Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The argument between melting‐pot assimilationists and cultural pluralists betrays a fundamental uncertainty about the meaning of American nationhood, and exhibits a certain sterility by being ...
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The argument between melting‐pot assimilationists and cultural pluralists betrays a fundamental uncertainty about the meaning of American nationhood, and exhibits a certain sterility by being abstracted from empirical processes and outcomes of immigrant integration. The key factor has been the resurgence of ethnicity as a counter‐integrative force, fuelled by the policy of ‘affirmative action’. This policy, implemented across various sectors of US society, has served to reinforce both minority group identity and majority group resentfulness at the special privileges it confers. Furthermore, mechanisms for the protection of civil rights have tended to evolve from white‐black race relations, and are thus ill‐suited for resolving inter‐ethnic disputes. Another obstacle to integration has been the pursuit of multiculturalism in the US education system, which equally encourages minority elites to enhance their own political profiles at the expense of the integration of US society at large.Less
The argument between melting‐pot assimilationists and cultural pluralists betrays a fundamental uncertainty about the meaning of American nationhood, and exhibits a certain sterility by being abstracted from empirical processes and outcomes of immigrant integration. The key factor has been the resurgence of ethnicity as a counter‐integrative force, fuelled by the policy of ‘affirmative action’. This policy, implemented across various sectors of US society, has served to reinforce both minority group identity and majority group resentfulness at the special privileges it confers. Furthermore, mechanisms for the protection of civil rights have tended to evolve from white‐black race relations, and are thus ill‐suited for resolving inter‐ethnic disputes. Another obstacle to integration has been the pursuit of multiculturalism in the US education system, which equally encourages minority elites to enhance their own political profiles at the expense of the integration of US society at large.
Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142630
- eISBN:
- 9781400839766
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142630.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter illustrates the conflicting approaches advanced by today's racial alliances on issues of race equality in the workplace, as on so many other topics—conflicts that include disagreements ...
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This chapter illustrates the conflicting approaches advanced by today's racial alliances on issues of race equality in the workplace, as on so many other topics—conflicts that include disagreements not only over formal affirmative action programs but also over the legitimacy of race-conscious policymaking of any sort. It is no accident when these issues emerge with particular intensity in employment policy. No area of American life is more central to the quest to eradicate unjust material racial inequalities. This is why, as the chapter shows, previous struggles on racial equality focused so strongly on equality in the workplace. While such actions were hailed by many veterans of the civil rights movement as necessary, color-blind proponents came to assail these as new forms of unjust racial discrimination. Contestation over these policies became the central “battleground” around which modern racial policy coalitions formed.Less
This chapter illustrates the conflicting approaches advanced by today's racial alliances on issues of race equality in the workplace, as on so many other topics—conflicts that include disagreements not only over formal affirmative action programs but also over the legitimacy of race-conscious policymaking of any sort. It is no accident when these issues emerge with particular intensity in employment policy. No area of American life is more central to the quest to eradicate unjust material racial inequalities. This is why, as the chapter shows, previous struggles on racial equality focused so strongly on equality in the workplace. While such actions were hailed by many veterans of the civil rights movement as necessary, color-blind proponents came to assail these as new forms of unjust racial discrimination. Contestation over these policies became the central “battleground” around which modern racial policy coalitions formed.
Loan Le and Jack Citrin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195329414
- eISBN:
- 9780199851720
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195329414.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter begins with a description of public opinion leading up to the first major Court decision on affirmative action, the University of California Regents v. Bakke case in 1978, and then ...
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This chapter begins with a description of public opinion leading up to the first major Court decision on affirmative action, the University of California Regents v. Bakke case in 1978, and then tracks trends in public opinion over the next quarter century. It concentrates on assessing the extent to which public opinion moved after major cases were decided in 1978, 1995, and 2003. The main empirical questions are whether the Supreme Court's decisions boosted public support for its positions, how reactions of significant demographic and political groups varied, if at all, and whether shifts in opinion about affirmative action reflected how policies were framed by proponents, critics, and the media. A discussion of the trends in public opinion is followed by a multivariate analysis of the underlying structure of public attitudes.Less
This chapter begins with a description of public opinion leading up to the first major Court decision on affirmative action, the University of California Regents v. Bakke case in 1978, and then tracks trends in public opinion over the next quarter century. It concentrates on assessing the extent to which public opinion moved after major cases were decided in 1978, 1995, and 2003. The main empirical questions are whether the Supreme Court's decisions boosted public support for its positions, how reactions of significant demographic and political groups varied, if at all, and whether shifts in opinion about affirmative action reflected how policies were framed by proponents, critics, and the media. A discussion of the trends in public opinion is followed by a multivariate analysis of the underlying structure of public attitudes.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter asserts that the U.S. traces the principle of equality to the idea that human beings were created in God's image, and discusses the evolution of the doctrine of equal protection via ...
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This chapter asserts that the U.S. traces the principle of equality to the idea that human beings were created in God's image, and discusses the evolution of the doctrine of equal protection via Supreme Court opinions as various as Chief Justice Roger Taney's in Dred Scott, and the oft‐cited Yick Wo. The author also discusses, at length, Justice John Paul Stevens’ gradual shift from an advocate of equality as status quo to equality as an active, “hands‐on” principle, as in the case of affirmative action.Less
This chapter asserts that the U.S. traces the principle of equality to the idea that human beings were created in God's image, and discusses the evolution of the doctrine of equal protection via Supreme Court opinions as various as Chief Justice Roger Taney's in Dred Scott, and the oft‐cited Yick Wo. The author also discusses, at length, Justice John Paul Stevens’ gradual shift from an advocate of equality as status quo to equality as an active, “hands‐on” principle, as in the case of affirmative action.
ASHUTOSH BHAGWAT
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195377781
- eISBN:
- 9780199775842
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377781.003.008
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter begins with a discussion of the coverage of the Equal Protection Clause in the Constitution. It then turns to a study of how equal protection principles have played out in practice, in ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of the coverage of the Equal Protection Clause in the Constitution. It then turns to a study of how equal protection principles have played out in practice, in the modern era. It examines issues of race discrimination, starting with the paradigmatic example of discrimination against racial minorities, and then looks into the problem of affirmative action.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of the coverage of the Equal Protection Clause in the Constitution. It then turns to a study of how equal protection principles have played out in practice, in the modern era. It examines issues of race discrimination, starting with the paradigmatic example of discrimination against racial minorities, and then looks into the problem of affirmative action.
Edward Montgomery
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294900
- eISBN:
- 9780191596728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294905.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
The theoretical and empirical evidence of the economic effects of affirmative action or quota (positive discrimination) programmes for minority racial groups in the USA, and of reservations of ...
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The theoretical and empirical evidence of the economic effects of affirmative action or quota (positive discrimination) programmes for minority racial groups in the USA, and of reservations of government jobs for scheduled castes and tribes in India, are compared and discussed. The focus is on the effects on wages and employment in the labour market as well as on the acquisition of skills. Consideration is also given to how the dynamics of collective action may turn these programmes, which were designed to be temporary and limited in scope, into larger, more permanent ones.Less
The theoretical and empirical evidence of the economic effects of affirmative action or quota (positive discrimination) programmes for minority racial groups in the USA, and of reservations of government jobs for scheduled castes and tribes in India, are compared and discussed. The focus is on the effects on wages and employment in the labour market as well as on the acquisition of skills. Consideration is also given to how the dynamics of collective action may turn these programmes, which were designed to be temporary and limited in scope, into larger, more permanent ones.
J. Scott Carter and Cameron D. Lippard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529201116
- eISBN:
- 9781529201161
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529201116.003.0002
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter discusses the ever-evolving role of race in politics in the history of the US. How the government handled racial and other discrimination has not always been effective. It was not until ...
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This chapter discusses the ever-evolving role of race in politics in the history of the US. How the government handled racial and other discrimination has not always been effective. It was not until the 1960s that the US government attempted to make a concrete effort to minimize racial discrimination, which of course effected enrollment at elite US colleges and universities. This chapter then goes onto to discuss the deep ideological divide over affirmative action that exists in the country and provides public opinion data on where whites stand with the subject. This chapter demonstrates that indeed affirmative action is a controversial subject that receives little support from whites.Less
This chapter discusses the ever-evolving role of race in politics in the history of the US. How the government handled racial and other discrimination has not always been effective. It was not until the 1960s that the US government attempted to make a concrete effort to minimize racial discrimination, which of course effected enrollment at elite US colleges and universities. This chapter then goes onto to discuss the deep ideological divide over affirmative action that exists in the country and provides public opinion data on where whites stand with the subject. This chapter demonstrates that indeed affirmative action is a controversial subject that receives little support from whites.
Thomas E. Weisskopf
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199732166
- eISBN:
- 9780199866144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732166.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter reflects in a speculative manner about the ways in which the process of globalization might affect the extent of discrimination against people on account of their (broadly defined) ...
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This chapter reflects in a speculative manner about the ways in which the process of globalization might affect the extent of discrimination against people on account of their (broadly defined) ethnic group identity, as well as the extent of efforts to combat such discrimination via affirmative action. It begins by offering definitions of the key terms contained in the title of the chapter. Section 2 addresses the question: how does globalization influence the propensity for ethnicity-based discrimination? Section 3 considers how globalization might impinge on the propensity to counter such discrimination with policies of affirmative action. Finally, Section 4 offers a brief conclusion.Less
This chapter reflects in a speculative manner about the ways in which the process of globalization might affect the extent of discrimination against people on account of their (broadly defined) ethnic group identity, as well as the extent of efforts to combat such discrimination via affirmative action. It begins by offering definitions of the key terms contained in the title of the chapter. Section 2 addresses the question: how does globalization influence the propensity for ethnicity-based discrimination? Section 3 considers how globalization might impinge on the propensity to counter such discrimination with policies of affirmative action. Finally, Section 4 offers a brief conclusion.
Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- April 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190648787
- eISBN:
- 9780190648817
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190648787.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter (1) offers a definition of affirmative action; (2) presents a typology of affirmative action policies; (3) and distinguishes between different kinds of justifications for affirmative ...
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This chapter (1) offers a definition of affirmative action; (2) presents a typology of affirmative action policies; (3) and distinguishes between different kinds of justifications for affirmative action. These are all three useful points. Often when people seemingly disagree about the justifiability of affirmative action, they define it differently; have different kinds in mind even though they define affirmative action in the same way; or have different kinds of justifications of affirmative action in mind, even though they define it in the same way and have the same kinds in mind. Moreover, if we do not know what affirmative action is, we are not in a position to say which non-moral properties it has. If so, we cannot tell whether it is morally justified per se, since presumably if affirmative action per se is (un)justified, it is (un)justified in virtue of non-moral properties that it has by way of definition. The chapter concludes with a thumbnail sketch of the rest of the book.Less
This chapter (1) offers a definition of affirmative action; (2) presents a typology of affirmative action policies; (3) and distinguishes between different kinds of justifications for affirmative action. These are all three useful points. Often when people seemingly disagree about the justifiability of affirmative action, they define it differently; have different kinds in mind even though they define affirmative action in the same way; or have different kinds of justifications of affirmative action in mind, even though they define it in the same way and have the same kinds in mind. Moreover, if we do not know what affirmative action is, we are not in a position to say which non-moral properties it has. If so, we cannot tell whether it is morally justified per se, since presumably if affirmative action per se is (un)justified, it is (un)justified in virtue of non-moral properties that it has by way of definition. The chapter concludes with a thumbnail sketch of the rest of the book.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 10 argues that both official republicans and multiculturalists, in different ways, have tolerated or aggravated the damaging ethnicisation of social relations, and that only a radical ...
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Chapter 10 argues that both official republicans and multiculturalists, in different ways, have tolerated or aggravated the damaging ethnicisation of social relations, and that only a radical strategy of de-ethnicisation of the republic can fairly integrate members of minorities as equal citizens. It defends a revised model of republican integration, which advocates social and territorial de-segregation, rather than ethnically-based affirmative action and, instead of the recognition of the ‘Other’, advocates the profound and inclusive transformation of the ‘We’ that underpins the imagined community of the nation. Generally, critical republicanism pursues strategies of non-domination, which involve the removal of cultural and socio-economic obstacles to minority incorporation, instead of policies of recognition, which involve the positive validation of ethno-cultural difference.Less
Chapter 10 argues that both official republicans and multiculturalists, in different ways, have tolerated or aggravated the damaging ethnicisation of social relations, and that only a radical strategy of de-ethnicisation of the republic can fairly integrate members of minorities as equal citizens. It defends a revised model of republican integration, which advocates social and territorial de-segregation, rather than ethnically-based affirmative action and, instead of the recognition of the ‘Other’, advocates the profound and inclusive transformation of the ‘We’ that underpins the imagined community of the nation. Generally, critical republicanism pursues strategies of non-domination, which involve the removal of cultural and socio-economic obstacles to minority incorporation, instead of policies of recognition, which involve the positive validation of ethno-cultural difference.
Robert C. Lieberman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199736430
- eISBN:
- 9780199866106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736430.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores the politics of race in the United States. It shows that neither ideas nor institutions form a sufficient basis for explaining the trajectory of American race policy and ...
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This chapter explores the politics of race in the United States. It shows that neither ideas nor institutions form a sufficient basis for explaining the trajectory of American race policy and develops a more general critique of the common limitations of these two analytical modes. It offers an alternative framework for both ideas and institutions as necessary elements of the formation of political coalitions. It then deploys this framework to highlight both the powering and the puzzling at work in one of the most perplexing developments in American race politics in the late 20th century: the rise of affirmative action in employment.Less
This chapter explores the politics of race in the United States. It shows that neither ideas nor institutions form a sufficient basis for explaining the trajectory of American race policy and develops a more general critique of the common limitations of these two analytical modes. It offers an alternative framework for both ideas and institutions as necessary elements of the formation of political coalitions. It then deploys this framework to highlight both the powering and the puzzling at work in one of the most perplexing developments in American race politics in the late 20th century: the rise of affirmative action in employment.
Michael O. Emerson and George Yancey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199742684
- eISBN:
- 9780199943388
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742684.003.0021
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
As we continue to address the aftermath of our racial history and the racialization that has developed from it, we must find solutions that unite rather than divide us. Solutions that appear to ...
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As we continue to address the aftermath of our racial history and the racialization that has developed from it, we must find solutions that unite rather than divide us. Solutions that appear to benefit one group at the expense of other groups will not produce the consensus needed to address racism in the United States. This book advocates solutions that are not based exclusively on attributing responsibly to either whites or non-whites. A balanced solution entails finding common ground between majority and minority groups so that more practical recommendations can be advanced. These recommendations will thus become part of a self-sustaining approach because they are accepted by majority and minority groups alike. This concluding chapter explores what a mutual-obligations approach might look like in practice. It provides a step-by-step description of a mutual-obligations model and uses affirmative action as an example to illustrate this approach. Finally, it considers possible public policy suggestions to support this approach toward race relations, paying special attention to the educational and governmental sectors.Less
As we continue to address the aftermath of our racial history and the racialization that has developed from it, we must find solutions that unite rather than divide us. Solutions that appear to benefit one group at the expense of other groups will not produce the consensus needed to address racism in the United States. This book advocates solutions that are not based exclusively on attributing responsibly to either whites or non-whites. A balanced solution entails finding common ground between majority and minority groups so that more practical recommendations can be advanced. These recommendations will thus become part of a self-sustaining approach because they are accepted by majority and minority groups alike. This concluding chapter explores what a mutual-obligations approach might look like in practice. It provides a step-by-step description of a mutual-obligations model and uses affirmative action as an example to illustrate this approach. Finally, it considers possible public policy suggestions to support this approach toward race relations, paying special attention to the educational and governmental sectors.
J. Scott Carter and Cameron D. Lippard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529201116
- eISBN:
- 9781529201161
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529201116.003.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
The attack on affirmative action has come from a select few individuals with resource. This fight was thought to have culminated with the end of affirmative action signaled by the Fisher v. ...
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The attack on affirmative action has come from a select few individuals with resource. This fight was thought to have culminated with the end of affirmative action signaled by the Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin Supreme Court case. However, the policy received a surprising victory and continues to be an object of disdain by many conservatives today. With that being said, this chapter outlines the role of elite actors in framing prominent social issues, including affirmative action. This chapter also describes how certain frames may be used to not only minimize the discussion of race surrounding the policy but will also attempt to use threat and emotion to produce animosity in order to remove the policy from higher education.Less
The attack on affirmative action has come from a select few individuals with resource. This fight was thought to have culminated with the end of affirmative action signaled by the Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin Supreme Court case. However, the policy received a surprising victory and continues to be an object of disdain by many conservatives today. With that being said, this chapter outlines the role of elite actors in framing prominent social issues, including affirmative action. This chapter also describes how certain frames may be used to not only minimize the discussion of race surrounding the policy but will also attempt to use threat and emotion to produce animosity in order to remove the policy from higher education.
J. Scott Carter and Cameron D. Lippard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529201116
- eISBN:
- 9781529201161
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529201116.003.0007
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
The purpose of this chapter is to bring the discussion back to the broader ideas of the book: racism and framing by elite actors. This chapter discussed the insidious role of think tanks in enlisting ...
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The purpose of this chapter is to bring the discussion back to the broader ideas of the book: racism and framing by elite actors. This chapter discussed the insidious role of think tanks in enlisting Racialized Framing techniques (minimize race while also activating race through threat) to eliminate affirmative action from higher education and reproduce a system that benefits whites. This chapter returns to the idea that civil rights initiative in general are under attack by a few elite actors while support is found among diverse groups most affected by any changes to these policies. This chapter also highlights the broader problem with diversity initiatives within higher education and how they fail to eliminate the problems facing African Americans and other marginalized groups. In conclusion, the authors conclude that affirmative action is, in essence, dead because it has been stripped of its bite by past cases and because it now acts as a call-to-action for whites.Less
The purpose of this chapter is to bring the discussion back to the broader ideas of the book: racism and framing by elite actors. This chapter discussed the insidious role of think tanks in enlisting Racialized Framing techniques (minimize race while also activating race through threat) to eliminate affirmative action from higher education and reproduce a system that benefits whites. This chapter returns to the idea that civil rights initiative in general are under attack by a few elite actors while support is found among diverse groups most affected by any changes to these policies. This chapter also highlights the broader problem with diversity initiatives within higher education and how they fail to eliminate the problems facing African Americans and other marginalized groups. In conclusion, the authors conclude that affirmative action is, in essence, dead because it has been stripped of its bite by past cases and because it now acts as a call-to-action for whites.
Stephen Steinberg
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496810458
- eISBN:
- 9781496810496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496810458.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter argues that the fatal flaw of the discourse on affirmative action is that it treats affirmative action as an ahistorical aberration. By reconstructing the history of efforts to offer ...
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This chapter argues that the fatal flaw of the discourse on affirmative action is that it treats affirmative action as an ahistorical aberration. By reconstructing the history of efforts to offer compensation for past discrimination to African Americans, the chapter reveals that the most sustained and formidable opposition did not stem from White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) conservatives. Rather, it was Jewish intellectuals such as Sidney Hook and Nathan Glazer, who were involved as contributors to Commentary magazine, who devised the anti-affirmative action discourse adopted by later neoconservatives. The chapter also offers an analysis of the chances for a revival of affirmative action under the current political system in America.Less
This chapter argues that the fatal flaw of the discourse on affirmative action is that it treats affirmative action as an ahistorical aberration. By reconstructing the history of efforts to offer compensation for past discrimination to African Americans, the chapter reveals that the most sustained and formidable opposition did not stem from White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) conservatives. Rather, it was Jewish intellectuals such as Sidney Hook and Nathan Glazer, who were involved as contributors to Commentary magazine, who devised the anti-affirmative action discourse adopted by later neoconservatives. The chapter also offers an analysis of the chances for a revival of affirmative action under the current political system in America.
Christopher McCrudden
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199232420
- eISBN:
- 9780191716058
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232420.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, EU Law
This chapter discusses the development of procurement linkage as a tool for tackling employment discrimination based on race, beginning in the United States during the Second World War, and ...
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This chapter discusses the development of procurement linkage as a tool for tackling employment discrimination based on race, beginning in the United States during the Second World War, and continuing during the 1950s and 1960s, mutating into a mechanism for securing affirmative action. It traces the development of this approach up to the early 1990s. The expansion of this approach to cover other groups in the United States is then considered, in particular the use of procurement to encourage the development of access by disabled workers to information technology. The chapter also examines the development of a type of procurement linkage in Canada that mirrors that of the United States: schemes that link the award of government contracts with attempts to secure ‘employment equity’ in employment for various groups, referred to as ‘contract compliance’. It is shown how the International Labour Organization (ILO) has adopted this contract compliance approach.Less
This chapter discusses the development of procurement linkage as a tool for tackling employment discrimination based on race, beginning in the United States during the Second World War, and continuing during the 1950s and 1960s, mutating into a mechanism for securing affirmative action. It traces the development of this approach up to the early 1990s. The expansion of this approach to cover other groups in the United States is then considered, in particular the use of procurement to encourage the development of access by disabled workers to information technology. The chapter also examines the development of a type of procurement linkage in Canada that mirrors that of the United States: schemes that link the award of government contracts with attempts to secure ‘employment equity’ in employment for various groups, referred to as ‘contract compliance’. It is shown how the International Labour Organization (ILO) has adopted this contract compliance approach.
J. Scott Carter and Cameron Lippard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529201116
- eISBN:
- 9781529201161
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529201116.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
In the light of high-profile Supreme Court cases surrounding affirmative action, this book looks at the actors involved in the debate and what they are saying. That is, the book looks at who is ...
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In the light of high-profile Supreme Court cases surrounding affirmative action, this book looks at the actors involved in the debate and what they are saying. That is, the book looks at who is setting the line of discussion in the Supreme Court by look at legal documents arguing for and against the case as well as the framing techniques they use to make their arguments noteworthy. Findings demonstrate that while supporters are made of a heterogeneous array of individuals and groups with a stake in affirmative action in higher education (e.g., students, professors, etc.), opponents are mainly represented by think tanks and other interest groups. Furthermore, this book finds that frames vary greatly between the groups, with supporters raising concern of what eliminating the policy will mean for minority students and opponents conversely arguing that such a policy is dangerous for our society and for those who merit inclusion into elite universities would not benefit from affirmative action. This book uses prominent sociological theories to put these arguments in broader contexts.Less
In the light of high-profile Supreme Court cases surrounding affirmative action, this book looks at the actors involved in the debate and what they are saying. That is, the book looks at who is setting the line of discussion in the Supreme Court by look at legal documents arguing for and against the case as well as the framing techniques they use to make their arguments noteworthy. Findings demonstrate that while supporters are made of a heterogeneous array of individuals and groups with a stake in affirmative action in higher education (e.g., students, professors, etc.), opponents are mainly represented by think tanks and other interest groups. Furthermore, this book finds that frames vary greatly between the groups, with supporters raising concern of what eliminating the policy will mean for minority students and opponents conversely arguing that such a policy is dangerous for our society and for those who merit inclusion into elite universities would not benefit from affirmative action. This book uses prominent sociological theories to put these arguments in broader contexts.
Vincent D. Rougeau
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195188097
- eISBN:
- 9780199852109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188097.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter suggests that the way U.S. law approaches race and affirmative action is deeply flawed. This “misrepresentation” has made it impossible for the law to deal honestly and effectively with ...
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This chapter suggests that the way U.S. law approaches race and affirmative action is deeply flawed. This “misrepresentation” has made it impossible for the law to deal honestly and effectively with any number of legal and public policy issues rooted in the nation's experience of race. It is argued that the construction of liberalism now dominant in U.S. law inappropriately directs the legal system toward the creation of “neutral” legal principles and arguments ill suited to dealing with a culturally particularized and communal racial problem, one rooted in the system of race-based chattel slavery. It also challenges a basic assumption of Anglo–American liberalism: that human dignity is most effectively advanced through the promotion of individual freedom and autonomy. This view of the human person neglects the role of culture and community in imparting dignity and meaning to human existence and ultimately dehumanizes politics, the legal system, and civic life.Less
This chapter suggests that the way U.S. law approaches race and affirmative action is deeply flawed. This “misrepresentation” has made it impossible for the law to deal honestly and effectively with any number of legal and public policy issues rooted in the nation's experience of race. It is argued that the construction of liberalism now dominant in U.S. law inappropriately directs the legal system toward the creation of “neutral” legal principles and arguments ill suited to dealing with a culturally particularized and communal racial problem, one rooted in the system of race-based chattel slavery. It also challenges a basic assumption of Anglo–American liberalism: that human dignity is most effectively advanced through the promotion of individual freedom and autonomy. This view of the human person neglects the role of culture and community in imparting dignity and meaning to human existence and ultimately dehumanizes politics, the legal system, and civic life.
Daniel N. Lipson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447316459
- eISBN:
- 9781447316480
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447316459.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This chapter provides an overview of the origins of affirmative action, the arguments for and against affirmative action programs, and the evolution of the rationales for affirmative action programs ...
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This chapter provides an overview of the origins of affirmative action, the arguments for and against affirmative action programs, and the evolution of the rationales for affirmative action programs (including a discussion of how well or poorly multiracial Americans fit with each rationale). In particular, it focuses on affirmative action programs in higher education. It concludes with some policy suggestions for how colleges and universities can most equitably include multiracial Americans in affirmative action programs.Less
This chapter provides an overview of the origins of affirmative action, the arguments for and against affirmative action programs, and the evolution of the rationales for affirmative action programs (including a discussion of how well or poorly multiracial Americans fit with each rationale). In particular, it focuses on affirmative action programs in higher education. It concludes with some policy suggestions for how colleges and universities can most equitably include multiracial Americans in affirmative action programs.
Cheryl I. Harris
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036453
- eISBN:
- 9780252093487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036453.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter first offers an overview of contemporary debates over affirmative action to situate Obama's position on the issue. Obama's views on affirmative action expressed before and during the ...
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This chapter first offers an overview of contemporary debates over affirmative action to situate Obama's position on the issue. Obama's views on affirmative action expressed before and during the presidential campaign laid the foundation for his policies as president. Despite previously expressing support for affirmative action, Obama has eschewed mounting a vigorous defense of race-based remedies because in his assessment they are politically freighted, yield limited gains, and can be replaced by race-neutral measures that reduce overall inequality. The administration's position—which is ambivalent at best—has largely left uncontested the dominant color-blind framework and its affiliated racial narratives about “racial preferences,” thereby narrowing the space for broader social and economic reform.Less
This chapter first offers an overview of contemporary debates over affirmative action to situate Obama's position on the issue. Obama's views on affirmative action expressed before and during the presidential campaign laid the foundation for his policies as president. Despite previously expressing support for affirmative action, Obama has eschewed mounting a vigorous defense of race-based remedies because in his assessment they are politically freighted, yield limited gains, and can be replaced by race-neutral measures that reduce overall inequality. The administration's position—which is ambivalent at best—has largely left uncontested the dominant color-blind framework and its affiliated racial narratives about “racial preferences,” thereby narrowing the space for broader social and economic reform.
