Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
In the ‘war on terror’ both sides have taken great pains to justify their actions in moral terms. As force is employed so are sophisticated arguments which directly invoke the just war traditions of ...
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In the ‘war on terror’ both sides have taken great pains to justify their actions in moral terms. As force is employed so are sophisticated arguments which directly invoke the just war traditions of the West and Islam. This book explores the moral‐theological arguments for war offered by the George W. Bush administration and al‐Qaeda. It examines the way in which these actors have drawn upon key just war concepts and, in some cases, reconceptualized their scope and content. The book's principal contention is that, in significant ways, the just war arguments of Bush and bin Laden are inconsistent with the moral requirements of their respective just war traditions. In two parts, the book examines these arguments in relation to the body of thought which comprises the Western just war tradition and that of Islamic jihad, and assesses the consistency of Bush and bin Laden's claims. The central argument of the book—that the Bush administration and al‐Qaeda depart from important consensuses about justified warfare—contains within it an alternative way of understanding the war on terror. Rather than a clash between civilizations, it is suggested that the war on terror can be accounted for by a clash within civilizations: in resorting to violence, both sides have acted against their own traditions and contravened the requirements of their own civilizations.Less
In the ‘war on terror’ both sides have taken great pains to justify their actions in moral terms. As force is employed so are sophisticated arguments which directly invoke the just war traditions of the West and Islam. This book explores the moral‐theological arguments for war offered by the George W. Bush administration and al‐Qaeda. It examines the way in which these actors have drawn upon key just war concepts and, in some cases, reconceptualized their scope and content. The book's principal contention is that, in significant ways, the just war arguments of Bush and bin Laden are inconsistent with the moral requirements of their respective just war traditions. In two parts, the book examines these arguments in relation to the body of thought which comprises the Western just war tradition and that of Islamic jihad, and assesses the consistency of Bush and bin Laden's claims. The central argument of the book—that the Bush administration and al‐Qaeda depart from important consensuses about justified warfare—contains within it an alternative way of understanding the war on terror. Rather than a clash between civilizations, it is suggested that the war on terror can be accounted for by a clash within civilizations: in resorting to violence, both sides have acted against their own traditions and contravened the requirements of their own civilizations.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book analyses the normative framework underlying the statebuilding activities of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It argues that a particular ...
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This book analyses the normative framework underlying the statebuilding activities of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It argues that a particular understanding of sovereignty has shaped the efforts of these international administrations, and examines the influence of this conception on three aspects of statebuilding: institution-building, the behaviour of international institutions towards local actors, and the timing and nature of the transition from international to local authority — the exit strategies of international administrations. The book argues that international administrations hold a conception of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’: states have to fulfil a set of responsibilities towards their population, in particular administrative effectiveness, the protection of human rights, democracy, the rule of law, and maintaining a free market economy. These responsibilities constitute a ‘standard of civilisation’, which legitimises sovereign authority, and failure to fulfil this standard can lead to international intervention and the denial of sovereign rights. The book shows how this ‘standard of civilisation’ is used by international administrations both to justify the denial of self-governance, and to serve as a blueprint for their institution-building activities. The restructuring of political and administrative practices to help post-conflict territories to meet this standard creates a sovereignty paradox: international administrations compromise one element of sovereignty — the right to self-government — in order to implement domestic reforms to legitimize the authority of local political institutions, and thus strengthen their sovereignty. In the light of the governance and development record of the three international administrations, the book assesses the promises and the pathologies of statebuilding, and develops recommendations to improve their performance.Less
This book analyses the normative framework underlying the statebuilding activities of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It argues that a particular understanding of sovereignty has shaped the efforts of these international administrations, and examines the influence of this conception on three aspects of statebuilding: institution-building, the behaviour of international institutions towards local actors, and the timing and nature of the transition from international to local authority — the exit strategies of international administrations. The book argues that international administrations hold a conception of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’: states have to fulfil a set of responsibilities towards their population, in particular administrative effectiveness, the protection of human rights, democracy, the rule of law, and maintaining a free market economy. These responsibilities constitute a ‘standard of civilisation’, which legitimises sovereign authority, and failure to fulfil this standard can lead to international intervention and the denial of sovereign rights. The book shows how this ‘standard of civilisation’ is used by international administrations both to justify the denial of self-governance, and to serve as a blueprint for their institution-building activities. The restructuring of political and administrative practices to help post-conflict territories to meet this standard creates a sovereignty paradox: international administrations compromise one element of sovereignty — the right to self-government — in order to implement domestic reforms to legitimize the authority of local political institutions, and thus strengthen their sovereignty. In the light of the governance and development record of the three international administrations, the book assesses the promises and the pathologies of statebuilding, and develops recommendations to improve their performance.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter discusses the objectives and the scope of the book, and argues for the importance of a normative approach to international administrations. It explores three important ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the objectives and the scope of the book, and argues for the importance of a normative approach to international administrations. It explores three important methodological questions: first, in what ways can norms affect the activities of international administrations; second, how can we conceptualize and operationalize the ‘international community’ that creates and staffs these international administrations; and third, the selection of case studies.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the objectives and the scope of the book, and argues for the importance of a normative approach to international administrations. It explores three important methodological questions: first, in what ways can norms affect the activities of international administrations; second, how can we conceptualize and operationalize the ‘international community’ that creates and staffs these international administrations; and third, the selection of case studies.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter develops the theoretical framework, discussing the concept of sovereignty and its evolution since 1945. Looking at sovereignty in terms of political authority, it argues that sovereignty ...
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This chapter develops the theoretical framework, discussing the concept of sovereignty and its evolution since 1945. Looking at sovereignty in terms of political authority, it argues that sovereignty must be legitimized by the way and the ends towards which it is exercised. It argues that a new ‘standard of civilisation’, encompassing democracy, human rights, the rule of law, a free market economy, and effective administration, has emerged since the end of the cold war, and has influenced sovereignty-related practices of state recognition and statebuilding.Less
This chapter develops the theoretical framework, discussing the concept of sovereignty and its evolution since 1945. Looking at sovereignty in terms of political authority, it argues that sovereignty must be legitimized by the way and the ends towards which it is exercised. It argues that a new ‘standard of civilisation’, encompassing democracy, human rights, the rule of law, a free market economy, and effective administration, has emerged since the end of the cold war, and has influenced sovereignty-related practices of state recognition and statebuilding.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the international administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina, led by the Office of the High Representative (OHR). It is divided into three parts. The ...
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This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the international administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina, led by the Office of the High Representative (OHR). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the political structures of the international administration and of the Bosnian state, to provide the necessary understanding of the institutions involved in the policymaking process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The following two parts contain detailed case studies of statebuilding: the dismantling of the payment bureaux and the reform of the civil service. The case studies illustrate the influence of elements of the new ‘standard of civilisation’ on the objectives and policies of the international administration.Less
This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the international administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina, led by the Office of the High Representative (OHR). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the political structures of the international administration and of the Bosnian state, to provide the necessary understanding of the institutions involved in the policymaking process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The following two parts contain detailed case studies of statebuilding: the dismantling of the payment bureaux and the reform of the civil service. The case studies illustrate the influence of elements of the new ‘standard of civilisation’ on the objectives and policies of the international administration.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) that was established after the Kosovo war in 1999. It is divided into three ...
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This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) that was established after the Kosovo war in 1999. It is divided into three parts. While the first part outlines the background to the intervention, analyses the scope of the international authority, and discusses the transition to local rule, the other two sections contain detailed case studies of statebuilding: the reform of the judicial system, and the privatization of socially owned enterprises, one of the most controversial reform efforts of UNMIK. The chapter not only shows the influence of norms on UNMIK's statebuilding policies, but also the problems of ‘statebuilding without statehood’: building political and administrative institutions if the future legal status of a territory remains unresolved.Less
This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) that was established after the Kosovo war in 1999. It is divided into three parts. While the first part outlines the background to the intervention, analyses the scope of the international authority, and discusses the transition to local rule, the other two sections contain detailed case studies of statebuilding: the reform of the judicial system, and the privatization of socially owned enterprises, one of the most controversial reform efforts of UNMIK. The chapter not only shows the influence of norms on UNMIK's statebuilding policies, but also the problems of ‘statebuilding without statehood’: building political and administrative institutions if the future legal status of a territory remains unresolved.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This third case study chapter analyses the statebuilding activities of the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines ...
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This third case study chapter analyses the statebuilding activities of the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the background to the intervention, the scope and evolution of international authority, and the transition to self-governance and Timorese independence. The remaining two sections are case studies of statebuilding in East Timor: the establishment of a new judicial system, and the reform of the civil service. The case studies show how these reforms are informed by the new ‘standard of civilisation’, and how these norms compete with other, local traditional normative frameworks and understandings of authority, compromising the effectiveness of the reforms.Less
This third case study chapter analyses the statebuilding activities of the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the background to the intervention, the scope and evolution of international authority, and the transition to self-governance and Timorese independence. The remaining two sections are case studies of statebuilding in East Timor: the establishment of a new judicial system, and the reform of the civil service. The case studies show how these reforms are informed by the new ‘standard of civilisation’, and how these norms compete with other, local traditional normative frameworks and understandings of authority, compromising the effectiveness of the reforms.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This last chapter brings together the findings from the analysis, and raises a range of theoretical and practical questions that arise from the analysis of the normative framework underlying ...
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This last chapter brings together the findings from the analysis, and raises a range of theoretical and practical questions that arise from the analysis of the normative framework underlying statebuilding. Part One discusses the implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of sovereignty in international society. Part Two considers the implications of the book's findings for the governance and development efforts of international administrations. It examines whether international administrations possess the legitimacy and authority themselves that they try to establish in the territories they govern and restructure, and how their authority could be strengthened. It also looks at some of the pathologies of international administration, and concludes by discussing what the book's findings suggests for exit strategies of international administrations.Less
This last chapter brings together the findings from the analysis, and raises a range of theoretical and practical questions that arise from the analysis of the normative framework underlying statebuilding. Part One discusses the implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of sovereignty in international society. Part Two considers the implications of the book's findings for the governance and development efforts of international administrations. It examines whether international administrations possess the legitimacy and authority themselves that they try to establish in the territories they govern and restructure, and how their authority could be strengthened. It also looks at some of the pathologies of international administration, and concludes by discussing what the book's findings suggests for exit strategies of international administrations.
Stephen Skowronek
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that many scholars still have failed to understand the American state as a “state” and that issues before regarding “sustainability”, “fiscal crisis”, and “legitimation crisis” ...
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This chapter argues that many scholars still have failed to understand the American state as a “state” and that issues before regarding “sustainability”, “fiscal crisis”, and “legitimation crisis” are still eminent up to now. This raises questions about the state' capacity and responsibility. In addition, the American state remains to be described in terms of false dichotomies–strong versus weak, active versus passive, conservative versus liberal, even state versus society. Also, the chapter presents how the American state appears to be increasingly egalitarian but continues to be hierarchal. The American state's apparent changeability and un-state-like characteristics such as volatility, unpredictability, and reversibility may likely be exacerbated than resolved by the Obama administration.Less
This chapter argues that many scholars still have failed to understand the American state as a “state” and that issues before regarding “sustainability”, “fiscal crisis”, and “legitimation crisis” are still eminent up to now. This raises questions about the state' capacity and responsibility. In addition, the American state remains to be described in terms of false dichotomies–strong versus weak, active versus passive, conservative versus liberal, even state versus society. Also, the chapter presents how the American state appears to be increasingly egalitarian but continues to be hierarchal. The American state's apparent changeability and un-state-like characteristics such as volatility, unpredictability, and reversibility may likely be exacerbated than resolved by the Obama administration.
Andrew Jordan and Adriaan Schout
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286959
- eISBN:
- 9780191713279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286959.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter offers a more detailed theoretical explanation of the tools employed to assess the coordination capacities at network and actor level. The different sections link the two major ...
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This chapter offers a more detailed theoretical explanation of the tools employed to assess the coordination capacities at network and actor level. The different sections link the two major theoretical concepts (networks and governance), provide different views on the management of networks, present a scale covering the different meanings of coordination, and describe how this will be used to assess coordination during the different phases of EU policy making.Less
This chapter offers a more detailed theoretical explanation of the tools employed to assess the coordination capacities at network and actor level. The different sections link the two major theoretical concepts (networks and governance), provide different views on the management of networks, present a scale covering the different meanings of coordination, and describe how this will be used to assess coordination during the different phases of EU policy making.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The most distinctive feature of transitional administrations is the establishment and management of interim administrative structures with wholesale responsibility for the implementation of public ...
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The most distinctive feature of transitional administrations is the establishment and management of interim administrative structures with wholesale responsibility for the implementation of public policy and the delivery of essential public services—the core functions of a government. Examines the structures and practices that have been adopted for the purpose of performing civil administrative functions and the relationship these institutions have to local governmental bodies. A better balance, it is argued here, needs to be struck between the demands for effective and efficient international administration in the short term and the strengthening of local capacity in the longer term if transitional authorities are not to leave behind weak states or territories as a part of their legacy.Less
The most distinctive feature of transitional administrations is the establishment and management of interim administrative structures with wholesale responsibility for the implementation of public policy and the delivery of essential public services—the core functions of a government. Examines the structures and practices that have been adopted for the purpose of performing civil administrative functions and the relationship these institutions have to local governmental bodies. A better balance, it is argued here, needs to be struck between the demands for effective and efficient international administration in the short term and the strengthening of local capacity in the longer term if transitional authorities are not to leave behind weak states or territories as a part of their legacy.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia ...
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Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties. This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.Less
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties.
This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A summary of the stages through which the modern state has passed historically. It began as authoritarian and patrimonial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it was the absolutist state. In ...
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A summary of the stages through which the modern state has passed historically. It began as authoritarian and patrimonial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it was the absolutist state. In the nineteenth century, it turned liberal and bureaucratic: the liberal state imposed the rule of law and assured civil rights. In the first part of the twentieth century, the transition to democracy was completed: it was the time of the liberal state, of elitist or liberal democracy, and, still, of bureaucratic administration. In the second part of that century, the state becomes social-democratic, and assumes a developmental character; democracy now is social or plural rather than just liberal. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the state is aiming to become social-liberal and republican; democracy is aiming to become participatory or republican; and administration is aiming to become managerial, or inspired by the principles of new public management.Less
A summary of the stages through which the modern state has passed historically. It began as authoritarian and patrimonial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it was the absolutist state. In the nineteenth century, it turned liberal and bureaucratic: the liberal state imposed the rule of law and assured civil rights. In the first part of the twentieth century, the transition to democracy was completed: it was the time of the liberal state, of elitist or liberal democracy, and, still, of bureaucratic administration. In the second part of that century, the state becomes social-democratic, and assumes a developmental character; democracy now is social or plural rather than just liberal. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the state is aiming to become social-liberal and republican; democracy is aiming to become participatory or republican; and administration is aiming to become managerial, or inspired by the principles of new public management.
Klaus H. Goetz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The comparative study of European executives stands at the interface of two subdisciplines of political science – comparative government (which focuses on the primarily political and governmental ...
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The comparative study of European executives stands at the interface of two subdisciplines of political science – comparative government (which focuses on the primarily political and governmental aspects of the executive) and comparative public administration (which focuses on the bureaucratic parts of the executive that extend beneath its thin political veneer). The tension between politics and administration is central to understanding the institutionalization of executives: it is first about the tasks that executives are expected to perform and the most appropriate executive organization; and second about the relation between the formal office and the office holders. The first main section of the chapter analyses how these two constitutive tensions in the institutionalization of executives play out in different countries; the discussion is with reference to executive coordination and the organization of centres of government. Further sections discuss the evaluation of executives, and executive reform. Overall, the analysis of the state of, and trends in, executive development suggests that the institutional foundations and fortifications of the executive may be less solid than is generally assumed.Less
The comparative study of European executives stands at the interface of two subdisciplines of political science – comparative government (which focuses on the primarily political and governmental aspects of the executive) and comparative public administration (which focuses on the bureaucratic parts of the executive that extend beneath its thin political veneer). The tension between politics and administration is central to understanding the institutionalization of executives: it is first about the tasks that executives are expected to perform and the most appropriate executive organization; and second about the relation between the formal office and the office holders. The first main section of the chapter analyses how these two constitutive tensions in the institutionalization of executives play out in different countries; the discussion is with reference to executive coordination and the organization of centres of government. Further sections discuss the evaluation of executives, and executive reform. Overall, the analysis of the state of, and trends in, executive development suggests that the institutional foundations and fortifications of the executive may be less solid than is generally assumed.
Sonia Mazey
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199248056
- eISBN:
- 9780191601545
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248052.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The chapter is divided into two main parts, with the first part of the discussion providing the contextual backdrop to the detailed study of the Swedish permanent representation that follows. The ...
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The chapter is divided into two main parts, with the first part of the discussion providing the contextual backdrop to the detailed study of the Swedish permanent representation that follows. The argument presented in the first part is twofold: first, it is argued that effective co-ordination of EU policy at both the national and EU levels is regarded as extremely important by the Swedish government for at least two related reasons—the high political salience of EU matters in Sweden, and the Social Democratic government’s determination to be an influential actor in the EU policy arena; second, it is argued that, although Swedish administrative adjustment to EU membership has been relatively unproblematic in the short term, the process of adaptation is not yet complete—the initial belief that EU matters could simply be incorporated into the Swedish system of ministerial consultation has proved problematic, and the volume and pace of EU policy-making has placed considerable strains upon the limited resources of the Swedish ministries, and might yet prove to be incompatible with Swedish policy style. In an attempt to address these problems, the government introduced in 1998 new co-ordinating structures designed to streamline central EU policy co-ordination and strengthen political leadership on EU policy. The second part of the chapter examines how the Swedish permanent representation fits into this wider picture; it discusses the organization, personnel, internal functioning and working methods, and role of the Brussels-based administration, and evaluates its effectiveness and capacity to implement ambitions, bearing in mind the co-ordination needs and policy ambitions of the Swedish administration. The picture that emerges from this study is one of a technically specialized, functionally segmented, and non-hierarchical bureaucracy, which, after five years, is nevertheless still evolving as an administration, and whose effectiveness in delivering national policy ambitions is as much a reflection of its capacity to influence the national administration as of its diplomatic role in Brussels.Less
The chapter is divided into two main parts, with the first part of the discussion providing the contextual backdrop to the detailed study of the Swedish permanent representation that follows. The argument presented in the first part is twofold: first, it is argued that effective co-ordination of EU policy at both the national and EU levels is regarded as extremely important by the Swedish government for at least two related reasons—the high political salience of EU matters in Sweden, and the Social Democratic government’s determination to be an influential actor in the EU policy arena; second, it is argued that, although Swedish administrative adjustment to EU membership has been relatively unproblematic in the short term, the process of adaptation is not yet complete—the initial belief that EU matters could simply be incorporated into the Swedish system of ministerial consultation has proved problematic, and the volume and pace of EU policy-making has placed considerable strains upon the limited resources of the Swedish ministries, and might yet prove to be incompatible with Swedish policy style. In an attempt to address these problems, the government introduced in 1998 new co-ordinating structures designed to streamline central EU policy co-ordination and strengthen political leadership on EU policy. The second part of the chapter examines how the Swedish permanent representation fits into this wider picture; it discusses the organization, personnel, internal functioning and working methods, and role of the Brussels-based administration, and evaluates its effectiveness and capacity to implement ambitions, bearing in mind the co-ordination needs and policy ambitions of the Swedish administration. The picture that emerges from this study is one of a technically specialized, functionally segmented, and non-hierarchical bureaucracy, which, after five years, is nevertheless still evolving as an administration, and whose effectiveness in delivering national policy ambitions is as much a reflection of its capacity to influence the national administration as of its diplomatic role in Brussels.
George C Edwards III and Desmond King (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and ...
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This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and electoral patterns — this presidency has proved to be (in a chapter by the editors). This is followed by chapters on the use of unilateral executive powers (by Louis Fisher and William Howell) and prerogative powers (by Richard Pious). Because the policy choices of the Bush presidency have had such fundamental effects both in domestic policy and in US foreign policy, three contributors (Thomas Langston, John Burke, James Pfiffner) then address the processes of decision making especially in respect to the war against Iraq. How the administration governs by a recurring process of campaigning is examined in chapters on public opinion and war (by Gary Jacobson), the promotional presidency (by Larry Jacobs), mobilizing congressional support for war (by Scott Blinder), and the White House communications system (by Martha Kumar). Finally, the way in which the Bush White House relates to congress and the process of building congressional coalitions to enact laws is the subject of chapters on ‘executive style’ of this administration (by Charles O. Jones) and the failure to reform social security (by Fiona Ross).Less
This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and electoral patterns — this presidency has proved to be (in a chapter by the editors). This is followed by chapters on the use of unilateral executive powers (by Louis Fisher and William Howell) and prerogative powers (by Richard Pious). Because the policy choices of the Bush presidency have had such fundamental effects both in domestic policy and in US foreign policy, three contributors (Thomas Langston, John Burke, James Pfiffner) then address the processes of decision making especially in respect to the war against Iraq. How the administration governs by a recurring process of campaigning is examined in chapters on public opinion and war (by Gary Jacobson), the promotional presidency (by Larry Jacobs), mobilizing congressional support for war (by Scott Blinder), and the White House communications system (by Martha Kumar). Finally, the way in which the Bush White House relates to congress and the process of building congressional coalitions to enact laws is the subject of chapters on ‘executive style’ of this administration (by Charles O. Jones) and the failure to reform social security (by Fiona Ross).
Hussein Kassim
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
An examination is made of the structure of the administrative system of the European Union (EU). Three general arguments are put forward: that the development of the EU’s administration has been ...
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An examination is made of the structure of the administrative system of the European Union (EU). Three general arguments are put forward: that the development of the EU’s administration has been conditioned by the nature of the EU as a political system, but that EU administration has similarly had an impact on the EU as a political system; that the entrenchment of national administrations in the EU bureaucratic system has had important consequences for its functioning and operation; and that national administrations have been affected, but not transformed, by the development of the EU. After outlining the features that characterize the EU’s political system, the chapter examines how national administrations have penetrated EU decision–making structures and institutions, and looks at the impact of this process at the European level. It then considers how national administrations have been affected by the development of the EU (European integration and Europeanization). Finally, the chapter provides an assessment of the EU’s administrative capacity.Less
An examination is made of the structure of the administrative system of the European Union (EU). Three general arguments are put forward: that the development of the EU’s administration has been conditioned by the nature of the EU as a political system, but that EU administration has similarly had an impact on the EU as a political system; that the entrenchment of national administrations in the EU bureaucratic system has had important consequences for its functioning and operation; and that national administrations have been affected, but not transformed, by the development of the EU. After outlining the features that characterize the EU’s political system, the chapter examines how national administrations have penetrated EU decision–making structures and institutions, and looks at the impact of this process at the European level. It then considers how national administrations have been affected by the development of the EU (European integration and Europeanization). Finally, the chapter provides an assessment of the EU’s administrative capacity.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Gives an account of the worsening relations between the US and Western Europe during the Carter and Reagan administrations of 1977–1984. Jimmy Carter took over as President of the US with the best of ...
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Gives an account of the worsening relations between the US and Western Europe during the Carter and Reagan administrations of 1977–1984. Jimmy Carter took over as President of the US with the best of intentions: while continuing to improve relations with the Soviet Union and China, he would at the same time upgrade America's ties with its allies in Western Europe and Japan (trilateralism); this was not to be, and by the end of the 1970s Moscow had become so frustrated with Carter that the Soviet leaders actually preferred Ronald Reagan in the 1980 elections. American relations with some Western European countries, particularly West Germany, also reached a nadir. Ronald Reagan was determined to re‐establish the leadership role of the US with regard to both the Soviets and the Western Europeans: the ‘evil empire’ was to be defeated from a position of strength, and the ‘free world’ was to be united under America's firm leadership; neither was to be. Yet, even in these very difficult times for Atlantic relations most European leaders continued to issue at least some invitations to the Americans to increase their role militarily and economically, although these invitations were clearly more ambivalent now than before—public opinion was becoming more skeptical of the US, but still supported the main dimensions of the American role in Western Europe.Less
Gives an account of the worsening relations between the US and Western Europe during the Carter and Reagan administrations of 1977–1984. Jimmy Carter took over as President of the US with the best of intentions: while continuing to improve relations with the Soviet Union and China, he would at the same time upgrade America's ties with its allies in Western Europe and Japan (trilateralism); this was not to be, and by the end of the 1970s Moscow had become so frustrated with Carter that the Soviet leaders actually preferred Ronald Reagan in the 1980 elections. American relations with some Western European countries, particularly West Germany, also reached a nadir. Ronald Reagan was determined to re‐establish the leadership role of the US with regard to both the Soviets and the Western Europeans: the ‘evil empire’ was to be defeated from a position of strength, and the ‘free world’ was to be united under America's firm leadership; neither was to be. Yet, even in these very difficult times for Atlantic relations most European leaders continued to issue at least some invitations to the Americans to increase their role militarily and economically, although these invitations were clearly more ambivalent now than before—public opinion was becoming more skeptical of the US, but still supported the main dimensions of the American role in Western Europe.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Charts the changes that occurred in American–Western European relations during the years of the Reagan and Bush administrations of 1984–1993, which marked a change in the Cold War (largely as a ...
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Charts the changes that occurred in American–Western European relations during the years of the Reagan and Bush administrations of 1984–1993, which marked a change in the Cold War (largely as a result of Gorbachev's policy changes in the Soviet Union), and its eventual end, which could be marked as the year 1989 (the year of the American–Soviet summit in Malta and of the collapse of Eastern European communist regimes). The first section of the chapter examines the Reagan and Gorbachev ‘Lovefest’: the change of Ronald Reagan's hardline anti‐Soviet policies to a policy of American–Soviet cooperation under the rule of Mikhail Gorbachev, and discusses Reagan's other foreign policies and Western European attitudes toward these. The second section, ‘The Liberation of Eastern Europe, the Unification of Germany, and the New World Order’, looks at the foreign policies of George Bush (who became President in January 1989) during this time of immense change in Europe, and at the increasing East–West cooperation that he presided over; the Gulf War strengthened American–European relations considerably during this period. The third section of the chapter shows that American–EU relations improved markedly under Bush, although the attitudes of the various European countries to a role for America in Europe varied, with the French being notably anti‐American. The last section of the chapter briefly considers the survival of the American–European relationship through this period and the changes that occurred in it.Less
Charts the changes that occurred in American–Western European relations during the years of the Reagan and Bush administrations of 1984–1993, which marked a change in the Cold War (largely as a result of Gorbachev's policy changes in the Soviet Union), and its eventual end, which could be marked as the year 1989 (the year of the American–Soviet summit in Malta and of the collapse of Eastern European communist regimes). The first section of the chapter examines the Reagan and Gorbachev ‘Lovefest’: the change of Ronald Reagan's hardline anti‐Soviet policies to a policy of American–Soviet cooperation under the rule of Mikhail Gorbachev, and discusses Reagan's other foreign policies and Western European attitudes toward these. The second section, ‘The Liberation of Eastern Europe, the Unification of Germany, and the New World Order’, looks at the foreign policies of George Bush (who became President in January 1989) during this time of immense change in Europe, and at the increasing East–West cooperation that he presided over; the Gulf War strengthened American–European relations considerably during this period. The third section of the chapter shows that American–EU relations improved markedly under Bush, although the attitudes of the various European countries to a role for America in Europe varied, with the French being notably anti‐American. The last section of the chapter briefly considers the survival of the American–European relationship through this period and the changes that occurred in it.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the ...
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Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.Less
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).
This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.
