Avner de-Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of ...
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When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.Less
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines grassroots activism in the Liberal Democrat Party. The results suggest that party activism can be explained by a combination of the individual’s psychological engagement with ...
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This chapter examines grassroots activism in the Liberal Democrat Party. The results suggest that party activism can be explained by a combination of the individual’s psychological engagement with both politics and the party, together with their judgements about the costs and benefits of political engagement. Resources play a role in this, but it appears that incentives, and the choices associated with them, are particularly important in influencing the individual’s decision to be active.Less
This chapter examines grassroots activism in the Liberal Democrat Party. The results suggest that party activism can be explained by a combination of the individual’s psychological engagement with both politics and the party, together with their judgements about the costs and benefits of political engagement. Resources play a role in this, but it appears that incentives, and the choices associated with them, are particularly important in influencing the individual’s decision to be active.
Paul Scott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199732548
- eISBN:
- 9780199866359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732548.003.0023
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Applied Linguistics and Pedagogy
The author of this chapter works as exactly the sort of social, cultural and language role model that deaf children need, as argued in previous chapters. He describes methods in teaching deaf ...
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The author of this chapter works as exactly the sort of social, cultural and language role model that deaf children need, as argued in previous chapters. He describes methods in teaching deaf children how to be Deaf. Part of the work is teaching British Sign Language, focusing particularly on characteristics typical of sign languages but not of speech, such as the use of space in locating participants in an event. Another part is introducing them to Deaf culture. Children need to understand that experiences they may have had are typical of deaf people and, as such, make them part of the community. And, finally, the author educates them about deaf history and famous deaf people, to instill in them pride in their cultural heritage.Less
The author of this chapter works as exactly the sort of social, cultural and language role model that deaf children need, as argued in previous chapters. He describes methods in teaching deaf children how to be Deaf. Part of the work is teaching British Sign Language, focusing particularly on characteristics typical of sign languages but not of speech, such as the use of space in locating participants in an event. Another part is introducing them to Deaf culture. Children need to understand that experiences they may have had are typical of deaf people and, as such, make them part of the community. And, finally, the author educates them about deaf history and famous deaf people, to instill in them pride in their cultural heritage.
Donna West
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199732548
- eISBN:
- 9780199866359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732548.003.0024
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Applied Linguistics and Pedagogy
The author worked with Paul Scott, the author of chapter 12, educating deaf children before entering academia. This chapter reports on an earlier research project in which the author interviewed ...
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The author worked with Paul Scott, the author of chapter 12, educating deaf children before entering academia. This chapter reports on an earlier research project in which the author interviewed children about their experiences in Scott’s classroom. The chapter gives us the children’s responses to the author’s questions, showing through masterfully chosen examples their eloquently expressed appreciation of Scott’s training.Less
The author worked with Paul Scott, the author of chapter 12, educating deaf children before entering academia. This chapter reports on an earlier research project in which the author interviewed children about their experiences in Scott’s classroom. The chapter gives us the children’s responses to the author’s questions, showing through masterfully chosen examples their eloquently expressed appreciation of Scott’s training.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify ...
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This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify changes in their profiles during the 1990s. Comparisons are made between the social backgrounds of party members and those of Liberal Democrat voters to determine what differences, if any, exist between the two types of party supporters. Activism within the party and whether there is any evidence of a decline in participation in recent years are analyzed. The evidence suggests that while many party members are active, there has been a decline in party activism over time and a weakening of the ties between the party and its members.Less
This chapter examines the social and demographic profiles as well as the political attitudes of Liberal Democrat party members, drawing upon an earlier study of Liberal Democrat party to identify changes in their profiles during the 1990s. Comparisons are made between the social backgrounds of party members and those of Liberal Democrat voters to determine what differences, if any, exist between the two types of party supporters. Activism within the party and whether there is any evidence of a decline in participation in recent years are analyzed. The evidence suggests that while many party members are active, there has been a decline in party activism over time and a weakening of the ties between the party and its members.
Kathleen M. Blee
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199842766
- eISBN:
- 9780199951161
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199842766.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Democracy in the Making looks at how activist groups form. By closely observing the dynamics of 60 emerging activist efforts on the left and right over a three year period in Pittsburgh, ...
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Democracy in the Making looks at how activist groups form. By closely observing the dynamics of 60 emerging activist efforts on the left and right over a three year period in Pittsburgh, it assesses the possibilities and limits of grassroots activism as a democratizing force in modern U.S. society. The book presents two broad findings. First, very early times matter. What an activist group initially does, even what it talks about, has long-lasting consequences. Early actions set up assumptions about how activist groups should operate that are difficult to dismantle or even perceive. Second, activist groups make decisions within a changing sense of what is possible. Over time, their sense of possibilities tends to narrow and options for action become more restricted. When action is too constrained, groups either collapse or dramatically reshape their sense of possibilities. By taking a close look at how ordinary people come together to change society, this book pinpoints both the potentials and the boundaries of democratization in grassroots activism. It shows how activism can broaden people’s sense of political engagement but also how activist groups can become mired in dysfunctional and undemocratic patterns that their members may dislike but don’t know how to change.Less
Democracy in the Making looks at how activist groups form. By closely observing the dynamics of 60 emerging activist efforts on the left and right over a three year period in Pittsburgh, it assesses the possibilities and limits of grassroots activism as a democratizing force in modern U.S. society. The book presents two broad findings. First, very early times matter. What an activist group initially does, even what it talks about, has long-lasting consequences. Early actions set up assumptions about how activist groups should operate that are difficult to dismantle or even perceive. Second, activist groups make decisions within a changing sense of what is possible. Over time, their sense of possibilities tends to narrow and options for action become more restricted. When action is too constrained, groups either collapse or dramatically reshape their sense of possibilities. By taking a close look at how ordinary people come together to change society, this book pinpoints both the potentials and the boundaries of democratization in grassroots activism. It shows how activism can broaden people’s sense of political engagement but also how activist groups can become mired in dysfunctional and undemocratic patterns that their members may dislike but don’t know how to change.
Stefanie A. Lindquist and Frank B. Cross
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195370850
- eISBN:
- 9780199870790
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195370850.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Comparative Law
This book explores the theoretical and empirical dimensions to this controversial subject. The main aim of the book is to shift the focus of the academic and political debate over judicial activism ...
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This book explores the theoretical and empirical dimensions to this controversial subject. The main aim of the book is to shift the focus of the academic and political debate over judicial activism to a more objective, empirically-based approach to analyzing activism in appellate courts. Focusing on the justices' voting behavior on the United States Supreme Court from 1954 to 2004, the book first identifies theoretical dimensions to judicial activism based on scholars' attention to the Court's potential for countermajoritarian action. In particular, the book considers the propensity of the justices to (1) strike down legislation enacted by state and federal elected officials, (2) invalidate executive branch actions in connection with judicial review of administrative agencies, (3) expand the power of the federal judiciary through increasing access to the courts, and (4) alter prevailing legal rules by overturning precedent. All of these dimensions are also evaluated in terms of the justices' propensities to vote in these areas in accordance with their own personal policy preferences. The final chapter creates a “judicial activism scale” for the justices serving on the Court during the Warren, Burger, and Rehnquist Courts.Less
This book explores the theoretical and empirical dimensions to this controversial subject. The main aim of the book is to shift the focus of the academic and political debate over judicial activism to a more objective, empirically-based approach to analyzing activism in appellate courts. Focusing on the justices' voting behavior on the United States Supreme Court from 1954 to 2004, the book first identifies theoretical dimensions to judicial activism based on scholars' attention to the Court's potential for countermajoritarian action. In particular, the book considers the propensity of the justices to (1) strike down legislation enacted by state and federal elected officials, (2) invalidate executive branch actions in connection with judicial review of administrative agencies, (3) expand the power of the federal judiciary through increasing access to the courts, and (4) alter prevailing legal rules by overturning precedent. All of these dimensions are also evaluated in terms of the justices' propensities to vote in these areas in accordance with their own personal policy preferences. The final chapter creates a “judicial activism scale” for the justices serving on the Court during the Warren, Burger, and Rehnquist Courts.
Marilyn Friedman (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195175349
- eISBN:
- 9780199835775
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195175344.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
These studies explore a variety of ways in which citizenship has been politically and culturally differentiated by gender. Despite women’s political gains in the past century in many parts of the ...
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These studies explore a variety of ways in which citizenship has been politically and culturally differentiated by gender. Despite women’s political gains in the past century in many parts of the world, the rights and privileges of women’s citizenship status may still fall short of those of men. These differences may be linked systematically to gender hierarchies in spheres of life such as civil society and the family. At the same time, these spheres of life can provide models for improving the citizenship status of both women and men. These essays explore gendered contexts and practices of citizenship in the United States and elsewhere. Three of the essays focus on the roles and policies of government and law, for example, the gender parity (parité) requirements for legislative candidates in France. Four of the essays explore manifestations and models of citizenship in culture and civil society, for example, women’s neighborhood political activism in the United States, non-governmental organizations and some problems they pose for women, Chicana/Latina citizenship in the United States, and care practices. Finally, three essays consider the grounds of citizenship in culture and civil society, including kinship in the Middle East, progressive options for women within traditional Islam, and, with a special focus on India, women’s education or lack of it.Less
These studies explore a variety of ways in which citizenship has been politically and culturally differentiated by gender. Despite women’s political gains in the past century in many parts of the world, the rights and privileges of women’s citizenship status may still fall short of those of men. These differences may be linked systematically to gender hierarchies in spheres of life such as civil society and the family. At the same time, these spheres of life can provide models for improving the citizenship status of both women and men. These essays explore gendered contexts and practices of citizenship in the United States and elsewhere. Three of the essays focus on the roles and policies of government and law, for example, the gender parity (parité) requirements for legislative candidates in France. Four of the essays explore manifestations and models of citizenship in culture and civil society, for example, women’s neighborhood political activism in the United States, non-governmental organizations and some problems they pose for women, Chicana/Latina citizenship in the United States, and care practices. Finally, three essays consider the grounds of citizenship in culture and civil society, including kinship in the Middle East, progressive options for women within traditional Islam, and, with a special focus on India, women’s education or lack of it.
You‐tien Hsing
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199568048
- eISBN:
- 9780191721632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568048.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Chapter 8 broadens the scope of this book and makes programmatic connections both between the urbanized local state and China's emerging territorial order, and between civic ...
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Chapter 8 broadens the scope of this book and makes programmatic connections both between the urbanized local state and China's emerging territorial order, and between civic territoriality and the prospects of grassroots mobilization in Chinese cities and the countryside. Both issues are at the center of the recent property crisis and rural reform in China. On the former, the author proposes that while state power is restructured through the double movement of power decentralization and reconcentration among competing local states, leading cities of metropolitan regions rise to dominate the new territorial order. On the latter, two theoretical connections can be made between civic territoriality and social activism. The first one responds to debates on the relative importance of community and class in urban social movements; the second examines rural collectivism and suggests that while much‐criticized collective land ownership persists in China, peasants' collective organization and identity have been paradoxically dismantled to a significant extent.Less
Chapter 8 broadens the scope of this book and makes programmatic connections both between the urbanized local state and China's emerging territorial order, and between civic territoriality and the prospects of grassroots mobilization in Chinese cities and the countryside. Both issues are at the center of the recent property crisis and rural reform in China. On the former, the author proposes that while state power is restructured through the double movement of power decentralization and reconcentration among competing local states, leading cities of metropolitan regions rise to dominate the new territorial order. On the latter, two theoretical connections can be made between civic territoriality and social activism. The first one responds to debates on the relative importance of community and class in urban social movements; the second examines rural collectivism and suggests that while much‐criticized collective land ownership persists in China, peasants' collective organization and identity have been paradoxically dismantled to a significant extent.
Christopher Rootes (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been ...
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It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been demobilized, and that once radical groups have been incorporated into the web of policy‐making and consultation and have moderated their tactics to the point that lobbying and partnerships have displaced protest. Such claims were, however, based on casual observation and anecdote rather than systematic investigation of the incidence of protest, and during the 1990s, in several western European countries, the conventional wisdom was challenged by a resurgence of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. To determine whether there had indeed been a decline or deradicalization of protest, protest event analysis was undertaken of the environmental protests reported in one quality newspaper in each of eight countries–Britain, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and the Basque Country – during the 10 years 1988–97. No universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests was apparent during the decade, with reported protests declining and becoming less confrontational in some countries, but rising and becoming more confrontational in others. Most reported environmental protest was moderate and nondisruptive throughout the decade, and violent action remained rare. It was expected that opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union would produce a Europeanization of environmental protest, but there was no evidence of any increase in the proportions of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions, all of which remained at very low levels in all of the countries. Nor was there evidence of Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of convergence of national patterns of the incidence of protest. The patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tending to persist over time. Protest event methodology encounters problems of selection bias associated with cycles of media attention, and so, in the attempt better to understand these biases and their impact upon the pattern of reported protest, journalists and editors associated with the production of those reports were interviewed. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, this investigation concludes that there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.Less
It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been demobilized, and that once radical groups have been incorporated into the web of policy‐making and consultation and have moderated their tactics to the point that lobbying and partnerships have displaced protest. Such claims were, however, based on casual observation and anecdote rather than systematic investigation of the incidence of protest, and during the 1990s, in several western European countries, the conventional wisdom was challenged by a resurgence of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. To determine whether there had indeed been a decline or deradicalization of protest, protest event analysis was undertaken of the environmental protests reported in one quality newspaper in each of eight countries–Britain, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and the Basque Country – during the 10 years 1988–97. No universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests was apparent during the decade, with reported protests declining and becoming less confrontational in some countries, but rising and becoming more confrontational in others. Most reported environmental protest was moderate and nondisruptive throughout the decade, and violent action remained rare. It was expected that opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union would produce a Europeanization of environmental protest, but there was no evidence of any increase in the proportions of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions, all of which remained at very low levels in all of the countries. Nor was there evidence of Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of convergence of national patterns of the incidence of protest. The patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tending to persist over time. Protest event methodology encounters problems of selection bias associated with cycles of media attention, and so, in the attempt better to understand these biases and their impact upon the pattern of reported protest, journalists and editors associated with the production of those reports were interviewed. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, this investigation concludes that there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.
Anna Sun
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155579
- eISBN:
- 9781400846085
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155579.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Hinduism
Is Confucianism a religion? If so, why do most Chinese think it isn't? This book traces the birth and growth of the idea of Confucianism as a world religion. The book begins at Oxford, in the late ...
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Is Confucianism a religion? If so, why do most Chinese think it isn't? This book traces the birth and growth of the idea of Confucianism as a world religion. The book begins at Oxford, in the late nineteenth century, when Friedrich Max Müller and James Legge classified Confucianism as a world religion in the new discourse of “world religions” and the emerging discipline of comparative religion. The book shows how that decisive moment continues to influence the understanding of Confucianism in the contemporary world, not only in the West but also in China, where the politics of Confucianism has become important to the present regime in a time of transition. Contested histories of Confucianism are vital signs of social and political change. The book also examines the revival of Confucianism in contemporary China and the social significance of the ritual practice of Confucian temples. While the Chinese government turns to Confucianism to justify its political agenda, Confucian activists have started a movement to turn Confucianism into a religion. Confucianism as a world religion might have begun as a scholarly construction, but are we witnessing its transformation into a social and political reality? With historical analysis, extensive research, and thoughtful reflection, this book will engage all those interested in religion and global politics at the beginning of the Chinese century.Less
Is Confucianism a religion? If so, why do most Chinese think it isn't? This book traces the birth and growth of the idea of Confucianism as a world religion. The book begins at Oxford, in the late nineteenth century, when Friedrich Max Müller and James Legge classified Confucianism as a world religion in the new discourse of “world religions” and the emerging discipline of comparative religion. The book shows how that decisive moment continues to influence the understanding of Confucianism in the contemporary world, not only in the West but also in China, where the politics of Confucianism has become important to the present regime in a time of transition. Contested histories of Confucianism are vital signs of social and political change. The book also examines the revival of Confucianism in contemporary China and the social significance of the ritual practice of Confucian temples. While the Chinese government turns to Confucianism to justify its political agenda, Confucian activists have started a movement to turn Confucianism into a religion. Confucianism as a world religion might have begun as a scholarly construction, but are we witnessing its transformation into a social and political reality? With historical analysis, extensive research, and thoughtful reflection, this book will engage all those interested in religion and global politics at the beginning of the Chinese century.
Arie Morgenstern
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305784
- eISBN:
- 9780199784820
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305787.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
To deal with the post-1840 crisis of belief, Jewish leaders sought to limit the at-risk masses’ contacts with the Christian missionaries and to bolster and renew their faith in Judaism. They also ...
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To deal with the post-1840 crisis of belief, Jewish leaders sought to limit the at-risk masses’ contacts with the Christian missionaries and to bolster and renew their faith in Judaism. They also tried, by various arguments, to defer the expected appearance to 5606 (1846) or some later date. There ensued a retreat from the Perushim’s messianic activism, and some argued that the Messiah’s failure to appear was punishment for that activism. Aviezer of Ticktin and Zevi Hirsch Lehren forcefully advocated that position, and Lehren saw the Damascus blood libel in that light as well. The leadership of the Perushim, however, took the view that 5600 heralded the beginning of the messianic era, which would unfold gradually, and they continued their efforts despite the new difficulties. By 1846, more Perushim changed their views, and some of the new leaders retreated from the activist stance and reverted to the traditional view that repentance, study, and spiritual activity were the mechanisms through which the Messiah might be brought. Concern for the future of the Jewish community in the Land of Israel and its economic infrastructure and productivity gave way to concern for survival in the present through fundraising among Jews in Europe; fundraising organizations proliferated. The new byword of the Perushim’s leadership became “Unless God builds the house, its builders labor on it in vain”, and reverted to the view that the only legitimate position within traditional Judaism was the belief in miraculous redemption. Some grandchildren of the earlier leaders of the Perushim (Joseph Rivlin and Joel Moses Solomon) were among the initiators of the construction of Jewish neighborhoods outside the walls of the Old City of Jerusalem. The new leaders of the Perushim did not support their efforts and sought to suppress the history of their predecessors’ messianic activism.Less
To deal with the post-1840 crisis of belief, Jewish leaders sought to limit the at-risk masses’ contacts with the Christian missionaries and to bolster and renew their faith in Judaism. They also tried, by various arguments, to defer the expected appearance to 5606 (1846) or some later date. There ensued a retreat from the Perushim’s messianic activism, and some argued that the Messiah’s failure to appear was punishment for that activism. Aviezer of Ticktin and Zevi Hirsch Lehren forcefully advocated that position, and Lehren saw the Damascus blood libel in that light as well. The leadership of the Perushim, however, took the view that 5600 heralded the beginning of the messianic era, which would unfold gradually, and they continued their efforts despite the new difficulties. By 1846, more Perushim changed their views, and some of the new leaders retreated from the activist stance and reverted to the traditional view that repentance, study, and spiritual activity were the mechanisms through which the Messiah might be brought. Concern for the future of the Jewish community in the Land of Israel and its economic infrastructure and productivity gave way to concern for survival in the present through fundraising among Jews in Europe; fundraising organizations proliferated. The new byword of the Perushim’s leadership became “Unless God builds the house, its builders labor on it in vain”, and reverted to the view that the only legitimate position within traditional Judaism was the belief in miraculous redemption. Some grandchildren of the earlier leaders of the Perushim (Joseph Rivlin and Joel Moses Solomon) were among the initiators of the construction of Jewish neighborhoods outside the walls of the Old City of Jerusalem. The new leaders of the Perushim did not support their efforts and sought to suppress the history of their predecessors’ messianic activism.
Brad M. Barber
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199573349
- eISBN:
- 9780191721946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199573349.003.0015
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management, Pensions and Pension Management
Many public pension funds engage in activism by using their pooled ownership of stock to affect changes in the corporations they own. The merits of activism depend on (1) the conflicts of interest ...
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Many public pension funds engage in activism by using their pooled ownership of stock to affect changes in the corporations they own. The merits of activism depend on (1) the conflicts of interest between corporate managers and shareholders, and (2) the conflicts of interest between portfolio managers and investors. These conflicts lead to two types of activism: shareholder activism and social activism. Portfolio managers can use their position to monitor conflicts that might arise between managers and shareholders (shareholder activism), but they can also abuse their position by pursuing actions that advance their own moral values or political interests at the expense of investors (social activism).Less
Many public pension funds engage in activism by using their pooled ownership of stock to affect changes in the corporations they own. The merits of activism depend on (1) the conflicts of interest between corporate managers and shareholders, and (2) the conflicts of interest between portfolio managers and investors. These conflicts lead to two types of activism: shareholder activism and social activism. Portfolio managers can use their position to monitor conflicts that might arise between managers and shareholders (shareholder activism), but they can also abuse their position by pursuing actions that advance their own moral values or political interests at the expense of investors (social activism).
João Biehl and Adriana Petryna (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157382
- eISBN:
- 9781400846801
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157382.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This book critically assesses the expanding field of global health. It brings together an international and interdisciplinary group of scholars to address the medical, social, political, and economic ...
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This book critically assesses the expanding field of global health. It brings together an international and interdisciplinary group of scholars to address the medical, social, political, and economic dimensions of the global health enterprise through vivid case studies and bold conceptual work. The book demonstrates the crucial role of ethnography as an empirical lantern in global health, arguing for a more comprehensive, people-centered approach. Topics include the limits of technological quick fixes in disease control, the moral economy of global health science, the unexpected effects of massive treatment rollouts in resource-poor contexts, and how right-to-health activism coalesces with the increased influence of the pharmaceutical industry on health care. The chapters explore the altered landscapes left behind after programs scale up, break down, or move on. We learn that disease is really never just one thing, technology delivery does not equate with care, and biology and technology interact in ways we cannot always predict. The most effective solutions may well be found in people themselves, who consistently exceed the projections of experts and the medical-scientific, political, and humanitarian frameworks in which they are cast. This book sets a new research agenda in global health and social theory and challenges us to rethink the relationships between care, rights, health, and economic futures.Less
This book critically assesses the expanding field of global health. It brings together an international and interdisciplinary group of scholars to address the medical, social, political, and economic dimensions of the global health enterprise through vivid case studies and bold conceptual work. The book demonstrates the crucial role of ethnography as an empirical lantern in global health, arguing for a more comprehensive, people-centered approach. Topics include the limits of technological quick fixes in disease control, the moral economy of global health science, the unexpected effects of massive treatment rollouts in resource-poor contexts, and how right-to-health activism coalesces with the increased influence of the pharmaceutical industry on health care. The chapters explore the altered landscapes left behind after programs scale up, break down, or move on. We learn that disease is really never just one thing, technology delivery does not equate with care, and biology and technology interact in ways we cannot always predict. The most effective solutions may well be found in people themselves, who consistently exceed the projections of experts and the medical-scientific, political, and humanitarian frameworks in which they are cast. This book sets a new research agenda in global health and social theory and challenges us to rethink the relationships between care, rights, health, and economic futures.
Maria Kousis
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental ...
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Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental claims, and the prominence of nature conservation, pollution, urban, and industrial claims made by both formal and informal environmental groups. Claims involving the health effects of environmental degradation declined, due to a steeper reduction in the reported incidence of grassroots environmental activism. In general, there was limited variation in the tactics used, with conventional protest predominating, followed by confrontation and demonstrations, and rarely by violence. Community activists tended to opt more often for confrontational or violent actions than did formal NGOs. The observed patterns are influenced by the changing political and economic opportunity structure associated with economic liberalization, the pattern of newspaper coverage, and the organization of social space.Less
Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental claims, and the prominence of nature conservation, pollution, urban, and industrial claims made by both formal and informal environmental groups. Claims involving the health effects of environmental degradation declined, due to a steeper reduction in the reported incidence of grassroots environmental activism. In general, there was limited variation in the tactics used, with conventional protest predominating, followed by confrontation and demonstrations, and rarely by violence. Community activists tended to opt more often for confrontational or violent actions than did formal NGOs. The observed patterns are influenced by the changing political and economic opportunity structure associated with economic liberalization, the pattern of newspaper coverage, and the organization of social space.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book is about presidents in parliamentary systems. One commonly recurring political debate within parliamentary systems is over whether or not the public should directly elect the head of state. ...
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This book is about presidents in parliamentary systems. One commonly recurring political debate within parliamentary systems is over whether or not the public should directly elect the head of state. Despite the importance of this topic in practical politics, political scientists have offered little empirical evidence yet made bold assumptions about the consequences of popular elections for heads of state. A common argument is that direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies. Another popular assumption is that direct presidential elections are more heavily contested and partisan, polarizing, and dividing political elites and the electorate. Proponents of direct elections argue that such elections will help decrease voter alienation and apathy. This book challenges the conventional wisdom. Using both quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from democratic systems across the world, this book demonstrates that compared to indirect selection methods, direct elections do not yield more active and contentious presidents, do not polarize political elites or society, and do not remedy political apathy. Rather, presidential activism in both “semi-presidential” and “pure parliamentary” systems is shaped by political opportunity framework—the institutional strength and partisan composition of both parliament and government. Further, because holding the presidency provides parties with an electoral asset, direct and indirect presidential elections can be equally contentious and polarizing. Last, but not least, rather than decreasing apathy, direct election is associated with increased voter fatigue and decreased turnout in parliamentary elections by about seven percentage points.Less
This book is about presidents in parliamentary systems. One commonly recurring political debate within parliamentary systems is over whether or not the public should directly elect the head of state. Despite the importance of this topic in practical politics, political scientists have offered little empirical evidence yet made bold assumptions about the consequences of popular elections for heads of state. A common argument is that direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies. Another popular assumption is that direct presidential elections are more heavily contested and partisan, polarizing, and dividing political elites and the electorate. Proponents of direct elections argue that such elections will help decrease voter alienation and apathy. This book challenges the conventional wisdom. Using both quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from democratic systems across the world, this book demonstrates that compared to indirect selection methods, direct elections do not yield more active and contentious presidents, do not polarize political elites or society, and do not remedy political apathy. Rather, presidential activism in both “semi-presidential” and “pure parliamentary” systems is shaped by political opportunity framework—the institutional strength and partisan composition of both parliament and government. Further, because holding the presidency provides parties with an electoral asset, direct and indirect presidential elections can be equally contentious and polarizing. Last, but not least, rather than decreasing apathy, direct election is associated with increased voter fatigue and decreased turnout in parliamentary elections by about seven percentage points.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Introduction discusses the practical, as well as theoretical, relevance of studying selection mechanisms for heads of state in parliamentary systems. It briefly reviews the relevant ...
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The Introduction discusses the practical, as well as theoretical, relevance of studying selection mechanisms for heads of state in parliamentary systems. It briefly reviews the relevant constitutional debates in a variety of democracies. This chapter then introduces the main concerns with presidential elections: Do direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies? Are direct elections more heavily contested, partisan, polarizing, and divisive? Do direct elections help decrease voter alienation and apathy? This chapter concludes with an overview of the cases and methodologies used throughout this book.Less
The Introduction discusses the practical, as well as theoretical, relevance of studying selection mechanisms for heads of state in parliamentary systems. It briefly reviews the relevant constitutional debates in a variety of democracies. This chapter then introduces the main concerns with presidential elections: Do direct elections enhance presidents' legitimacy thereby increasing their activism and encouraging authoritarian tendencies? Are direct elections more heavily contested, partisan, polarizing, and divisive? Do direct elections help decrease voter alienation and apathy? This chapter concludes with an overview of the cases and methodologies used throughout this book.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter 2 addresses the most critical issue related to selecting heads of state: the extent to which direct elections enhance presidential powers and political involvement. First, it outlines the ...
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Chapter 2 addresses the most critical issue related to selecting heads of state: the extent to which direct elections enhance presidential powers and political involvement. First, it outlines the conventional argument that direct elections influence presidential activism by increasing presidents' legitimacy. Next, this chapter develops an alternative explanation that concrete political opportunity framework, rather than abstract legitimacy, constrains presidents' incentives and opportunities for participating in political processes. Finally, this chapter presents the results of a large-N empirical test of the alternative rival hypotheses, using presidential intervention in the process of cabinet formation to measure political activism. The results corroborate the theory on political opportunity framework, and show that election mechanisms do not affect presidential activism.Less
Chapter 2 addresses the most critical issue related to selecting heads of state: the extent to which direct elections enhance presidential powers and political involvement. First, it outlines the conventional argument that direct elections influence presidential activism by increasing presidents' legitimacy. Next, this chapter develops an alternative explanation that concrete political opportunity framework, rather than abstract legitimacy, constrains presidents' incentives and opportunities for participating in political processes. Finally, this chapter presents the results of a large-N empirical test of the alternative rival hypotheses, using presidential intervention in the process of cabinet formation to measure political activism. The results corroborate the theory on political opportunity framework, and show that election mechanisms do not affect presidential activism.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter continues to evaluate the effect of selection methods on presidential activism with a thorough investigation of countries employing indirect (Estonia, Hungary, Germany) or direct ...
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This chapter continues to evaluate the effect of selection methods on presidential activism with a thorough investigation of countries employing indirect (Estonia, Hungary, Germany) or direct (Austria, Ireland, Poland) presidential elections. Case study analysis allows for the consideration of other aspects of activism in addition to the president's role in cabinet formation, including the use of veto, appointment, and legislative powers; initiation of public debates; and intervention in international affairs. The study of presidential behavior in all six countries reveals significant amount of variance in how actively presidents use these powers among countries with similar election method. The latter, therefore, cannot account for the observed variance. Presidents selected through different processes can either be active or passive depending on whether other institutions provide incentives and opportunities conducive to their activism.Less
This chapter continues to evaluate the effect of selection methods on presidential activism with a thorough investigation of countries employing indirect (Estonia, Hungary, Germany) or direct (Austria, Ireland, Poland) presidential elections. Case study analysis allows for the consideration of other aspects of activism in addition to the president's role in cabinet formation, including the use of veto, appointment, and legislative powers; initiation of public debates; and intervention in international affairs. The study of presidential behavior in all six countries reveals significant amount of variance in how actively presidents use these powers among countries with similar election method. The latter, therefore, cannot account for the observed variance. Presidents selected through different processes can either be active or passive depending on whether other institutions provide incentives and opportunities conducive to their activism.
Avner de‐Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Environmental ethics has been very innovative and has progressed rapidly; however, the price we paid was that it has lost touch with the public and its philosophical needs. de‐Shalit claims that ...
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Environmental ethics has been very innovative and has progressed rapidly; however, the price we paid was that it has lost touch with the public and its philosophical needs. de‐Shalit claims that while all moral reasoning involves a process of reflective equilibrium between intuitions and theory, a distinction should be drawn between ‘private’, ‘contextual’, and ‘public’ modes of reflective equilibrium. Environmental philosophers have used either the first or second mode of reasoning, whereas philosophy that discusses political institutions must adopt a public mode of reflective equilibrium. The latter differs from the other two models in that it weighs both the intuitions and the theories put forward by activists and the general public. This will make environmental philosophy more democratic and political and less engaged in meta‐ethics.Less
Environmental ethics has been very innovative and has progressed rapidly; however, the price we paid was that it has lost touch with the public and its philosophical needs. de‐Shalit claims that while all moral reasoning involves a process of reflective equilibrium between intuitions and theory, a distinction should be drawn between ‘private’, ‘contextual’, and ‘public’ modes of reflective equilibrium. Environmental philosophers have used either the first or second mode of reasoning, whereas philosophy that discusses political institutions must adopt a public mode of reflective equilibrium. The latter differs from the other two models in that it weighs both the intuitions and the theories put forward by activists and the general public. This will make environmental philosophy more democratic and political and less engaged in meta‐ethics.
