David Rueda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216352
- eISBN:
- 9780191712241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216352.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social ...
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The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social democratic governments will defend the interests of labour. The evidence shows that labour has become split into two clearly differentiated constituencies: those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). The book focuses on three policy areas: employment protection (representing the main concern of insiders), and active and passive labour market policies (the main concern of outsiders). The main thrust of the argument is that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit only insiders. The implication of the book's insider-outsider model is that social democratic government is associated with higher levels of employment protection legislation but not with labour market policy. The book also argues that there are factors that can reduce insider-outsider differences and weaken their influence on social democratic governments. These hypotheses are explored through the triangulation of different methodologies. The book provides an analysis of surveys and macrodata and a detailed comparison of three case-studies: Spain, the UK, and the Netherlands.Less
The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social democratic governments will defend the interests of labour. The evidence shows that labour has become split into two clearly differentiated constituencies: those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). The book focuses on three policy areas: employment protection (representing the main concern of insiders), and active and passive labour market policies (the main concern of outsiders). The main thrust of the argument is that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit only insiders. The implication of the book's insider-outsider model is that social democratic government is associated with higher levels of employment protection legislation but not with labour market policy. The book also argues that there are factors that can reduce insider-outsider differences and weaken their influence on social democratic governments. These hypotheses are explored through the triangulation of different methodologies. The book provides an analysis of surveys and macrodata and a detailed comparison of three case-studies: Spain, the UK, and the Netherlands.
John Russell Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195313932
- eISBN:
- 9780199871926
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195313932.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
George Berkeley notoriously claimed that his immaterialist metaphysics was not only consistent with common sense, but that it was also integral to its defense. This book argues that understanding the ...
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George Berkeley notoriously claimed that his immaterialist metaphysics was not only consistent with common sense, but that it was also integral to its defense. This book argues that understanding the basic connection between Berkeley's philosophy and common sense requires a better understanding of the four principle components of Berkeley's positive metaphysics: the nature of being, the divine language thesis, the active/passive distinction, and the nature of spirits. This book begins by focusing on Berkeley's view of the nature of being. It elucidates Berkeley's view on Locke and the Cartesians, and examines Berkeley's views about related concepts such as unity and simplicity. From there, it moves on to Berkeley's philosophy of language, arguing that scrutiny of the famous Introduction to the Principles of Human Knowledge reveals that Berkeley identified the ideational theory of meaning and understanding as the root cause of some of the worst of humanity's intellectual errors, not abstract ideas. Abstract ideas are, rather, the most debilitating symptom of this underlying ailment. In place of the ideational theory, Berkeley defends a rudimentary use theory of meaning. This understanding of Berkeley's approach to semantics is then applied to the divine language thesis and is shown to have important consequences for Berkeley's pragmatic approach to the ontology of natural objects and for his approach to our knowledge of, and relation to, other minds, including God's. Turning next to Berkeley's much maligned account of spirits, the book defends the coherence of Berkeley's view of spirits by way of providing an interpretation of the active/passive distinction as marking a normative distinction and by focusing on the role that divine language plays in letting Berkeley identify the soul with the will. With these four principles of Berkeley's philosophy in hand, the book returns to the topic of common sense and offers a defense of Berkeley's philosophy as built upon, and expressive of, the deepest metaphysical commitments of mainstream Christianity.Less
George Berkeley notoriously claimed that his immaterialist metaphysics was not only consistent with common sense, but that it was also integral to its defense. This book argues that understanding the basic connection between Berkeley's philosophy and common sense requires a better understanding of the four principle components of Berkeley's positive metaphysics: the nature of being, the divine language thesis, the active/passive distinction, and the nature of spirits. This book begins by focusing on Berkeley's view of the nature of being. It elucidates Berkeley's view on Locke and the Cartesians, and examines Berkeley's views about related concepts such as unity and simplicity. From there, it moves on to Berkeley's philosophy of language, arguing that scrutiny of the famous Introduction to the Principles of Human Knowledge reveals that Berkeley identified the ideational theory of meaning and understanding as the root cause of some of the worst of humanity's intellectual errors, not abstract ideas. Abstract ideas are, rather, the most debilitating symptom of this underlying ailment. In place of the ideational theory, Berkeley defends a rudimentary use theory of meaning. This understanding of Berkeley's approach to semantics is then applied to the divine language thesis and is shown to have important consequences for Berkeley's pragmatic approach to the ontology of natural objects and for his approach to our knowledge of, and relation to, other minds, including God's. Turning next to Berkeley's much maligned account of spirits, the book defends the coherence of Berkeley's view of spirits by way of providing an interpretation of the active/passive distinction as marking a normative distinction and by focusing on the role that divine language plays in letting Berkeley identify the soul with the will. With these four principles of Berkeley's philosophy in hand, the book returns to the topic of common sense and offers a defense of Berkeley's philosophy as built upon, and expressive of, the deepest metaphysical commitments of mainstream Christianity.
Zoe Vania Waxman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199541546
- eISBN:
- 9780191709739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541546.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The book concludes by reflecting on the future of testimony. Today survivors are still coming forward to tell their stories, leaving behind not only a record for their children and grandchildren, but ...
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The book concludes by reflecting on the future of testimony. Today survivors are still coming forward to tell their stories, leaving behind not only a record for their children and grandchildren, but evidence for posterity. However, as the events of the Holocaust recede further into the past, it becomes increasingly important to engage in the task of active remembering. Without an understanding of the complex nature of testimony and representation, and a willingness to document fully the lives of witnesses and the diversity of their experiences, it is likely that the Holocaust will remain a dark period of history that is constantly referred to but never fully comprehended or explored.Less
The book concludes by reflecting on the future of testimony. Today survivors are still coming forward to tell their stories, leaving behind not only a record for their children and grandchildren, but evidence for posterity. However, as the events of the Holocaust recede further into the past, it becomes increasingly important to engage in the task of active remembering. Without an understanding of the complex nature of testimony and representation, and a willingness to document fully the lives of witnesses and the diversity of their experiences, it is likely that the Holocaust will remain a dark period of history that is constantly referred to but never fully comprehended or explored.
Peter Taylor-Gooby (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Modern welfare states developed primarily to meet the ‘old social risks’ that confront the mass of the population during a standard industrial life course – retirement pensions, health care services, ...
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Modern welfare states developed primarily to meet the ‘old social risks’ that confront the mass of the population during a standard industrial life course – retirement pensions, health care services, sickness and disability provision. Most analysis of the current wave of reforms focusses on these areas, and tends to emphasise retrenchment, restructuring, and decommodification. This book deals with the ‘new social risks’ that have now emerged alongside old social risks from changes in family life and work patterns – needs for child and elder care, new rights for women in relation to paid work, measures to ease the transition into paid work, particularly for unskilled people, and the problems of social exclusion arising for some groups from policies like pension privatisation. It offers an original approach of the implications for national and EU level social policy‐making and contributes to theoretical work in this area. The detailed national case studies are written by national experts and are based on analysis of policy during the past 15 years and more than 250 interviews with key policy actors. The book is organised in a common framework that enables comparison of the significance of different national welfare state regimes and political institutions.The book shows that (1) The recognition of new social risks and the structuring of policies to meet them are constrained by existing patterns of old social risk provision; (2) The politics of new social risks differs from that of old social risks. Most people are aware of needs in relation to the latter, leading to widespread pressure for more provision. The groups affected by new social risks are smaller, less politically cohesive, and less able to push for change; (3) New social risks policies offer the opportunity for governments to ‘transform vice into virtue’ by expanding the labour force and encouraging previously dependent groups (disabled and unemployed people) into productive work. For this reason, such policies are at the forefront of the EU level welfare reform agenda.Less
Modern welfare states developed primarily to meet the ‘old social risks’ that confront the mass of the population during a standard industrial life course – retirement pensions, health care services, sickness and disability provision. Most analysis of the current wave of reforms focusses on these areas, and tends to emphasise retrenchment, restructuring, and decommodification. This book deals with the ‘new social risks’ that have now emerged alongside old social risks from changes in family life and work patterns – needs for child and elder care, new rights for women in relation to paid work, measures to ease the transition into paid work, particularly for unskilled people, and the problems of social exclusion arising for some groups from policies like pension privatisation. It offers an original approach of the implications for national and EU level social policy‐making and contributes to theoretical work in this area. The detailed national case studies are written by national experts and are based on analysis of policy during the past 15 years and more than 250 interviews with key policy actors. The book is organised in a common framework that enables comparison of the significance of different national welfare state regimes and political institutions.
The book shows that (1) The recognition of new social risks and the structuring of policies to meet them are constrained by existing patterns of old social risk provision; (2) The politics of new social risks differs from that of old social risks. Most people are aware of needs in relation to the latter, leading to widespread pressure for more provision. The groups affected by new social risks are smaller, less politically cohesive, and less able to push for change; (3) New social risks policies offer the opportunity for governments to ‘transform vice into virtue’ by expanding the labour force and encouraging previously dependent groups (disabled and unemployed people) into productive work. For this reason, such policies are at the forefront of the EU level welfare reform agenda.
Peter Taylor-Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
New social risks have emerged in relation to work‐life balance and securing a position in a more flexible labour market across Europe. Policy responses often involve the aspiration of ‘transforming ...
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New social risks have emerged in relation to work‐life balance and securing a position in a more flexible labour market across Europe. Policy responses often involve the aspiration of ‘transforming vice into virtue’ by reducing welfare state spending and at the same time increasing productivity. This is to be achieved by childcare and elder‐care policies and active labour market polices that get more women and unemployed people into paid work. It is difficult for governments and other policy actors to find large groups of voters who support these policies and reform typically involves compromise. However, the new social risk analysis is a corrective to the typical retrenchment analysis of old social risks such as pensions.Less
New social risks have emerged in relation to work‐life balance and securing a position in a more flexible labour market across Europe. Policy responses often involve the aspiration of ‘transforming vice into virtue’ by reducing welfare state spending and at the same time increasing productivity. This is to be achieved by childcare and elder‐care policies and active labour market polices that get more women and unemployed people into paid work. It is difficult for governments and other policy actors to find large groups of voters who support these policies and reform typically involves compromise. However, the new social risk analysis is a corrective to the typical retrenchment analysis of old social risks such as pensions.
Andreas Aust and Frank Bönker
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Analyses developments in Germany and emphasises the way in which the context of a corporatist welfare state settlement and a semi‐sovereign state shapes policy making. Reform is slow and depends on ...
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Analyses developments in Germany and emphasises the way in which the context of a corporatist welfare state settlement and a semi‐sovereign state shapes policy making. Reform is slow and depends on compromises between political actors. At the same time, the structure of old social risks policies pre‐empts available resources and creates powerful constituencies which resist change. Greater political party disagreement on welfare issues in the 1990s and the emergence of a reforming Red–Green coalition were important factors in change.Less
Analyses developments in Germany and emphasises the way in which the context of a corporatist welfare state settlement and a semi‐sovereign state shapes policy making. Reform is slow and depends on compromises between political actors. At the same time, the structure of old social risks policies pre‐empts available resources and creates powerful constituencies which resist change. Greater political party disagreement on welfare issues in the 1990s and the emergence of a reforming Red–Green coalition were important factors in change.
Peter Taylor-Gooby and Trine P. Larsen
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The UK developed an innovative agenda of new social risk policies through the 1980s and 1990s. The Conservative government up to 1997 essentially pursued liberal market reforms with minimal provision ...
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The UK developed an innovative agenda of new social risk policies through the 1980s and 1990s. The Conservative government up to 1997 essentially pursued liberal market reforms with minimal provision for vulnerable minorities. After 1997, new labour developed a programme of work‐life balance and New Deal labour market reforms that represented a change of direction in the UK context. These policies relied heavily on market provision and on market incentives, with a state safety net for those on low incomes, but were more generous than the previous provision and were carefully and consciously structured to enhance work incentives for women with domestic responsibilities and others. They were influential in welfare state debate across Europe and at EU level. Reliance on a private sector, which government cannot directly control, created problems, most notably in childcare, elder care, and pensions. The UK is able to change policy rapidly due to its highly centralised ‘Westminster’ governmental system. Its reform experience has important lessons for other European countries.Less
The UK developed an innovative agenda of new social risk policies through the 1980s and 1990s. The Conservative government up to 1997 essentially pursued liberal market reforms with minimal provision for vulnerable minorities. After 1997, new labour developed a programme of work‐life balance and New Deal labour market reforms that represented a change of direction in the UK context. These policies relied heavily on market provision and on market incentives, with a state safety net for those on low incomes, but were more generous than the previous provision and were carefully and consciously structured to enhance work incentives for women with domestic responsibilities and others. They were influential in welfare state debate across Europe and at EU level. Reliance on a private sector, which government cannot directly control, created problems, most notably in childcare, elder care, and pensions. The UK is able to change policy rapidly due to its highly centralised ‘Westminster’ governmental system. Its reform experience has important lessons for other European countries.
Virpi Timonen
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Nordic welfare states led the way in consolidating new social risk provision through welfare state social care and active labour market policies some two decades ago. Current provision has ...
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Nordic welfare states led the way in consolidating new social risk provision through welfare state social care and active labour market policies some two decades ago. Current provision has successfully resisted threats from the instabilities associated with the end of the Soviet system and globalisation. Key questions now are (1) will it be possible to integrate new poor groups such as migrants and refugees into the system?, and (2) will better‐off groups continue to support the levels of taxation necessary to provide high standards in collective benefits and services?Less
Nordic welfare states led the way in consolidating new social risk provision through welfare state social care and active labour market policies some two decades ago. Current provision has successfully resisted threats from the instabilities associated with the end of the Soviet system and globalisation. Key questions now are (1) will it be possible to integrate new poor groups such as migrants and refugees into the system?, and (2) will better‐off groups continue to support the levels of taxation necessary to provide high standards in collective benefits and services?
Bruno Palier and Christelle Mandin
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
In France, new social risk policies were not highly developed with the exception of the established tradition of childcare. Reforms were initially delayed by the strongly entrenched old social risk ...
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In France, new social risk policies were not highly developed with the exception of the established tradition of childcare. Reforms were initially delayed by the strongly entrenched old social risk system. By the late 1980s, it was accepted across the political spectrum that the existing settlement was not sustainable. New policies with a stronger emphasis on means testing and incentives and on finance through tax rather than social insurance were introduced and these have since become more significant. The emergence of modernising policies in the CFDT trade union and the role played by the employers association MEDEF were important in setting the context for change.Less
In France, new social risk policies were not highly developed with the exception of the established tradition of childcare. Reforms were initially delayed by the strongly entrenched old social risk system. By the late 1980s, it was accepted across the political spectrum that the existing settlement was not sustainable. New policies with a stronger emphasis on means testing and incentives and on finance through tax rather than social insurance were introduced and these have since become more significant. The emergence of modernising policies in the CFDT trade union and the role played by the employers association MEDEF were important in setting the context for change.
Luis Moreno
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Mediterranean welfare states, of which Spain is a major example, have traditionally relied on family support and in particular on the unwaged work of women to provide child and elder care and to ...
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Mediterranean welfare states, of which Spain is a major example, have traditionally relied on family support and in particular on the unwaged work of women to provide child and elder care and to support members who have a weak labour market position. During the 1980s and 1990s, social spending has increased and the regional system has played an important role in driving reform and welfare state expansion. However, greater labour market flexibility and demands on women to work have placed even more stress on the family system.Less
Mediterranean welfare states, of which Spain is a major example, have traditionally relied on family support and in particular on the unwaged work of women to provide child and elder care and to support members who have a weak labour market position. During the 1980s and 1990s, social spending has increased and the regional system has played an important role in driving reform and welfare state expansion. However, greater labour market flexibility and demands on women to work have placed even more stress on the family system.
Bonoli Giuliano
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The Swiss political system stresses compromise, negotiation, and consensus. As a result, collective welfare is relatively undeveloped and much is provided through compulsory occupational provision. ...
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The Swiss political system stresses compromise, negotiation, and consensus. As a result, collective welfare is relatively undeveloped and much is provided through compulsory occupational provision. New social risk provision in relation to childcare and benefits for unemployed people is relatively weak. Reliance on guest‐workers, who can be repatriated during recession, helps to mitigate the pressures from labour market flexibility on the Swiss system. During the past 15 years, the movement of women into paid work and high unemployment (by Swiss standards) have reinforced demands for reform. A number of measures have been put into place, often as a result of cantonal pressures and typically as a result of compromises that offer something to both employers and employees, or to mothers and to right‐wing groups. Further reforms are under discussion.Less
The Swiss political system stresses compromise, negotiation, and consensus. As a result, collective welfare is relatively undeveloped and much is provided through compulsory occupational provision. New social risk provision in relation to childcare and benefits for unemployed people is relatively weak. Reliance on guest‐workers, who can be repatriated during recession, helps to mitigate the pressures from labour market flexibility on the Swiss system. During the past 15 years, the movement of women into paid work and high unemployment (by Swiss standards) have reinforced demands for reform. A number of measures have been put into place, often as a result of cantonal pressures and typically as a result of compromises that offer something to both employers and employees, or to mothers and to right‐wing groups. Further reforms are under discussion.
Sendhil Mullainathan
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305197
- eISBN:
- 9780199783519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305191.003.0025
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
A growing number of researchers are studying how to integrate psychological insights into economic reasoning. In this perspective, people sometimes make bad choices, ones that they themselves would ...
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A growing number of researchers are studying how to integrate psychological insights into economic reasoning. In this perspective, people sometimes make bad choices, ones that they themselves would like to improve on. This perspective is opening up new ideas, such as how good institutions might help people improve their decisions. This essay discusses these insights using a few choice examples. The goal is to provide a glimpse of how radically different policy suggestions might be in 10 or 20 years as the integration of psychology and economics deepens.Less
A growing number of researchers are studying how to integrate psychological insights into economic reasoning. In this perspective, people sometimes make bad choices, ones that they themselves would like to improve on. This perspective is opening up new ideas, such as how good institutions might help people improve their decisions. This essay discusses these insights using a few choice examples. The goal is to provide a glimpse of how radically different policy suggestions might be in 10 or 20 years as the integration of psychology and economics deepens.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage is animated by the fact that the benefits of membership create incentives for states to satisfy the entry requirements, setting the stage for the effectiveness of conditionality within the EU’s pre-accession process. Three characteristics of this process make it particularly powerful: asymmetric interdependence, enforcement, and meritocracy. This chapter explores the origins of the EU’s pre-accession process, unpacks the requirements of membership, and details all of the different tools that enable the EU to exercise conditionality within the process. It compares the EU’s active leverage to the efforts of NATO, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to promote democratic standards and economic reform in Eastern Europe's new democracies.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage is animated by the fact that the benefits of membership create incentives for states to satisfy the entry requirements, setting the stage for the effectiveness of conditionality within the EU’s pre-accession process. Three characteristics of this process make it particularly powerful: asymmetric interdependence, enforcement, and meritocracy. This chapter explores the origins of the EU’s pre-accession process, unpacks the requirements of membership, and details all of the different tools that enable the EU to exercise conditionality within the process. It compares the EU’s active leverage to the efforts of NATO, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to promote democratic standards and economic reform in Eastern Europe's new democracies.
Joseph Pilsner
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286058
- eISBN:
- 9780191603808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286051.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
In order to understand the specification of human action, it is helpful to explore the specification of two other kinds of realities: natural corporeal beings and natural motions. For Aquinas, a ...
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In order to understand the specification of human action, it is helpful to explore the specification of two other kinds of realities: natural corporeal beings and natural motions. For Aquinas, a natural corporeal being is any creature having matter as a constituent, such as a plant or animal; a being of this kind receives its species from its form. A natural motion is any naturally occurring change, such as growing, becoming healthier, or going from one place to another. Aquinas says that any such motion receives its species from both its ‘terminus to which’ and its active principle. These two types of specification are significant for this present study not only because they reveal important information about specification, but also because Aquinas will use them as starting points from which to explain the specification of human action.Less
In order to understand the specification of human action, it is helpful to explore the specification of two other kinds of realities: natural corporeal beings and natural motions. For Aquinas, a natural corporeal being is any creature having matter as a constituent, such as a plant or animal; a being of this kind receives its species from its form. A natural motion is any naturally occurring change, such as growing, becoming healthier, or going from one place to another. Aquinas says that any such motion receives its species from both its ‘terminus to which’ and its active principle. These two types of specification are significant for this present study not only because they reveal important information about specification, but also because Aquinas will use them as starting points from which to explain the specification of human action.
Joseph Pilsner
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286058
- eISBN:
- 9780191603808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286051.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Aquinas asserts that ends specify human actions, and explains this point by comparing human actions with other realities. For example, he maintains that an end is comparable to a form in a natural ...
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Aquinas asserts that ends specify human actions, and explains this point by comparing human actions with other realities. For example, he maintains that an end is comparable to a form in a natural corporeal being (such as a plant or animal), for just as no material creature exists or has a species without a form, no human action can come to be or be of a particular kind unless a human agent wills some definite end. Even more important for Aquinas is a comparison with natural motions (such as changes in place, colour, or size). He thinks that as a subsensory motion is specified by its active principle (the nature from which the motion arises) and its ‘terminus to which’ (the motion’s final resting point), so a human action is specified by its active principle (the rational good or end which attracts the agent) and its ‘terminus to which’ (the action’s arrival at the agent’s intended goal).Less
Aquinas asserts that ends specify human actions, and explains this point by comparing human actions with other realities. For example, he maintains that an end is comparable to a form in a natural corporeal being (such as a plant or animal), for just as no material creature exists or has a species without a form, no human action can come to be or be of a particular kind unless a human agent wills some definite end. Even more important for Aquinas is a comparison with natural motions (such as changes in place, colour, or size). He thinks that as a subsensory motion is specified by its active principle (the nature from which the motion arises) and its ‘terminus to which’ (the motion’s final resting point), so a human action is specified by its active principle (the rational good or end which attracts the agent) and its ‘terminus to which’ (the action’s arrival at the agent’s intended goal).
Eugene V. Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195177299
- eISBN:
- 9780199785537
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195177299.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Students frequently come to classes about new religious movements disinclined to take them seriously as legitimate religions. Borrowing from literature about race and diversity in the classroom and ...
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Students frequently come to classes about new religious movements disinclined to take them seriously as legitimate religions. Borrowing from literature about race and diversity in the classroom and using Peter Elbow's description of methodological doubt and methodological belief as analytical tools, this chapter discusses strategies for overcoming student resistance to taking NRMs seriously as religions. It is argued that the rigorous cultivation of methodological belief as an approach to the study of NRMs offers an effective way to dissipate some negative effects of stereotypes of NRMs and develop adequate descriptions of them. Advocating a rhetorical model of teaching, the chapter provides examples of active learning assignments and offers suggestions about course design that can make the politics of representation of NRMs a continuing topic for class discussions.Less
Students frequently come to classes about new religious movements disinclined to take them seriously as legitimate religions. Borrowing from literature about race and diversity in the classroom and using Peter Elbow's description of methodological doubt and methodological belief as analytical tools, this chapter discusses strategies for overcoming student resistance to taking NRMs seriously as religions. It is argued that the rigorous cultivation of methodological belief as an approach to the study of NRMs offers an effective way to dissipate some negative effects of stereotypes of NRMs and develop adequate descriptions of them. Advocating a rhetorical model of teaching, the chapter provides examples of active learning assignments and offers suggestions about course design that can make the politics of representation of NRMs a continuing topic for class discussions.
Stewart Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195177435
- eISBN:
- 9780199864690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195177435.003.15
- Subject:
- Music, Performing Practice/Studies
This chapter offers advice for performers in dealing with physical challenge, such as short-term illness, long-term infirmity, and aging. Being active for as long as possible and for as much as ...
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This chapter offers advice for performers in dealing with physical challenge, such as short-term illness, long-term infirmity, and aging. Being active for as long as possible and for as much as possible are stressed, as well as maintaining passion for whatever level of performance is possible.Less
This chapter offers advice for performers in dealing with physical challenge, such as short-term illness, long-term infirmity, and aging. Being active for as long as possible and for as much as possible are stressed, as well as maintaining passion for whatever level of performance is possible.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter turns to the social democratic reforms of the 1940s and 1950s, rooted in cross‐class alliances that were ultimately to distinguish Sweden as the world's paragon social democratic welfare ...
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This chapter turns to the social democratic reforms of the 1940s and 1950s, rooted in cross‐class alliances that were ultimately to distinguish Sweden as the world's paragon social democratic welfare state. Looking first at its People's Pension and universal health insurance reforms, it shows how the Social Democratic government assisted organized employers in their efforts against welfare capitalism by relieving pressure on individual firms to use private social benefits to attract and retain labor under the labor scarcity associated with solidarism and strong expansionary macroeconomic pressures. It then looks at Sweden's renowned “active labor market policy” and its controversial pension legislation of 1959 to show how additional social democratic reforms directly served employers’ solidaristic interests in wage restraint, labor mobility, and the rationing of labor made scarce by collectively administered underpricing – all the while preserving capitalist domination of the investment process.Less
This chapter turns to the social democratic reforms of the 1940s and 1950s, rooted in cross‐class alliances that were ultimately to distinguish Sweden as the world's paragon social democratic welfare state. Looking first at its People's Pension and universal health insurance reforms, it shows how the Social Democratic government assisted organized employers in their efforts against welfare capitalism by relieving pressure on individual firms to use private social benefits to attract and retain labor under the labor scarcity associated with solidarism and strong expansionary macroeconomic pressures. It then looks at Sweden's renowned “active labor market policy” and its controversial pension legislation of 1959 to show how additional social democratic reforms directly served employers’ solidaristic interests in wage restraint, labor mobility, and the rationing of labor made scarce by collectively administered underpricing – all the while preserving capitalist domination of the investment process.
Michael Walzer
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The members of greedy communities do not make good citizens because they are only marginally interested in the political community; their sense of the common good is determined mostly by their ...
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The members of greedy communities do not make good citizens because they are only marginally interested in the political community; their sense of the common good is determined mostly by their religious beliefs and not by their membership in or allegiance to the state: some of them refuse, on principle, to declare their allegiance to anything as secular as a state. Immigration is an individual (or familial) decision, a free choice, which represents a break with those Old World communities whose members were, in Sandel’s exact sense, encumbered selves, that is, men and women whose obligations were given; the immigrants, once they have arrived in their new country, do not have obligations in quite the same sense. The more active members of groups (though not of the greediest groups) are also the more active citizens of the republic, the people who come closest to the civic commitment that Sandel wants to encourage–but a substantial part of what they are doing, and they probably understand it this way, is representing particular interests, bargaining for a place on “balanced” tickets, negotiating compromise arrangements, getting as much as they can from the state. Justice is a kind of recognition, and individual men and women who are recognized in their communities and empowered by them may be the most likely citizens of the community of communities.Less
The members of greedy communities do not make good citizens because they are only marginally interested in the political community; their sense of the common good is determined mostly by their religious beliefs and not by their membership in or allegiance to the state: some of them refuse, on principle, to declare their allegiance to anything as secular as a state. Immigration is an individual (or familial) decision, a free choice, which represents a break with those Old World communities whose members were, in Sandel’s exact sense, encumbered selves, that is, men and women whose obligations were given; the immigrants, once they have arrived in their new country, do not have obligations in quite the same sense. The more active members of groups (though not of the greediest groups) are also the more active citizens of the republic, the people who come closest to the civic commitment that Sandel wants to encourage–but a substantial part of what they are doing, and they probably understand it this way, is representing particular interests, bargaining for a place on “balanced” tickets, negotiating compromise arrangements, getting as much as they can from the state. Justice is a kind of recognition, and individual men and women who are recognized in their communities and empowered by them may be the most likely citizens of the community of communities.
Sheri J. Y. Mizumori (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195323245
- eISBN:
- 9780199869268
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323245.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Cognitive Neuroscience
Neuropsychological data and animal research suggest that hippocampus play both a critical role in episodic learning and memory, and an adaptive role during active navigation. Recent studies have ...
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Neuropsychological data and animal research suggest that hippocampus play both a critical role in episodic learning and memory, and an adaptive role during active navigation. Recent studies have attempted to bridge these disparate theories of hippocampal function by emphasizing the role that hippocampal place cells might play in the processing of spatial information that defines situations in which learning occurs. The book evaluates from behavioral, genetic, physiological, computational, and neural systems perspectives the extent to which the study of place-field properties has informed our understanding of the neural mechanisms of hippocampal-dependent memory.Less
Neuropsychological data and animal research suggest that hippocampus play both a critical role in episodic learning and memory, and an adaptive role during active navigation. Recent studies have attempted to bridge these disparate theories of hippocampal function by emphasizing the role that hippocampal place cells might play in the processing of spatial information that defines situations in which learning occurs. The book evaluates from behavioral, genetic, physiological, computational, and neural systems perspectives the extent to which the study of place-field properties has informed our understanding of the neural mechanisms of hippocampal-dependent memory.
