Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The argument between melting‐pot assimilationists and cultural pluralists betrays a fundamental uncertainty about the meaning of American nationhood, and exhibits a certain sterility by being ...
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The argument between melting‐pot assimilationists and cultural pluralists betrays a fundamental uncertainty about the meaning of American nationhood, and exhibits a certain sterility by being abstracted from empirical processes and outcomes of immigrant integration. The key factor has been the resurgence of ethnicity as a counter‐integrative force, fuelled by the policy of ‘affirmative action’. This policy, implemented across various sectors of US society, has served to reinforce both minority group identity and majority group resentfulness at the special privileges it confers. Furthermore, mechanisms for the protection of civil rights have tended to evolve from white‐black race relations, and are thus ill‐suited for resolving inter‐ethnic disputes. Another obstacle to integration has been the pursuit of multiculturalism in the US education system, which equally encourages minority elites to enhance their own political profiles at the expense of the integration of US society at large.Less
The argument between melting‐pot assimilationists and cultural pluralists betrays a fundamental uncertainty about the meaning of American nationhood, and exhibits a certain sterility by being abstracted from empirical processes and outcomes of immigrant integration. The key factor has been the resurgence of ethnicity as a counter‐integrative force, fuelled by the policy of ‘affirmative action’. This policy, implemented across various sectors of US society, has served to reinforce both minority group identity and majority group resentfulness at the special privileges it confers. Furthermore, mechanisms for the protection of civil rights have tended to evolve from white‐black race relations, and are thus ill‐suited for resolving inter‐ethnic disputes. Another obstacle to integration has been the pursuit of multiculturalism in the US education system, which equally encourages minority elites to enhance their own political profiles at the expense of the integration of US society at large.
Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142630
- eISBN:
- 9781400839766
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142630.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter illustrates the conflicting approaches advanced by today's racial alliances on issues of race equality in the workplace, as on so many other topics—conflicts that include disagreements ...
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This chapter illustrates the conflicting approaches advanced by today's racial alliances on issues of race equality in the workplace, as on so many other topics—conflicts that include disagreements not only over formal affirmative action programs but also over the legitimacy of race-conscious policymaking of any sort. It is no accident when these issues emerge with particular intensity in employment policy. No area of American life is more central to the quest to eradicate unjust material racial inequalities. This is why, as the chapter shows, previous struggles on racial equality focused so strongly on equality in the workplace. While such actions were hailed by many veterans of the civil rights movement as necessary, color-blind proponents came to assail these as new forms of unjust racial discrimination. Contestation over these policies became the central “battleground” around which modern racial policy coalitions formed.Less
This chapter illustrates the conflicting approaches advanced by today's racial alliances on issues of race equality in the workplace, as on so many other topics—conflicts that include disagreements not only over formal affirmative action programs but also over the legitimacy of race-conscious policymaking of any sort. It is no accident when these issues emerge with particular intensity in employment policy. No area of American life is more central to the quest to eradicate unjust material racial inequalities. This is why, as the chapter shows, previous struggles on racial equality focused so strongly on equality in the workplace. While such actions were hailed by many veterans of the civil rights movement as necessary, color-blind proponents came to assail these as new forms of unjust racial discrimination. Contestation over these policies became the central “battleground” around which modern racial policy coalitions formed.
Loan Le and Jack Citrin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195329414
- eISBN:
- 9780199851720
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195329414.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter begins with a description of public opinion leading up to the first major Court decision on affirmative action, the University of California Regents v. Bakke case in 1978, and then ...
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This chapter begins with a description of public opinion leading up to the first major Court decision on affirmative action, the University of California Regents v. Bakke case in 1978, and then tracks trends in public opinion over the next quarter century. It concentrates on assessing the extent to which public opinion moved after major cases were decided in 1978, 1995, and 2003. The main empirical questions are whether the Supreme Court's decisions boosted public support for its positions, how reactions of significant demographic and political groups varied, if at all, and whether shifts in opinion about affirmative action reflected how policies were framed by proponents, critics, and the media. A discussion of the trends in public opinion is followed by a multivariate analysis of the underlying structure of public attitudes.Less
This chapter begins with a description of public opinion leading up to the first major Court decision on affirmative action, the University of California Regents v. Bakke case in 1978, and then tracks trends in public opinion over the next quarter century. It concentrates on assessing the extent to which public opinion moved after major cases were decided in 1978, 1995, and 2003. The main empirical questions are whether the Supreme Court's decisions boosted public support for its positions, how reactions of significant demographic and political groups varied, if at all, and whether shifts in opinion about affirmative action reflected how policies were framed by proponents, critics, and the media. A discussion of the trends in public opinion is followed by a multivariate analysis of the underlying structure of public attitudes.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter asserts that the U.S. traces the principle of equality to the idea that human beings were created in God's image, and discusses the evolution of the doctrine of equal protection via ...
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This chapter asserts that the U.S. traces the principle of equality to the idea that human beings were created in God's image, and discusses the evolution of the doctrine of equal protection via Supreme Court opinions as various as Chief Justice Roger Taney's in Dred Scott, and the oft‐cited Yick Wo. The author also discusses, at length, Justice John Paul Stevens’ gradual shift from an advocate of equality as status quo to equality as an active, “hands‐on” principle, as in the case of affirmative action.Less
This chapter asserts that the U.S. traces the principle of equality to the idea that human beings were created in God's image, and discusses the evolution of the doctrine of equal protection via Supreme Court opinions as various as Chief Justice Roger Taney's in Dred Scott, and the oft‐cited Yick Wo. The author also discusses, at length, Justice John Paul Stevens’ gradual shift from an advocate of equality as status quo to equality as an active, “hands‐on” principle, as in the case of affirmative action.
ASHUTOSH BHAGWAT
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195377781
- eISBN:
- 9780199775842
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377781.003.008
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter begins with a discussion of the coverage of the Equal Protection Clause in the Constitution. It then turns to a study of how equal protection principles have played out in practice, in ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of the coverage of the Equal Protection Clause in the Constitution. It then turns to a study of how equal protection principles have played out in practice, in the modern era. It examines issues of race discrimination, starting with the paradigmatic example of discrimination against racial minorities, and then looks into the problem of affirmative action.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of the coverage of the Equal Protection Clause in the Constitution. It then turns to a study of how equal protection principles have played out in practice, in the modern era. It examines issues of race discrimination, starting with the paradigmatic example of discrimination against racial minorities, and then looks into the problem of affirmative action.
Edward Montgomery
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294900
- eISBN:
- 9780191596728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294905.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
The theoretical and empirical evidence of the economic effects of affirmative action or quota (positive discrimination) programmes for minority racial groups in the USA, and of reservations of ...
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The theoretical and empirical evidence of the economic effects of affirmative action or quota (positive discrimination) programmes for minority racial groups in the USA, and of reservations of government jobs for scheduled castes and tribes in India, are compared and discussed. The focus is on the effects on wages and employment in the labour market as well as on the acquisition of skills. Consideration is also given to how the dynamics of collective action may turn these programmes, which were designed to be temporary and limited in scope, into larger, more permanent ones.Less
The theoretical and empirical evidence of the economic effects of affirmative action or quota (positive discrimination) programmes for minority racial groups in the USA, and of reservations of government jobs for scheduled castes and tribes in India, are compared and discussed. The focus is on the effects on wages and employment in the labour market as well as on the acquisition of skills. Consideration is also given to how the dynamics of collective action may turn these programmes, which were designed to be temporary and limited in scope, into larger, more permanent ones.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 10 argues that both official republicans and multiculturalists, in different ways, have tolerated or aggravated the damaging ethnicisation of social relations, and that only a radical ...
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Chapter 10 argues that both official republicans and multiculturalists, in different ways, have tolerated or aggravated the damaging ethnicisation of social relations, and that only a radical strategy of de-ethnicisation of the republic can fairly integrate members of minorities as equal citizens. It defends a revised model of republican integration, which advocates social and territorial de-segregation, rather than ethnically-based affirmative action and, instead of the recognition of the ‘Other’, advocates the profound and inclusive transformation of the ‘We’ that underpins the imagined community of the nation. Generally, critical republicanism pursues strategies of non-domination, which involve the removal of cultural and socio-economic obstacles to minority incorporation, instead of policies of recognition, which involve the positive validation of ethno-cultural difference.Less
Chapter 10 argues that both official republicans and multiculturalists, in different ways, have tolerated or aggravated the damaging ethnicisation of social relations, and that only a radical strategy of de-ethnicisation of the republic can fairly integrate members of minorities as equal citizens. It defends a revised model of republican integration, which advocates social and territorial de-segregation, rather than ethnically-based affirmative action and, instead of the recognition of the ‘Other’, advocates the profound and inclusive transformation of the ‘We’ that underpins the imagined community of the nation. Generally, critical republicanism pursues strategies of non-domination, which involve the removal of cultural and socio-economic obstacles to minority incorporation, instead of policies of recognition, which involve the positive validation of ethno-cultural difference.
Robert C. Lieberman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199736430
- eISBN:
- 9780199866106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736430.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores the politics of race in the United States. It shows that neither ideas nor institutions form a sufficient basis for explaining the trajectory of American race policy and ...
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This chapter explores the politics of race in the United States. It shows that neither ideas nor institutions form a sufficient basis for explaining the trajectory of American race policy and develops a more general critique of the common limitations of these two analytical modes. It offers an alternative framework for both ideas and institutions as necessary elements of the formation of political coalitions. It then deploys this framework to highlight both the powering and the puzzling at work in one of the most perplexing developments in American race politics in the late 20th century: the rise of affirmative action in employment.Less
This chapter explores the politics of race in the United States. It shows that neither ideas nor institutions form a sufficient basis for explaining the trajectory of American race policy and develops a more general critique of the common limitations of these two analytical modes. It offers an alternative framework for both ideas and institutions as necessary elements of the formation of political coalitions. It then deploys this framework to highlight both the powering and the puzzling at work in one of the most perplexing developments in American race politics in the late 20th century: the rise of affirmative action in employment.
Michael O. Emerson and George Yancey
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199742684
- eISBN:
- 9780199943388
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742684.003.0021
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
As we continue to address the aftermath of our racial history and the racialization that has developed from it, we must find solutions that unite rather than divide us. Solutions that appear to ...
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As we continue to address the aftermath of our racial history and the racialization that has developed from it, we must find solutions that unite rather than divide us. Solutions that appear to benefit one group at the expense of other groups will not produce the consensus needed to address racism in the United States. This book advocates solutions that are not based exclusively on attributing responsibly to either whites or non-whites. A balanced solution entails finding common ground between majority and minority groups so that more practical recommendations can be advanced. These recommendations will thus become part of a self-sustaining approach because they are accepted by majority and minority groups alike. This concluding chapter explores what a mutual-obligations approach might look like in practice. It provides a step-by-step description of a mutual-obligations model and uses affirmative action as an example to illustrate this approach. Finally, it considers possible public policy suggestions to support this approach toward race relations, paying special attention to the educational and governmental sectors.Less
As we continue to address the aftermath of our racial history and the racialization that has developed from it, we must find solutions that unite rather than divide us. Solutions that appear to benefit one group at the expense of other groups will not produce the consensus needed to address racism in the United States. This book advocates solutions that are not based exclusively on attributing responsibly to either whites or non-whites. A balanced solution entails finding common ground between majority and minority groups so that more practical recommendations can be advanced. These recommendations will thus become part of a self-sustaining approach because they are accepted by majority and minority groups alike. This concluding chapter explores what a mutual-obligations approach might look like in practice. It provides a step-by-step description of a mutual-obligations model and uses affirmative action as an example to illustrate this approach. Finally, it considers possible public policy suggestions to support this approach toward race relations, paying special attention to the educational and governmental sectors.
Thomas E. Weisskopf
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199732166
- eISBN:
- 9780199866144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732166.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter reflects in a speculative manner about the ways in which the process of globalization might affect the extent of discrimination against people on account of their (broadly defined) ...
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This chapter reflects in a speculative manner about the ways in which the process of globalization might affect the extent of discrimination against people on account of their (broadly defined) ethnic group identity, as well as the extent of efforts to combat such discrimination via affirmative action. It begins by offering definitions of the key terms contained in the title of the chapter. Section 2 addresses the question: how does globalization influence the propensity for ethnicity-based discrimination? Section 3 considers how globalization might impinge on the propensity to counter such discrimination with policies of affirmative action. Finally, Section 4 offers a brief conclusion.Less
This chapter reflects in a speculative manner about the ways in which the process of globalization might affect the extent of discrimination against people on account of their (broadly defined) ethnic group identity, as well as the extent of efforts to combat such discrimination via affirmative action. It begins by offering definitions of the key terms contained in the title of the chapter. Section 2 addresses the question: how does globalization influence the propensity for ethnicity-based discrimination? Section 3 considers how globalization might impinge on the propensity to counter such discrimination with policies of affirmative action. Finally, Section 4 offers a brief conclusion.
Stephen Steinberg
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496810458
- eISBN:
- 9781496810496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496810458.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter argues that the fatal flaw of the discourse on affirmative action is that it treats affirmative action as an ahistorical aberration. By reconstructing the history of efforts to offer ...
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This chapter argues that the fatal flaw of the discourse on affirmative action is that it treats affirmative action as an ahistorical aberration. By reconstructing the history of efforts to offer compensation for past discrimination to African Americans, the chapter reveals that the most sustained and formidable opposition did not stem from White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) conservatives. Rather, it was Jewish intellectuals such as Sidney Hook and Nathan Glazer, who were involved as contributors to Commentary magazine, who devised the anti-affirmative action discourse adopted by later neoconservatives. The chapter also offers an analysis of the chances for a revival of affirmative action under the current political system in America.Less
This chapter argues that the fatal flaw of the discourse on affirmative action is that it treats affirmative action as an ahistorical aberration. By reconstructing the history of efforts to offer compensation for past discrimination to African Americans, the chapter reveals that the most sustained and formidable opposition did not stem from White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) conservatives. Rather, it was Jewish intellectuals such as Sidney Hook and Nathan Glazer, who were involved as contributors to Commentary magazine, who devised the anti-affirmative action discourse adopted by later neoconservatives. The chapter also offers an analysis of the chances for a revival of affirmative action under the current political system in America.
Christopher McCrudden
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199232420
- eISBN:
- 9780191716058
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232420.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, EU Law
This chapter discusses the development of procurement linkage as a tool for tackling employment discrimination based on race, beginning in the United States during the Second World War, and ...
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This chapter discusses the development of procurement linkage as a tool for tackling employment discrimination based on race, beginning in the United States during the Second World War, and continuing during the 1950s and 1960s, mutating into a mechanism for securing affirmative action. It traces the development of this approach up to the early 1990s. The expansion of this approach to cover other groups in the United States is then considered, in particular the use of procurement to encourage the development of access by disabled workers to information technology. The chapter also examines the development of a type of procurement linkage in Canada that mirrors that of the United States: schemes that link the award of government contracts with attempts to secure ‘employment equity’ in employment for various groups, referred to as ‘contract compliance’. It is shown how the International Labour Organization (ILO) has adopted this contract compliance approach.Less
This chapter discusses the development of procurement linkage as a tool for tackling employment discrimination based on race, beginning in the United States during the Second World War, and continuing during the 1950s and 1960s, mutating into a mechanism for securing affirmative action. It traces the development of this approach up to the early 1990s. The expansion of this approach to cover other groups in the United States is then considered, in particular the use of procurement to encourage the development of access by disabled workers to information technology. The chapter also examines the development of a type of procurement linkage in Canada that mirrors that of the United States: schemes that link the award of government contracts with attempts to secure ‘employment equity’ in employment for various groups, referred to as ‘contract compliance’. It is shown how the International Labour Organization (ILO) has adopted this contract compliance approach.
Vincent D. Rougeau
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195188097
- eISBN:
- 9780199852109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188097.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter suggests that the way U.S. law approaches race and affirmative action is deeply flawed. This “misrepresentation” has made it impossible for the law to deal honestly and effectively with ...
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This chapter suggests that the way U.S. law approaches race and affirmative action is deeply flawed. This “misrepresentation” has made it impossible for the law to deal honestly and effectively with any number of legal and public policy issues rooted in the nation's experience of race. It is argued that the construction of liberalism now dominant in U.S. law inappropriately directs the legal system toward the creation of “neutral” legal principles and arguments ill suited to dealing with a culturally particularized and communal racial problem, one rooted in the system of race-based chattel slavery. It also challenges a basic assumption of Anglo–American liberalism: that human dignity is most effectively advanced through the promotion of individual freedom and autonomy. This view of the human person neglects the role of culture and community in imparting dignity and meaning to human existence and ultimately dehumanizes politics, the legal system, and civic life.Less
This chapter suggests that the way U.S. law approaches race and affirmative action is deeply flawed. This “misrepresentation” has made it impossible for the law to deal honestly and effectively with any number of legal and public policy issues rooted in the nation's experience of race. It is argued that the construction of liberalism now dominant in U.S. law inappropriately directs the legal system toward the creation of “neutral” legal principles and arguments ill suited to dealing with a culturally particularized and communal racial problem, one rooted in the system of race-based chattel slavery. It also challenges a basic assumption of Anglo–American liberalism: that human dignity is most effectively advanced through the promotion of individual freedom and autonomy. This view of the human person neglects the role of culture and community in imparting dignity and meaning to human existence and ultimately dehumanizes politics, the legal system, and civic life.
Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- April 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190648787
- eISBN:
- 9780190648817
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190648787.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter (1) offers a definition of affirmative action; (2) presents a typology of affirmative action policies; (3) and distinguishes between different kinds of justifications for affirmative ...
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This chapter (1) offers a definition of affirmative action; (2) presents a typology of affirmative action policies; (3) and distinguishes between different kinds of justifications for affirmative action. These are all three useful points. Often when people seemingly disagree about the justifiability of affirmative action, they define it differently; have different kinds in mind even though they define affirmative action in the same way; or have different kinds of justifications of affirmative action in mind, even though they define it in the same way and have the same kinds in mind. Moreover, if we do not know what affirmative action is, we are not in a position to say which non-moral properties it has. If so, we cannot tell whether it is morally justified per se, since presumably if affirmative action per se is (un)justified, it is (un)justified in virtue of non-moral properties that it has by way of definition. The chapter concludes with a thumbnail sketch of the rest of the book.Less
This chapter (1) offers a definition of affirmative action; (2) presents a typology of affirmative action policies; (3) and distinguishes between different kinds of justifications for affirmative action. These are all three useful points. Often when people seemingly disagree about the justifiability of affirmative action, they define it differently; have different kinds in mind even though they define affirmative action in the same way; or have different kinds of justifications of affirmative action in mind, even though they define it in the same way and have the same kinds in mind. Moreover, if we do not know what affirmative action is, we are not in a position to say which non-moral properties it has. If so, we cannot tell whether it is morally justified per se, since presumably if affirmative action per se is (un)justified, it is (un)justified in virtue of non-moral properties that it has by way of definition. The chapter concludes with a thumbnail sketch of the rest of the book.
Daniel N. Lipson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447316459
- eISBN:
- 9781447316480
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447316459.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This chapter provides an overview of the origins of affirmative action, the arguments for and against affirmative action programs, and the evolution of the rationales for affirmative action programs ...
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This chapter provides an overview of the origins of affirmative action, the arguments for and against affirmative action programs, and the evolution of the rationales for affirmative action programs (including a discussion of how well or poorly multiracial Americans fit with each rationale). In particular, it focuses on affirmative action programs in higher education. It concludes with some policy suggestions for how colleges and universities can most equitably include multiracial Americans in affirmative action programs.Less
This chapter provides an overview of the origins of affirmative action, the arguments for and against affirmative action programs, and the evolution of the rationales for affirmative action programs (including a discussion of how well or poorly multiracial Americans fit with each rationale). In particular, it focuses on affirmative action programs in higher education. It concludes with some policy suggestions for how colleges and universities can most equitably include multiracial Americans in affirmative action programs.
Cheryl I. Harris
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036453
- eISBN:
- 9780252093487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036453.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter first offers an overview of contemporary debates over affirmative action to situate Obama's position on the issue. Obama's views on affirmative action expressed before and during the ...
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This chapter first offers an overview of contemporary debates over affirmative action to situate Obama's position on the issue. Obama's views on affirmative action expressed before and during the presidential campaign laid the foundation for his policies as president. Despite previously expressing support for affirmative action, Obama has eschewed mounting a vigorous defense of race-based remedies because in his assessment they are politically freighted, yield limited gains, and can be replaced by race-neutral measures that reduce overall inequality. The administration's position—which is ambivalent at best—has largely left uncontested the dominant color-blind framework and its affiliated racial narratives about “racial preferences,” thereby narrowing the space for broader social and economic reform.Less
This chapter first offers an overview of contemporary debates over affirmative action to situate Obama's position on the issue. Obama's views on affirmative action expressed before and during the presidential campaign laid the foundation for his policies as president. Despite previously expressing support for affirmative action, Obama has eschewed mounting a vigorous defense of race-based remedies because in his assessment they are politically freighted, yield limited gains, and can be replaced by race-neutral measures that reduce overall inequality. The administration's position—which is ambivalent at best—has largely left uncontested the dominant color-blind framework and its affiliated racial narratives about “racial preferences,” thereby narrowing the space for broader social and economic reform.
Jacob T. Levy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297123
- eISBN:
- 9780191599767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297122.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Cultural rights‐claims and policies of multicultural accommodation are not all of a piece; they are not all, e.g. ‘group rights’ in any meaningful sense. So‐called cultural rights can be ...
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Cultural rights‐claims and policies of multicultural accommodation are not all of a piece; they are not all, e.g. ‘group rights’ in any meaningful sense. So‐called cultural rights can be disaggregated and clustered into: exemptions from generally applicable laws; special assistance to allow a minority to take part in the same activities as the majority; internal restrictions on what members of a community may do and still remain members; external restrictions on the activity of outsiders who might weaken a community; self‐government; the recognition and enforcement of customary law; and claims for symbolic recognition.Less
Cultural rights‐claims and policies of multicultural accommodation are not all of a piece; they are not all, e.g. ‘group rights’ in any meaningful sense. So‐called cultural rights can be disaggregated and clustered into: exemptions from generally applicable laws; special assistance to allow a minority to take part in the same activities as the majority; internal restrictions on what members of a community may do and still remain members; external restrictions on the activity of outsiders who might weaken a community; self‐government; the recognition and enforcement of customary law; and claims for symbolic recognition.
Martin Carnoy, Prashant Loyalka, Maria Dobryakova, Rafiq Dossani, Isak Froumin, Katherine Kuhns, Jandhyala B. G. Tilak, and Rong Wang
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804786010
- eISBN:
- 9780804786416
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804786010.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Education
The chapter examines the complex relationship between higher education expansion and income inequality in developing countries using a standard human capital model and empirical data from the BRIC ...
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The chapter examines the complex relationship between higher education expansion and income inequality in developing countries using a standard human capital model and empirical data from the BRIC countries—Brazil, Russia, India, and China. The chapter also estimates the fraction of public subsidies going to various income groups in each country. The findings suggest that mass higher education expansion did not, in and of itself, appear to have decreased income inequality in the BRICs and that students from families at different levels of the income distribution are receiving vastly different benefits from the public financing of higher education, although the benefits received by lower income groups are much greater in Russia than in Brazil. The chapter further assesses the efforts of two of the BRICs, Brazil and India, to offset these inequalities in benefits by implementing affirmative action legislation for access to higher education for low social class groups.Less
The chapter examines the complex relationship between higher education expansion and income inequality in developing countries using a standard human capital model and empirical data from the BRIC countries—Brazil, Russia, India, and China. The chapter also estimates the fraction of public subsidies going to various income groups in each country. The findings suggest that mass higher education expansion did not, in and of itself, appear to have decreased income inequality in the BRICs and that students from families at different levels of the income distribution are receiving vastly different benefits from the public financing of higher education, although the benefits received by lower income groups are much greater in Russia than in Brazil. The chapter further assesses the efforts of two of the BRICs, Brazil and India, to offset these inequalities in benefits by implementing affirmative action legislation for access to higher education for low social class groups.
Robert C. Lieberman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226277646
- eISBN:
- 9780226277813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226277813.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Political History
The development of affirmative action poses a challenge for standard accounts of American state building and policy development. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 seemed to rule out group-based, ...
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The development of affirmative action poses a challenge for standard accounts of American state building and policy development. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 seemed to rule out group-based, race-consciou enforcement and provided very little coercive power to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the agency it established to enforce antidiscrimination law. And yet within a decade, the EEOC had spearheaded the development of affirmative action. How was the EEOC able to be effective in an institutional environment that was quite hostile to its success? How did it manage to reorient the effects of a major policy without visible policy reform? The answer lies in a strategic alliance between the EEOC and civil rights organizations. This case suggests that conventional accounts of administrative power are inadequate to explain the particular patterns of American state building and policy change and points to an alternative approach based on links between public and private actors.Less
The development of affirmative action poses a challenge for standard accounts of American state building and policy development. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 seemed to rule out group-based, race-consciou enforcement and provided very little coercive power to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the agency it established to enforce antidiscrimination law. And yet within a decade, the EEOC had spearheaded the development of affirmative action. How was the EEOC able to be effective in an institutional environment that was quite hostile to its success? How did it manage to reorient the effects of a major policy without visible policy reform? The answer lies in a strategic alliance between the EEOC and civil rights organizations. This case suggests that conventional accounts of administrative power are inadequate to explain the particular patterns of American state building and policy change and points to an alternative approach based on links between public and private actors.
Lauren P. Saenz and Amy Farley Lobue
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226344249
- eISBN:
- 9780226344416
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226344416.003.0005
- Subject:
- Education, Philosophy and Theory of Education
This chapter presents an investigation of how philosophers of education and education researchers might make inroads into understanding and mitigating the moral disagreement over race-conscious ...
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This chapter presents an investigation of how philosophers of education and education researchers might make inroads into understanding and mitigating the moral disagreement over race-conscious education policies through democratic deliberation, with an examination of a series of community dialogues facilitated on the topic of affirmative action in the context of an anti-affirmative action state ballot initiative in Colorado. Moral and political theories are applied to the analysis of these data to examine the relationship between moral disagreement, education policy, and public dialogue. This includes analyses of questionnaires and follow-up interviews with dialogue participants. These dialogues provide a promising method for members of the community to better understand each other’s moral and political values and positions, without necessarily coming to consensus.Less
This chapter presents an investigation of how philosophers of education and education researchers might make inroads into understanding and mitigating the moral disagreement over race-conscious education policies through democratic deliberation, with an examination of a series of community dialogues facilitated on the topic of affirmative action in the context of an anti-affirmative action state ballot initiative in Colorado. Moral and political theories are applied to the analysis of these data to examine the relationship between moral disagreement, education policy, and public dialogue. This includes analyses of questionnaires and follow-up interviews with dialogue participants. These dialogues provide a promising method for members of the community to better understand each other’s moral and political values and positions, without necessarily coming to consensus.
