Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their ...
More
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.Less
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.
Jean Charlot
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of ...
More
Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of governments have been frequently ineffective. European leaders have used opinion polls, which are effective in reaching more than the active minorities, to remain in touch with what the electors desire. Between elections, public opinion, as polls reveal it, as the media present, and as the politicians respond to it, exerts increasing pressure on government decision‐making.Less
Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of governments have been frequently ineffective. European leaders have used opinion polls, which are effective in reaching more than the active minorities, to remain in touch with what the electors desire. Between elections, public opinion, as polls reveal it, as the media present, and as the politicians respond to it, exerts increasing pressure on government decision‐making.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Sets the context for this study of the relationship between people and parliament in the European Union and of the problem of participation in European Parliament elections by considering the meaning ...
More
Sets the context for this study of the relationship between people and parliament in the European Union and of the problem of participation in European Parliament elections by considering the meaning of the concepts of democracy and legitimacy as applied to the supranational level of governance. It goes on to examine the second‐order‐election model and concludes that assessment of the value of the model—as an account of the relationship between the citizens and the European Parliament, and as an explanation of turnout in European Parliament elections—depends on the outcome of detailed empirical research on the perceptions and attitudes of European citizens. The chapter provides a very brief overview of the literature on turnout, emphasizing the need to pay attention to both contextual and individual‐level variables. Finally, the chapter deals with methodological aspects of the study and describes the main features of the survey (Eurobarometer 41.1 (1994)) on which the study is based.Less
Sets the context for this study of the relationship between people and parliament in the European Union and of the problem of participation in European Parliament elections by considering the meaning of the concepts of democracy and legitimacy as applied to the supranational level of governance. It goes on to examine the second‐order‐election model and concludes that assessment of the value of the model—as an account of the relationship between the citizens and the European Parliament, and as an explanation of turnout in European Parliament elections—depends on the outcome of detailed empirical research on the perceptions and attitudes of European citizens. The chapter provides a very brief overview of the literature on turnout, emphasizing the need to pay attention to both contextual and individual‐level variables. Finally, the chapter deals with methodological aspects of the study and describes the main features of the survey (Eurobarometer 41.1 (1994)) on which the study is based.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Presents the data on turnout in European Parliament elections and examines the evidence, derived from an open‐ended question in Eurobarometer 41.1, on the reasons abstainers give for not voting. ...
More
Presents the data on turnout in European Parliament elections and examines the evidence, derived from an open‐ended question in Eurobarometer 41.1, on the reasons abstainers give for not voting. Based on this evidence, the chapter develops a distinction between circumstantial and voluntary abstention. The incidence of various sub‐types of each of these forms of abstention is considered. The chapter concludes by presenting a typology of participation/abstention in European Parliament elections that takes account of the distinction between circumstantial and voluntary abstention, and of whether individuals voted in the European Parliament election only or in the most recent national election only, in both, or in neither.Less
Presents the data on turnout in European Parliament elections and examines the evidence, derived from an open‐ended question in Eurobarometer 41.1, on the reasons abstainers give for not voting. Based on this evidence, the chapter develops a distinction between circumstantial and voluntary abstention. The incidence of various sub‐types of each of these forms of abstention is considered. The chapter concludes by presenting a typology of participation/abstention in European Parliament elections that takes account of the distinction between circumstantial and voluntary abstention, and of whether individuals voted in the European Parliament election only or in the most recent national election only, in both, or in neither.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Analyses the trends in support of European integration using the four standard Eurobarometer indicators (dissolution, benefits, membership, and unification). The chapter also examines preferences ...
More
Analyses the trends in support of European integration using the four standard Eurobarometer indicators (dissolution, benefits, membership, and unification). The chapter also examines preferences regarding the scope of European‐level decision‐making, preferences regarding the development of a United States of Europe and satisfaction with democracy at the European and national level. Finally, the chapter examines, on a bivariate basis, the evidence of the relationships (if any) between the variables considered in the chapter and the types of electoral participation/abstention outlined in Ch. 2.Less
Analyses the trends in support of European integration using the four standard Eurobarometer indicators (dissolution, benefits, membership, and unification). The chapter also examines preferences regarding the scope of European‐level decision‐making, preferences regarding the development of a United States of Europe and satisfaction with democracy at the European and national level. Finally, the chapter examines, on a bivariate basis, the evidence of the relationships (if any) between the variables considered in the chapter and the types of electoral participation/abstention outlined in Ch. 2.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Deals with the cognitive dimension of orientations to European integration and the European institutions, focusing on awareness, interest, and knowledge. It concludes by examining the bivariate ...
More
Deals with the cognitive dimension of orientations to European integration and the European institutions, focusing on awareness, interest, and knowledge. It concludes by examining the bivariate relationships between these variables and the types of electoral participation/abstention.Less
Deals with the cognitive dimension of orientations to European integration and the European institutions, focusing on awareness, interest, and knowledge. It concludes by examining the bivariate relationships between these variables and the types of electoral participation/abstention.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Examines perceptions of the power and reliability of the European Parliament and affective images of the Parliament as measured by an open‐ended, likes–dislikes question. As with the previous ...
More
Examines perceptions of the power and reliability of the European Parliament and affective images of the Parliament as measured by an open‐ended, likes–dislikes question. As with the previous chapters, the relationship between such perceptions and images and participation/abstention in European Parliament elections is considered, with particular reference to the implications of the evidence for the second‐order‐election model.Less
Examines perceptions of the power and reliability of the European Parliament and affective images of the Parliament as measured by an open‐ended, likes–dislikes question. As with the previous chapters, the relationship between such perceptions and images and participation/abstention in European Parliament elections is considered, with particular reference to the implications of the evidence for the second‐order‐election model.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Takes up the question of the perceptions of, and attitudes to, parties and candidates in European and national elections. Measures of party differentials and candidate differentials are presented, ...
More
Takes up the question of the perceptions of, and attitudes to, parties and candidates in European and national elections. Measures of party differentials and candidate differentials are presented, and the implications of the evidence for an assessment of the second‐order‐election model are examined. The chapter then deals with the citizens’ experience of the European Parliament election campaign of 1994, distinguishing between active and passive exposure to the campaign. The chapter concludes with an examination of the relationship between the variables considered and participation/abstention.Less
Takes up the question of the perceptions of, and attitudes to, parties and candidates in European and national elections. Measures of party differentials and candidate differentials are presented, and the implications of the evidence for an assessment of the second‐order‐election model are examined. The chapter then deals with the citizens’ experience of the European Parliament election campaign of 1994, distinguishing between active and passive exposure to the campaign. The chapter concludes with an examination of the relationship between the variables considered and participation/abstention.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Examines the cross‐country variations in turnout in European Parliament elections and of variations in the variables associated with turnout. Countries are considered in three groups—high turnout, ...
More
Examines the cross‐country variations in turnout in European Parliament elections and of variations in the variables associated with turnout. Countries are considered in three groups—high turnout, medium turnout, and low turnout countries. Within the groups defined, each of the 12 member states is considered separately, paying due attention to the national, institutional, cultural, and political context.Less
Examines the cross‐country variations in turnout in European Parliament elections and of variations in the variables associated with turnout. Countries are considered in three groups—high turnout, medium turnout, and low turnout countries. Within the groups defined, each of the 12 member states is considered separately, paying due attention to the national, institutional, cultural, and political context.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Having briefly considered the evidence of correlations between demographic characteristics and participation/abstention, Ch. 8 categorizes the large number of potential influences on ...
More
Having briefly considered the evidence of correlations between demographic characteristics and participation/abstention, Ch. 8 categorizes the large number of potential influences on participation/abstention under six headings: institutional and political context, personal characteristics, political attitude, second‐order‐election‐model effects, attitudes to the European Union and the European Parliament, and campaign exposure. On the basis of a number of logistic regressions with the key types of abstention as dependent variables, the analysis leads to five main conclusions. Firstly, some but not all of the contextual variables, usually thought to affect abstention, have a substantial impact. Secondly, the evidence shows that the personal characteristic with the most consistent effect on abstention is age; social class effects appear to be quite limited and the effects of education appears to be, at best, modest. Thirdly, contrary to the findings of previous research, attitudes to the European Union have significant effects on abstention. Fourthly, the second‐order explanation of abstention in European Parliament elections receives little or no support from the evidence; in particular, perceptions indicating a presumed process of second‐order reasoning do not predict voluntary Euro‐specific abstention. Finally, active exposure to the campaign significantly reduces voluntary Euro‐specific abstention.Less
Having briefly considered the evidence of correlations between demographic characteristics and participation/abstention, Ch. 8 categorizes the large number of potential influences on participation/abstention under six headings: institutional and political context, personal characteristics, political attitude, second‐order‐election‐model effects, attitudes to the European Union and the European Parliament, and campaign exposure. On the basis of a number of logistic regressions with the key types of abstention as dependent variables, the analysis leads to five main conclusions. Firstly, some but not all of the contextual variables, usually thought to affect abstention, have a substantial impact. Secondly, the evidence shows that the personal characteristic with the most consistent effect on abstention is age; social class effects appear to be quite limited and the effects of education appears to be, at best, modest. Thirdly, contrary to the findings of previous research, attitudes to the European Union have significant effects on abstention. Fourthly, the second‐order explanation of abstention in European Parliament elections receives little or no support from the evidence; in particular, perceptions indicating a presumed process of second‐order reasoning do not predict voluntary Euro‐specific abstention. Finally, active exposure to the campaign significantly reduces voluntary Euro‐specific abstention.
Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott, and Palle Svensson
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293088
- eISBN:
- 9780191598814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293089.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Summarizes the findings presented in the preceding chapters. Interpretation of the implications of these findings focuses on the distinction between the facilitation and the mobilization of electoral ...
More
Summarizes the findings presented in the preceding chapters. Interpretation of the implications of these findings focuses on the distinction between the facilitation and the mobilization of electoral participation, taking into account the different contexts created by different types of democratic governance and specifically by the type of governance embodied in the European Union. In terms of facilitating participation in European Parliament elections, the chapter concludes that turnout could be increased by addressing the problem of the day of the week on which voting takes place, the problems of registration and use of voting cards that arise in certain countries, and problems arising from the timing of the election in mid‐June. In terms of mobilizing participation in European elections, the book concludes that, rather than relying on the kind of transformational institutional change that would see European Parliament elections providing a mandate to govern Europe, what is needed is a series of piecemeal and specific approaches. Effective mobilization of voters in European Parliament elections will require painstaking efforts to inform European citizens and to persuade them of the value of the process of European governance and of the significance of the European‐level issues involved. Voter mobilization is enhanced by active exposure to the campaign but it will also require a strengthening of the image of the Parliament in the minds of the citizens and, through higher profile activity by MEPs during inter‐election periods, an improvement in people's perceptions of the capacity of the Parliament to look after the interests of the citizens.Less
Summarizes the findings presented in the preceding chapters. Interpretation of the implications of these findings focuses on the distinction between the facilitation and the mobilization of electoral participation, taking into account the different contexts created by different types of democratic governance and specifically by the type of governance embodied in the European Union. In terms of facilitating participation in European Parliament elections, the chapter concludes that turnout could be increased by addressing the problem of the day of the week on which voting takes place, the problems of registration and use of voting cards that arise in certain countries, and problems arising from the timing of the election in mid‐June. In terms of mobilizing participation in European elections, the book concludes that, rather than relying on the kind of transformational institutional change that would see European Parliament elections providing a mandate to govern Europe, what is needed is a series of piecemeal and specific approaches. Effective mobilization of voters in European Parliament elections will require painstaking efforts to inform European citizens and to persuade them of the value of the process of European governance and of the significance of the European‐level issues involved. Voter mobilization is enhanced by active exposure to the campaign but it will also require a strengthening of the image of the Parliament in the minds of the citizens and, through higher profile activity by MEPs during inter‐election periods, an improvement in people's perceptions of the capacity of the Parliament to look after the interests of the citizens.
Sydney D. Bailey and Sam Daws
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280736
- eISBN:
- 9780191598746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280734.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Looks at voting at the UN Security Council. The introduction makes the point that a proposal (or draft resolution) may be submitted by any member/s of the Council (known as the sponsor or ...
More
Looks at voting at the UN Security Council. The introduction makes the point that a proposal (or draft resolution) may be submitted by any member/s of the Council (known as the sponsor or co‐sponsors), and that a member of the UN who is not a member of the Council may also submit a proposal, but it will only be put to the vote at the request of a Council member. A procedural motion or draft resolution may be withdrawn at any time as long as no vote has been taken on it, unless it has more than one sponsor, in which case a vote may be required. The first two sections of the chapter discuss procedural motions and substantive decisions, and the next section discusses the veto (as implied by Article 27 of the Charter), and includes tables giving details of all vetoes cast from 1946 to mid 1997. The following two sections discuss the double veto (examples are given) and the ‘hidden veto’, and the remaining sections discuss abstentions (with examples), absence, non‐participation in the vote, consensus and unanimity (details are tabulated of Council resolutions adopted ‘without a vote’ or ‘by consensus’), and when decisions are binding.Less
Looks at voting at the UN Security Council. The introduction makes the point that a proposal (or draft resolution) may be submitted by any member/s of the Council (known as the sponsor or co‐sponsors), and that a member of the UN who is not a member of the Council may also submit a proposal, but it will only be put to the vote at the request of a Council member. A procedural motion or draft resolution may be withdrawn at any time as long as no vote has been taken on it, unless it has more than one sponsor, in which case a vote may be required. The first two sections of the chapter discuss procedural motions and substantive decisions, and the next section discusses the veto (as implied by Article 27 of the Charter), and includes tables giving details of all vetoes cast from 1946 to mid 1997. The following two sections discuss the double veto (examples are given) and the ‘hidden veto’, and the remaining sections discuss abstentions (with examples), absence, non‐participation in the vote, consensus and unanimity (details are tabulated of Council resolutions adopted ‘without a vote’ or ‘by consensus’), and when decisions are binding.
MARC BRODIE
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270552
- eISBN:
- 9780191710254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270552.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Social History
The progressive vote in some areas of the East End often fell well short of its potential. But of course voter abstention by itself could not deliver a seat to an opponent. The Conservatives still ...
More
The progressive vote in some areas of the East End often fell well short of its potential. But of course voter abstention by itself could not deliver a seat to an opponent. The Conservatives still collected a large number of votes in these areas. The arguments above do not deny that factors such as an interest in ‘sectional’ benefits, and the impact of a range of political issues, could gather working class support for Conservatives in the East End. It is difficult to determine the precise effect of any such individual concerns. This chapter suggests that it remains more important to look at the overall milieu of voters in understanding their motivations, and that the ‘occupational’ assumptions made by many historians regarding politics in the East End have been much too simple.Less
The progressive vote in some areas of the East End often fell well short of its potential. But of course voter abstention by itself could not deliver a seat to an opponent. The Conservatives still collected a large number of votes in these areas. The arguments above do not deny that factors such as an interest in ‘sectional’ benefits, and the impact of a range of political issues, could gather working class support for Conservatives in the East End. It is difficult to determine the precise effect of any such individual concerns. This chapter suggests that it remains more important to look at the overall milieu of voters in understanding their motivations, and that the ‘occupational’ assumptions made by many historians regarding politics in the East End have been much too simple.
Jason Brennan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154442
- eISBN:
- 9781400842094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154442.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This introductory chapter provides an overview of voting ethics. Voting is the principal way that citizens influence the quality of government. As such, individual voters have moral obligations ...
More
This introductory chapter provides an overview of voting ethics. Voting is the principal way that citizens influence the quality of government. As such, individual voters have moral obligations concerning how they vote. Indeed, how individuals vote can help or harm people. Electoral outcomes can lead to a bad government, which can exploit the minority for the benefit of the majority. This book argues that citizens must vote well or abstain instead. Voters ought to vote for what they justifiedly believe promotes the common good. Even if many voters intend to promote the common good, they all too often lack sufficient evidence to justify the beliefs they advocate. When they do vote, they pollute democracy with their votes and make it more likely that people will have to suffer from bad governance.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of voting ethics. Voting is the principal way that citizens influence the quality of government. As such, individual voters have moral obligations concerning how they vote. Indeed, how individuals vote can help or harm people. Electoral outcomes can lead to a bad government, which can exploit the minority for the benefit of the majority. This book argues that citizens must vote well or abstain instead. Voters ought to vote for what they justifiedly believe promotes the common good. Even if many voters intend to promote the common good, they all too often lack sufficient evidence to justify the beliefs they advocate. When they do vote, they pollute democracy with their votes and make it more likely that people will have to suffer from bad governance.
Jason Brennan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154442
- eISBN:
- 9781400842094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154442.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter studies and rebuts a variety of objections to the argument that hold that abstention involves a loss of autonomy for the individual. Some might see abstention as a violation of autonomy. ...
More
This chapter studies and rebuts a variety of objections to the argument that hold that abstention involves a loss of autonomy for the individual. Some might see abstention as a violation of autonomy. To abstain means to cede political judgment to others and to give up one's own independent judgment. The chapter argues against this. First, deferring to others does not always involve a troubling loss of autonomy. Second, the idea that voting gives the voter significant autonomy or control is implausible anyway. So long as one has an equal right to vote, choosing not to vote can be an autonomous act, a way of expressing one's will that the best outcome be achieved.Less
This chapter studies and rebuts a variety of objections to the argument that hold that abstention involves a loss of autonomy for the individual. Some might see abstention as a violation of autonomy. To abstain means to cede political judgment to others and to give up one's own independent judgment. The chapter argues against this. First, deferring to others does not always involve a troubling loss of autonomy. Second, the idea that voting gives the voter significant autonomy or control is implausible anyway. So long as one has an equal right to vote, choosing not to vote can be an autonomous act, a way of expressing one's will that the best outcome be achieved.
Paul Davies and Mark Freedland
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199217878
- eISBN:
- 9780191712326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217878.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Employment Law
This introductory chapter argues that the period under review in the book saw the emergence of a dominant new concern for labour legislation and regulation policy, namely, promoting a flexible labour ...
More
This introductory chapter argues that the period under review in the book saw the emergence of a dominant new concern for labour legislation and regulation policy, namely, promoting a flexible labour market. That policy replaced the one which had informed much of the post-war period (that of ‘collective laissez-faire’ or ‘abstention’ of labour law from the regulation of industrial and employment relations) and that which, more recently, had animated the governments of Mrs Thatcher, namely, the reduction of union power.Less
This introductory chapter argues that the period under review in the book saw the emergence of a dominant new concern for labour legislation and regulation policy, namely, promoting a flexible labour market. That policy replaced the one which had informed much of the post-war period (that of ‘collective laissez-faire’ or ‘abstention’ of labour law from the regulation of industrial and employment relations) and that which, more recently, had animated the governments of Mrs Thatcher, namely, the reduction of union power.
Carol Lasser
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199585489
- eISBN:
- 9780191728969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585489.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter distinguishes between anti-slavery arguments developed by dissenting women in Britain and America between the 1790s and the 1850s. While women on both sides of the Atlantic asserted the ...
More
This chapter distinguishes between anti-slavery arguments developed by dissenting women in Britain and America between the 1790s and the 1850s. While women on both sides of the Atlantic asserted the propriety of their intervention in anti-slavery discourse, British women working in the tradition of rational dissent began, in the 1790s, by arguing that abstention from the consumption of slave-made goods would have an economic impact that would undermine the profitability of slavery and thus bring about its demise. American women instead emphasized their concerns with moral purification to which their abstention would testify, thereby setting a religious example for the necessary conversion that would speed the ending of slavery. Ultimately, the sentimentalization of women's anti-slavery discourse dominated, leaving behind the economic arguments of the early rational dissenters.Less
This chapter distinguishes between anti-slavery arguments developed by dissenting women in Britain and America between the 1790s and the 1850s. While women on both sides of the Atlantic asserted the propriety of their intervention in anti-slavery discourse, British women working in the tradition of rational dissent began, in the 1790s, by arguing that abstention from the consumption of slave-made goods would have an economic impact that would undermine the profitability of slavery and thus bring about its demise. American women instead emphasized their concerns with moral purification to which their abstention would testify, thereby setting a religious example for the necessary conversion that would speed the ending of slavery. Ultimately, the sentimentalization of women's anti-slavery discourse dominated, leaving behind the economic arguments of the early rational dissenters.
Daron Shaw and John Petrocik
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- December 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190089450
- eISBN:
- 9780190089498
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190089450.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book refutes the widely held convention that high turnout in national elections advantages Democratic candidates while low turnout helps Republicans. It examines over fifty years of ...
More
This book refutes the widely held convention that high turnout in national elections advantages Democratic candidates while low turnout helps Republicans. It examines over fifty years of presidential, gubernatorial, Senate, and House election data to show there is no consistent partisan effect associated with turnout. The overall relationship between the partisan vote and turnout for these offices is uncorrelated. Most significant, there is no observable party bias to turnout when each office or seat is examined through time. In some states, across the decades, gubernatorial and senatorial contests show a pro-Democratic bias to turnout; in others an increase in turnout helps Republicans. The pattern repeats for House elections during the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, 2000s, and through the 2010s. The analysis demonstrates that, within the range that turnout varies in American elections, it is the participation and abstention of easily influenced, less engaged citizens—peripheral voters—that move the outcome between the parties. These voters are the most influenced when the short-term forces of the election—differential candidate appeal, issues, scandals, and so forth—help the parties. Since these influences advantage Republicans as often as Democrats, the oscillation in turnout that coincides with pro-GOP and pro-Democratic forces leaves turnout rates inconsequential overall. The connections between short-term forces and the election cycle dominate the inconsistent partisan effects of turnout.Less
This book refutes the widely held convention that high turnout in national elections advantages Democratic candidates while low turnout helps Republicans. It examines over fifty years of presidential, gubernatorial, Senate, and House election data to show there is no consistent partisan effect associated with turnout. The overall relationship between the partisan vote and turnout for these offices is uncorrelated. Most significant, there is no observable party bias to turnout when each office or seat is examined through time. In some states, across the decades, gubernatorial and senatorial contests show a pro-Democratic bias to turnout; in others an increase in turnout helps Republicans. The pattern repeats for House elections during the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, 2000s, and through the 2010s. The analysis demonstrates that, within the range that turnout varies in American elections, it is the participation and abstention of easily influenced, less engaged citizens—peripheral voters—that move the outcome between the parties. These voters are the most influenced when the short-term forces of the election—differential candidate appeal, issues, scandals, and so forth—help the parties. Since these influences advantage Republicans as often as Democrats, the oscillation in turnout that coincides with pro-GOP and pro-Democratic forces leaves turnout rates inconsequential overall. The connections between short-term forces and the election cycle dominate the inconsistent partisan effects of turnout.
LARRY ALEXANDER
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199264063
- eISBN:
- 9780191718304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264063.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter discusses views regarding freedom of expression. It determines the scope of freedom of expression, and discusses freedom of expression on Track Two. It explains that the Track Two ...
More
This chapter discusses views regarding freedom of expression. It determines the scope of freedom of expression, and discusses freedom of expression on Track Two. It explains that the Track Two analysis is a violation of the First Amendment. The chapter also discusses the regulator's purpose in regulating conduct, including within freedom of expression all conduct that is restricted for the purpose of affecting the messages that audiences receive. It investigates the ways in which the messages in content regulations directly cause harm. It provides a brief discussion of Track Three: the government speech and subsidies of approved expression. It presents a footnote on private regulation of speech and freedom of expression, and examines the philosophical foundations of freedom of expression that are liberalism, epistemic abstention, and rule-consequentialism. The chapter adds a topic regarding the governmental fallibility, democracy, and the right to speak the truth.Less
This chapter discusses views regarding freedom of expression. It determines the scope of freedom of expression, and discusses freedom of expression on Track Two. It explains that the Track Two analysis is a violation of the First Amendment. The chapter also discusses the regulator's purpose in regulating conduct, including within freedom of expression all conduct that is restricted for the purpose of affecting the messages that audiences receive. It investigates the ways in which the messages in content regulations directly cause harm. It provides a brief discussion of Track Three: the government speech and subsidies of approved expression. It presents a footnote on private regulation of speech and freedom of expression, and examines the philosophical foundations of freedom of expression that are liberalism, epistemic abstention, and rule-consequentialism. The chapter adds a topic regarding the governmental fallibility, democracy, and the right to speak the truth.
Catherine Bromley
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748622467
- eISBN:
- 9780748672028
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748622467.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Voting in elections held in Scotland, as well as those across the United Kingdom, has fallen dramatically in recent years. When invited to participate in the Scottish Parliament's first ever ...
More
Voting in elections held in Scotland, as well as those across the United Kingdom, has fallen dramatically in recent years. When invited to participate in the Scottish Parliament's first ever democratic election in 1999, just 58 per cent took up the opportunity. Although these turnout levels were historically low, they all shared one redeeming feature: more people voted in them than did not. In the second Scottish Parliament election in 2003, however, this was not the case. With a turnout of just 49 per cent, abstention (even if only by a very small margin) was the act of the majority. This chapter explains why people did not vote in the 2003 election and why turnout was even lower in 2003 than in 1999. In particular, it examines whether the decline in voter turnout between 1999 and 2003 was a reflection of the electorate's rather lukewarm evaluations of four years of devolution or whether it was simply the result of wider trends that are helping to depress turnout at all elections.Less
Voting in elections held in Scotland, as well as those across the United Kingdom, has fallen dramatically in recent years. When invited to participate in the Scottish Parliament's first ever democratic election in 1999, just 58 per cent took up the opportunity. Although these turnout levels were historically low, they all shared one redeeming feature: more people voted in them than did not. In the second Scottish Parliament election in 2003, however, this was not the case. With a turnout of just 49 per cent, abstention (even if only by a very small margin) was the act of the majority. This chapter explains why people did not vote in the 2003 election and why turnout was even lower in 2003 than in 1999. In particular, it examines whether the decline in voter turnout between 1999 and 2003 was a reflection of the electorate's rather lukewarm evaluations of four years of devolution or whether it was simply the result of wider trends that are helping to depress turnout at all elections.
