are grounded in the principle of public equality defended in this book. It argues against the further thesis that public deliberation ought to be constrained by the idea that citizens ought to be reasonable, or ought only to advance proposals on the basis of shared political ideas.
