David Benatar
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199296422
- eISBN:
- 9780191712005
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296422.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book argues for a number of related, highly provocative views: (i) coming into existence is always a serious harm; (ii) procreation is always wrong; (iii) it is wrong not to abort foetuses at ...
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This book argues for a number of related, highly provocative views: (i) coming into existence is always a serious harm; (ii) procreation is always wrong; (iii) it is wrong not to abort foetuses at the earlier stages of gestation; and (iv) it would be better if, as a result of there being no new people, humanity became extinct. Although these conclusions are antagonistic to common and deeply held intuitions, the book argues that these intuitions are unreliable and thus cannot be used to refute it's grim-sounding conclusions.Less
This book argues for a number of related, highly provocative views: (i) coming into existence is always a serious harm; (ii) procreation is always wrong; (iii) it is wrong not to abort foetuses at the earlier stages of gestation; and (iv) it would be better if, as a result of there being no new people, humanity became extinct. Although these conclusions are antagonistic to common and deeply held intuitions, the book argues that these intuitions are unreliable and thus cannot be used to refute it's grim-sounding conclusions.
Debra L. Dodson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198296744
- eISBN:
- 9780191603709
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296746.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
When the 1994 elections gave control of Congress to a conservative, Christian Coalition-dominated, Republican majority, what some had over-optimistically touted as a critical mass of women became a ...
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When the 1994 elections gave control of Congress to a conservative, Christian Coalition-dominated, Republican majority, what some had over-optimistically touted as a critical mass of women became a token group, notwithstanding a slight increase in numbers. Nowhere was that more evident than in the ability of that new Republican majority to re-define the agenda, raising new issues (Partial Birth Abortion Ban) and challenging seemingly non-controversial, bipartisan, well-established programs (funding for the Title X Family Planning program and international family planning programs). The continued evidence of the gender gap in prochoice support, along with the critical role played by the shrinking cohort of prochoice Republican women in challenging their leadership’s anti-reproductive rights agenda, reinforce the importance of increasing descriptive representation. Nevertheless, the gendered roles assumed by a growing vocal cohort of female Republican reproductive rights opponents, reluctance by some ostensibly prochoice Republican women to challenge their leadership, a shrinking gender gap in prochoice support within Congress, and the frustrations of those who attempted to fight these often futile battles, all highlight the critical role that institutional environments, increased ideological diversity among women, and extra-institutional forces play in shaping the probabilistic relationship between descriptive and substantive representation, in strengthening or weakening perceptions of legitimacy surrounding gender difference, and in defining and redefining the meaning of substantive representation of women and realizing the potential for difference. These case studies explore gender differences in perspectives of reproductive rights opponents, provide insight into the value of bipartisan support for reproductive rights policy agendas (despite Republicans being less prochoice than Democrats), and point to the important role of women voters in maintaining bipartisan support and political resolve.Less
When the 1994 elections gave control of Congress to a conservative, Christian Coalition-dominated, Republican majority, what some had over-optimistically touted as a critical mass of women became a token group, notwithstanding a slight increase in numbers. Nowhere was that more evident than in the ability of that new Republican majority to re-define the agenda, raising new issues (Partial Birth Abortion Ban) and challenging seemingly non-controversial, bipartisan, well-established programs (funding for the Title X Family Planning program and international family planning programs). The continued evidence of the gender gap in prochoice support, along with the critical role played by the shrinking cohort of prochoice Republican women in challenging their leadership’s anti-reproductive rights agenda, reinforce the importance of increasing descriptive representation. Nevertheless, the gendered roles assumed by a growing vocal cohort of female Republican reproductive rights opponents, reluctance by some ostensibly prochoice Republican women to challenge their leadership, a shrinking gender gap in prochoice support within Congress, and the frustrations of those who attempted to fight these often futile battles, all highlight the critical role that institutional environments, increased ideological diversity among women, and extra-institutional forces play in shaping the probabilistic relationship between descriptive and substantive representation, in strengthening or weakening perceptions of legitimacy surrounding gender difference, and in defining and redefining the meaning of substantive representation of women and realizing the potential for difference. These case studies explore gender differences in perspectives of reproductive rights opponents, provide insight into the value of bipartisan support for reproductive rights policy agendas (despite Republicans being less prochoice than Democrats), and point to the important role of women voters in maintaining bipartisan support and political resolve.
N. Ann Davis, Richard Keshen, and Jeff McMahan (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195325195
- eISBN:
- 9780199776412
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325195.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, General
This book pays to tribute to Jonathan Glover, a pioneering figure whose thought and personal influence have had a significant impact on applied philosophy. In topics that include genetic engineering, ...
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This book pays to tribute to Jonathan Glover, a pioneering figure whose thought and personal influence have had a significant impact on applied philosophy. In topics that include genetic engineering, abortion, euthanasia, war, and moral responsibility, Glover has made seminal contributions. The chapters here, written by contemporary moral philosophers, address topics to which Glover has contributed, with particular emphasis on problems of conflict discussed in his book, Humanity: A Moral History of the Twentieth Century. There are also testaments to the influence Glover has had on colleagues, students, and friends. Glover himself contributes a series of fine replies, which constitute an important addition to his published work.Less
This book pays to tribute to Jonathan Glover, a pioneering figure whose thought and personal influence have had a significant impact on applied philosophy. In topics that include genetic engineering, abortion, euthanasia, war, and moral responsibility, Glover has made seminal contributions. The chapters here, written by contemporary moral philosophers, address topics to which Glover has contributed, with particular emphasis on problems of conflict discussed in his book, Humanity: A Moral History of the Twentieth Century. There are also testaments to the influence Glover has had on colleagues, students, and friends. Glover himself contributes a series of fine replies, which constitute an important addition to his published work.
David DeGrazia
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195389630
- eISBN:
- 9780199949731
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195389630.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Philosophy of Science
The ethics of creating—or declining to create—people has been addressed in several contexts: debates over abortion and embryo research; literature on “self-creation”; discussions of procreative ...
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The ethics of creating—or declining to create—people has been addressed in several contexts: debates over abortion and embryo research; literature on “self-creation”; discussions of procreative rights and responsibilities, genetic engineering, and future generations. Here, for the first time, is a sustained, scholarly analysis of all of these issues—a discussion combining breadth of topics with philosophical depth, imagination with current scientific understanding, argumentative rigor with accessibility. The overarching aim of this book is to illuminate a broad array of issues connected with reproduction and genetics, through the lens of moral philosophy. With novel frameworks for understanding prenatal moral status and human identity, and exceptional fairness to those holding different views, the author sheds new light on the ethics of abortion and embryo research, genetic enhancement and prenatal genetic interventions, procreation and parenting, as well as decisions that affect the quality of life of future generations. Along the way, he helpfully introduces personal identity theory and value theory as well as such complex topics as moral status, wrongful life, and the “nonidentity problem.” The results include a subjective account of human well-being, a standard for responsible procreation and parenting, and a theoretical bridge between consequentialist and nonconsequentialist ethical theories. The upshot is a synoptic, mostly liberal vision of the ethics of creating human beings.Less
The ethics of creating—or declining to create—people has been addressed in several contexts: debates over abortion and embryo research; literature on “self-creation”; discussions of procreative rights and responsibilities, genetic engineering, and future generations. Here, for the first time, is a sustained, scholarly analysis of all of these issues—a discussion combining breadth of topics with philosophical depth, imagination with current scientific understanding, argumentative rigor with accessibility. The overarching aim of this book is to illuminate a broad array of issues connected with reproduction and genetics, through the lens of moral philosophy. With novel frameworks for understanding prenatal moral status and human identity, and exceptional fairness to those holding different views, the author sheds new light on the ethics of abortion and embryo research, genetic enhancement and prenatal genetic interventions, procreation and parenting, as well as decisions that affect the quality of life of future generations. Along the way, he helpfully introduces personal identity theory and value theory as well as such complex topics as moral status, wrongful life, and the “nonidentity problem.” The results include a subjective account of human well-being, a standard for responsible procreation and parenting, and a theoretical bridge between consequentialist and nonconsequentialist ethical theories. The upshot is a synoptic, mostly liberal vision of the ethics of creating human beings.
Jean C. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy ...
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The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.Less
The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.
Dorothy McBride Stetson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to ...
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Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to turn back the 1967 reform, putting movement activists in a position to defend the law on the books, and little opportunity to seek greater rights for women with respect to the abortion decisions. With occasional help of women's policy agencies, the women's movement actors were successful in defending legal abortion through the 1990s. The key to their success was the openness of the policy process through private member bills in parliament and commitment of feminist MPs in the Labour party.Less
Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to turn back the 1967 reform, putting movement activists in a position to defend the law on the books, and little opportunity to seek greater rights for women with respect to the abortion decisions. With occasional help of women's policy agencies, the women's movement actors were successful in defending legal abortion through the 1990s. The key to their success was the openness of the policy process through private member bills in parliament and commitment of feminist MPs in the Labour party.
Celia Valiente
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. ...
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After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. Facing intense opposition, the government allowed abortions only for ethical, eugenic, and therapeutic conditions. For the women's movement, abortion reform was a top priority, but activists were not heard directly, and had to settle for this moderate legalization. When the Ministry of Health sought to add further restrictions through a cumbersome set of committees and regulations, the women's movement had a women's policy agency inside the bureaucracy as an ally. The agency intervened to facilitate women's access to abortion services and thus helped the movement gain a successful response from the state.Less
After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. Facing intense opposition, the government allowed abortions only for ethical, eugenic, and therapeutic conditions. For the women's movement, abortion reform was a top priority, but activists were not heard directly, and had to settle for this moderate legalization. When the Ministry of Health sought to add further restrictions through a cumbersome set of committees and regulations, the women's movement had a women's policy agency inside the bureaucracy as an ally. The agency intervened to facilitate women's access to abortion services and thus helped the movement gain a successful response from the state.
Dorothy McBride Stetson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion ...
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This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion politics, including how abortion reform came to the public agenda, which institutions are responsible for abortion policy, and the pattern of conflict. In the second section, the summary of frames of the abortion debates show policy makers eventually incorporating gendered ideas that promote the status, rights, and autonomy of women, leading in most cases to increased substantive and descriptive representation of women. The third section shows that most women's movements have been unified in support of women's abortion rights, but have not achieved their full demands. The fourth section reports comparative findings testing the five hypotheses of the state feminist theory, and showing conditions under which states’ women's policy agencies have helped women's movement activists achieve feminist policy and participation goals.Less
This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion politics, including how abortion reform came to the public agenda, which institutions are responsible for abortion policy, and the pattern of conflict. In the second section, the summary of frames of the abortion debates show policy makers eventually incorporating gendered ideas that promote the status, rights, and autonomy of women, leading in most cases to increased substantive and descriptive representation of women. The third section shows that most women's movements have been unified in support of women's abortion rights, but have not achieved their full demands. The fourth section reports comparative findings testing the five hypotheses of the state feminist theory, and showing conditions under which states’ women's policy agencies have helped women's movement activists achieve feminist policy and participation goals.
Fred Feldman
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195089288
- eISBN:
- 9780199852963
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195089288.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
Presenting a discussion of classic philosophical questions surrounding death, this book investigates the great metaphysical and moral problems of death. The first part argues that a definition of ...
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Presenting a discussion of classic philosophical questions surrounding death, this book investigates the great metaphysical and moral problems of death. The first part argues that a definition of life is necessary before death can be defined. It maintains that death is a conceptual mystery—it cannot be defined as the cessation of life, or in any other similar way. After an exploration of several of the most plausible accounts of the nature of life and death and a demonstration of their failure, a conceptual scheme involving life, death, existence, personality, and related concepts emerges from the book's analysis. The second part returns to ethical and value-theoretical questions about death. Addressing the ancient Epicurean ethical problems about the evil of death, it argues that death can be a great evil for those who die, even if they do not exist after death, because it may deprive them of the goods they would have enjoyed had they continued to live. After formulating principles that purport to evaluate the badness (or goodness) of death, the book concludes with a novel consequentialist theory about the morality of killing, applying it to such thorny practical issues as abortion, suicide, and euthanasia.Less
Presenting a discussion of classic philosophical questions surrounding death, this book investigates the great metaphysical and moral problems of death. The first part argues that a definition of life is necessary before death can be defined. It maintains that death is a conceptual mystery—it cannot be defined as the cessation of life, or in any other similar way. After an exploration of several of the most plausible accounts of the nature of life and death and a demonstration of their failure, a conceptual scheme involving life, death, existence, personality, and related concepts emerges from the book's analysis. The second part returns to ethical and value-theoretical questions about death. Addressing the ancient Epicurean ethical problems about the evil of death, it argues that death can be a great evil for those who die, even if they do not exist after death, because it may deprive them of the goods they would have enjoyed had they continued to live. After formulating principles that purport to evaluate the badness (or goodness) of death, the book concludes with a novel consequentialist theory about the morality of killing, applying it to such thorny practical issues as abortion, suicide, and euthanasia.
Robert Wuthnow
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159898
- eISBN:
- 9781400852116
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159898.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Tracing the intersection of religion, race, and power in Texas from Reconstruction through the rise of the Religious Right and the failed presidential bid of Governor Rick Perry, this book ...
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Tracing the intersection of religion, race, and power in Texas from Reconstruction through the rise of the Religious Right and the failed presidential bid of Governor Rick Perry, this book illuminates American history since the Civil War in new ways, demonstrating that Texas's story is also America's. In particular, the book shows how distinctions between “us” and “them” are perpetuated and why they are so often shaped by religion and politics. Early settlers called Texas a rough country. Surviving there necessitated defining evil, fighting it, and building institutions in the hope of advancing civilization. Religion played a decisive role. Today, more evangelical Protestants live in Texas than in any other state. They have influenced every presidential election for fifty years, mobilized powerful efforts against abortion and same-sex marriage, and been a driving force in the Tea Party movement. And religion has always been complicated by race and ethnicity. The book tells the stories of ordinary men and women who struggled with the conditions they faced, conformed to the customs they knew, and on occasion emerged as powerful national leaders. We see the lasting imprint of slavery, public executions, Jim Crow segregation, and resentment against the federal government. We also observe courageous efforts to care for the sick, combat lynching, provide for the poor, welcome new immigrants, and uphold liberty of conscience.Less
Tracing the intersection of religion, race, and power in Texas from Reconstruction through the rise of the Religious Right and the failed presidential bid of Governor Rick Perry, this book illuminates American history since the Civil War in new ways, demonstrating that Texas's story is also America's. In particular, the book shows how distinctions between “us” and “them” are perpetuated and why they are so often shaped by religion and politics. Early settlers called Texas a rough country. Surviving there necessitated defining evil, fighting it, and building institutions in the hope of advancing civilization. Religion played a decisive role. Today, more evangelical Protestants live in Texas than in any other state. They have influenced every presidential election for fifty years, mobilized powerful efforts against abortion and same-sex marriage, and been a driving force in the Tea Party movement. And religion has always been complicated by race and ethnicity. The book tells the stories of ordinary men and women who struggled with the conditions they faced, conformed to the customs they knew, and on occasion emerged as powerful national leaders. We see the lasting imprint of slavery, public executions, Jim Crow segregation, and resentment against the federal government. We also observe courageous efforts to care for the sick, combat lynching, provide for the poor, welcome new immigrants, and uphold liberty of conscience.
Thomas Lundmark
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195368727
- eISBN:
- 9780199867530
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368727.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This book provides a coherent, readily accessible analysis of the tensions inherent in American constitutional law between the governing body and the governed. It is, in short, about democratic ...
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This book provides a coherent, readily accessible analysis of the tensions inherent in American constitutional law between the governing body and the governed. It is, in short, about democratic government and its citizens. Government possesses power. Citizens enjoy rights that protect them against untoward exercises of this power. All exercises of governmental power are traceable to, and legitimated by, the people, making them democratic. This book combines both an analytic framework for understanding constitutional law as well as excerpts from seminal Supreme Court decisions on controversial topics, such as the President's war powers, the impeachment of President Clinton, civil rights legislation, gun control, free speech, freedom of religion, abortion, and school desegregation. The book covers the major constitutional doctrines, including the enumeration of powers, executive immunity, the jurisdictional “Cases or Controversies” requirement for federal courts, and the “Political Question” doctrine. The so-called levels of scrutiny applied to impingements on constitutional rights are explained and illustrated in their application. For ease of understanding and study, constitutional rights are subsumed under the concepts of liberty and equality. Liberty rights can usefully be thought of as individual rights. They include the “fundamental rights” recognized by the Constitution and by the Supreme Court, such as freedom of speech and the right of privacy. Equality rights are those enjoyed as a member of a protected group. According to reigning doctrine, the protected groups are known as “suspect” and “quasi-suspect” classes. Racial classifications, for example, belong to the former group; gender classifications, to the latter.Less
This book provides a coherent, readily accessible analysis of the tensions inherent in American constitutional law between the governing body and the governed. It is, in short, about democratic government and its citizens. Government possesses power. Citizens enjoy rights that protect them against untoward exercises of this power. All exercises of governmental power are traceable to, and legitimated by, the people, making them democratic. This book combines both an analytic framework for understanding constitutional law as well as excerpts from seminal Supreme Court decisions on controversial topics, such as the President's war powers, the impeachment of President Clinton, civil rights legislation, gun control, free speech, freedom of religion, abortion, and school desegregation. The book covers the major constitutional doctrines, including the enumeration of powers, executive immunity, the jurisdictional “Cases or Controversies” requirement for federal courts, and the “Political Question” doctrine. The so-called levels of scrutiny applied to impingements on constitutional rights are explained and illustrated in their application. For ease of understanding and study, constitutional rights are subsumed under the concepts of liberty and equality. Liberty rights can usefully be thought of as individual rights. They include the “fundamental rights” recognized by the Constitution and by the Supreme Court, such as freedom of speech and the right of privacy. Equality rights are those enjoyed as a member of a protected group. According to reigning doctrine, the protected groups are known as “suspect” and “quasi-suspect” classes. Racial classifications, for example, belong to the former group; gender classifications, to the latter.
Mary Briody Mahowald
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195176179
- eISBN:
- 9780199786558
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195176170.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
Cases illustrating variables relevant to women’s choices about contraception, sterilization, and abortion are presented. With regard to abortion, these include duration of gestation, condition of the ...
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Cases illustrating variables relevant to women’s choices about contraception, sterilization, and abortion are presented. With regard to abortion, these include duration of gestation, condition of the fetus, methods of termination, availability and cost of the procedure, medical risks to the woman or potential child, capacity for parenting, responsibilities based on relationships to others, and different positions about the moral status of the fetus. For each topic, empirical and theoretical factors are discussed from an egalitarian perspective that privileges women’s standpoint vis-à-vis men’s not only on grounds of nondominance but also on grounds that women, not men, are directly affected by pregnancy.Less
Cases illustrating variables relevant to women’s choices about contraception, sterilization, and abortion are presented. With regard to abortion, these include duration of gestation, condition of the fetus, methods of termination, availability and cost of the procedure, medical risks to the woman or potential child, capacity for parenting, responsibilities based on relationships to others, and different positions about the moral status of the fetus. For each topic, empirical and theoretical factors are discussed from an egalitarian perspective that privileges women’s standpoint vis-à-vis men’s not only on grounds of nondominance but also on grounds that women, not men, are directly affected by pregnancy.
Philippa Foot
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199252862
- eISBN:
- 9780191597435
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252866.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This collection of essays, written between 1957 and 1977, contains discussions of the moral philosophy of David Hume, Immanuel Kant, Friedrich Nietzsche, and some modern philosophers. It presents ...
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This collection of essays, written between 1957 and 1977, contains discussions of the moral philosophy of David Hume, Immanuel Kant, Friedrich Nietzsche, and some modern philosophers. It presents virtues and vices rather than rights and duties as the central concepts in moral philosophy. Throughout, the author rejects contemporary anti‐ naturalistic moral philosophies such as emotivism and prescriptivism, but defends the view that moral judgements may be hypothetical rather than (as Kant thought) categorical imperatives. The author also applies her moral philosophy to the current debates on euthanasia and abortion, the latter discussed in relation to the doctrine of the double effect. She argues against the suggestion, on the part of A. J. Ayer and others, that free will actually requires determinism. In a final essay, she asks whether the concept of moral approval can be understood except against a particular background of social practices.Less
This collection of essays, written between 1957 and 1977, contains discussions of the moral philosophy of David Hume, Immanuel Kant, Friedrich Nietzsche, and some modern philosophers. It presents virtues and vices rather than rights and duties as the central concepts in moral philosophy. Throughout, the author rejects contemporary anti‐ naturalistic moral philosophies such as emotivism and prescriptivism, but defends the view that moral judgements may be hypothetical rather than (as Kant thought) categorical imperatives. The author also applies her moral philosophy to the current debates on euthanasia and abortion, the latter discussed in relation to the doctrine of the double effect. She argues against the suggestion, on the part of A. J. Ayer and others, that free will actually requires determinism. In a final essay, she asks whether the concept of moral approval can be understood except against a particular background of social practices.
Jeff Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195371932
- eISBN:
- 9780199870967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195371932.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Buddhism
This chapter describes the situation of mizuko kuyō in Japan, the country of its origin. A common but also contested rite, mizuko kuyō has been used by Japanese male Buddhist priests as a way to ...
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This chapter describes the situation of mizuko kuyō in Japan, the country of its origin. A common but also contested rite, mizuko kuyō has been used by Japanese male Buddhist priests as a way to condemn promiscuous women and make money, while women have sought relief from symptoms believed to originate in spirit attacks and to reestablish ties broken by abortion. Despite widespread disapproval of abortion in Japan, it remains a common practice, and there are no serious movements to outlaw it. This chapter also provides a brief history of the relationship of abortion and religion in America. Abortion was initially outlawed for medical, rather than religious, reasons, but since its re-legalization in 1973, abortion has become a key issue of American religion and politics. Finally, methods used in this study are discussed.Less
This chapter describes the situation of mizuko kuyō in Japan, the country of its origin. A common but also contested rite, mizuko kuyō has been used by Japanese male Buddhist priests as a way to condemn promiscuous women and make money, while women have sought relief from symptoms believed to originate in spirit attacks and to reestablish ties broken by abortion. Despite widespread disapproval of abortion in Japan, it remains a common practice, and there are no serious movements to outlaw it. This chapter also provides a brief history of the relationship of abortion and religion in America. Abortion was initially outlawed for medical, rather than religious, reasons, but since its re-legalization in 1973, abortion has become a key issue of American religion and politics. Finally, methods used in this study are discussed.
Jeff Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195371932
- eISBN:
- 9780199870967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195371932.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Buddhism
This chapter discusses how Catholics, Evangelicals, feminists, and other non-Buddhists have rhetorically appropriated mizuko kuyō in the various battles of the American cultural wars, especially ...
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This chapter discusses how Catholics, Evangelicals, feminists, and other non-Buddhists have rhetorically appropriated mizuko kuyō in the various battles of the American cultural wars, especially abortion. Pro-life advocates have actively disseminated information about mizuko kuyō as a way of proving that post-abortion trauma is a universal phenomenon and of demonstrating that they care about women, not just fetuses. Pro-choice activists have pointed to mizuko kuyō as proof that religion doesn’t need to condemn abortion and that ritual, rather than legal, means can be used to deal with abortion’s effects on society. This points to the need for a new category in the historiography of American Buddhism: Buddhist appropriators, who are non-Buddhists that strategically employ selected elements of Buddhism for their own purposes, thus contributing in often unrecognized ways to the Americanization of Buddhism.Less
This chapter discusses how Catholics, Evangelicals, feminists, and other non-Buddhists have rhetorically appropriated mizuko kuyō in the various battles of the American cultural wars, especially abortion. Pro-life advocates have actively disseminated information about mizuko kuyō as a way of proving that post-abortion trauma is a universal phenomenon and of demonstrating that they care about women, not just fetuses. Pro-choice activists have pointed to mizuko kuyō as proof that religion doesn’t need to condemn abortion and that ritual, rather than legal, means can be used to deal with abortion’s effects on society. This points to the need for a new category in the historiography of American Buddhism: Buddhist appropriators, who are non-Buddhists that strategically employ selected elements of Buddhism for their own purposes, thus contributing in often unrecognized ways to the Americanization of Buddhism.
Jeff Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195371932
- eISBN:
- 9780199870967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195371932.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Buddhism
This chapter examines the reason why many non-Buddhist Americans are appropriating mizuko kuyō rituals as a form of healing, either for themselves in the wake of pregnancy loss or for the nation as a ...
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This chapter examines the reason why many non-Buddhist Americans are appropriating mizuko kuyō rituals as a form of healing, either for themselves in the wake of pregnancy loss or for the nation as a whole during a time of deep cultural division. Pro-life advocates, pro-choice advocates, Christians, Jews, Pagans, feminists, and other groups have all discussed mizuko kuyō as evidence that American society is lacking in certain important ways when compared to Japan. Some have gone so far as to seek out mizuko kuyō at Buddhist temples either in America or Japan, or to hold their own mizuko kuyō rituals privately. Others seem to experience healing just by learning about mizuko kuyō, which gives them a new religious idiom and framework with which to talk about and conceptualize their pregnancy losses. It is possible that Buddhism will become a preferred provider of post-abortion and post-miscarriage services to non-Buddhists in America.Less
This chapter examines the reason why many non-Buddhist Americans are appropriating mizuko kuyō rituals as a form of healing, either for themselves in the wake of pregnancy loss or for the nation as a whole during a time of deep cultural division. Pro-life advocates, pro-choice advocates, Christians, Jews, Pagans, feminists, and other groups have all discussed mizuko kuyō as evidence that American society is lacking in certain important ways when compared to Japan. Some have gone so far as to seek out mizuko kuyō at Buddhist temples either in America or Japan, or to hold their own mizuko kuyō rituals privately. Others seem to experience healing just by learning about mizuko kuyō, which gives them a new religious idiom and framework with which to talk about and conceptualize their pregnancy losses. It is possible that Buddhism will become a preferred provider of post-abortion and post-miscarriage services to non-Buddhists in America.
Laurie Shrage
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195153095
- eISBN:
- 9780199870615
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515309X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book argues that Roe v. Wade's six‐month time span for abortion “on demand” polarized the American public, and obscured alternatives that could have gained broad public support. As ...
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This book argues that Roe v. Wade's six‐month time span for abortion “on demand” polarized the American public, and obscured alternatives that could have gained broad public support. As a result, a predictable bureaucratic backlash to legal abortion has ensued that has placed legal abortion services out of reach for women who are poor, young, or live far from urban centers. Explores the origins of Roe's regulatory scheme and demonstrates that it resulted from concerns that have considerably less relevance in today's medical context. Endorses regulatory guidelines, first proposed by the American Bar Association in 1972, which would give states more flexibility in setting the time span for unrestricted abortion. Argues that the standard civil liberty defenses of abortion (i.e. privacy, involuntary servitude, self‐defense, religious freedom) offer better support for these guidelines than for Roe’s scheme, and that a time span for nontherapeutic abortions shorter than six months can both protect women's interests and advance important public interests. The book also critiques the individualism of “pro‐choice” post‐Roe abortion rights campaigns for failing to articulate how women's reproductive options depend on access to public services and resources and not only on being let alone. Urges reproductive rights activists to emphasize the interconnections both between social responsibility and respect for human life, and between the Samaritan obligations of pregnant women and those of other citizens. Explores feminist artwork on abortion to extrapolate tools for refocusing the abortion debate on these issues and for contesting the extremist tactics of the “pro‐life” movement.Less
This book argues that Roe v. Wade's six‐month time span for abortion “on demand” polarized the American public, and obscured alternatives that could have gained broad public support. As a result, a predictable bureaucratic backlash to legal abortion has ensued that has placed legal abortion services out of reach for women who are poor, young, or live far from urban centers. Explores the origins of Roe's regulatory scheme and demonstrates that it resulted from concerns that have considerably less relevance in today's medical context. Endorses regulatory guidelines, first proposed by the American Bar Association in 1972, which would give states more flexibility in setting the time span for unrestricted abortion. Argues that the standard civil liberty defenses of abortion (i.e. privacy, involuntary servitude, self‐defense, religious freedom) offer better support for these guidelines than for Roe’s scheme, and that a time span for nontherapeutic abortions shorter than six months can both protect women's interests and advance important public interests. The book also critiques the individualism of “pro‐choice” post‐Roe abortion rights campaigns for failing to articulate how women's reproductive options depend on access to public services and resources and not only on being let alone. Urges reproductive rights activists to emphasize the interconnections both between social responsibility and respect for human life, and between the Samaritan obligations of pregnant women and those of other citizens. Explores feminist artwork on abortion to extrapolate tools for refocusing the abortion debate on these issues and for contesting the extremist tactics of the “pro‐life” movement.
Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195308532
- eISBN:
- 9780199785728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195308532.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Since 1989, church and state have tried to impose on the society their views of morality by extolling the virtues of the traditional family and by condemning homosexuality and abortion as dangerous ...
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Since 1989, church and state have tried to impose on the society their views of morality by extolling the virtues of the traditional family and by condemning homosexuality and abortion as dangerous practices threatening the very existence of the Romanian nation. The parliamentary debates on lifting the ban on homosexual behavior and on legalizing abortion have proved illustrative of the tension between church and state, and of the churches’ efforts to influence the legislative vote occasionally by persuasion and at times by condemnation.Less
Since 1989, church and state have tried to impose on the society their views of morality by extolling the virtues of the traditional family and by condemning homosexuality and abortion as dangerous practices threatening the very existence of the Romanian nation. The parliamentary debates on lifting the ban on homosexual behavior and on legalizing abortion have proved illustrative of the tension between church and state, and of the churches’ efforts to influence the legislative vote occasionally by persuasion and at times by condemnation.
L. J Zigerell and Heather Marie Rice
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151458
- eISBN:
- 9781400840298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151458.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter investigates a new set of measures of attitudes about abortion policy. It argues that the standard ANES battery violates several principles of good question wording and also fails to ...
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This chapter investigates a new set of measures of attitudes about abortion policy. It argues that the standard ANES battery violates several principles of good question wording and also fails to take into account the timing of abortion, which is a central element of American law and current discourse. Strikingly different conclusions about the electorate's views about abortion emerge in the comparison of the standard and new items: whereas the traditional item indicates that a majority of Americans are opposed to abortion in all circumstances, or support it only in the limited rape–incest–life options, the new items suggest a symmetry in abortion attitudes, with as many Americans supporting the extreme pro-choice as the extreme pro-life options.Less
This chapter investigates a new set of measures of attitudes about abortion policy. It argues that the standard ANES battery violates several principles of good question wording and also fails to take into account the timing of abortion, which is a central element of American law and current discourse. Strikingly different conclusions about the electorate's views about abortion emerge in the comparison of the standard and new items: whereas the traditional item indicates that a majority of Americans are opposed to abortion in all circumstances, or support it only in the limited rape–incest–life options, the new items suggest a symmetry in abortion attitudes, with as many Americans supporting the extreme pro-choice as the extreme pro-life options.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ronald Reagan’s religious convictions were crucial to his understanding of the world and performance as president, but few scholars have provided substantive analysis of his faith and its impact on ...
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Ronald Reagan’s religious convictions were crucial to his understanding of the world and performance as president, but few scholars have provided substantive analysis of his faith and its impact on his policies during his tenure in the White House. Although the circumstances of Reagan’s life and the seeming inconsistencies between his beliefs and his practices make his faith difficult to explain, it appears to have been genuine, very meaningful to him, and essential to his political philosophy. Reagan firmly believed and often declared that God intended America to be a beacon of hope, faith, freedom, and democracy — “a city on the hill”. Reagan was deeply influenced by his godly mother, Nelle, and raised in the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ). Reagan’s firm belief that God had a plan for his life was fortified by his survival of an assassination attempt in March 1981. In many addresses, proclamations, letters, and private conversations, Reagan stressed his faith in God and prayer, the inspiration of the Bible, and the divinity of Jesus. Numerous leaders of the religious right were troubled by his infrequent church attendance and his wife’s interest in astrology. Although historians debate the nature of Reagan’s personal faith, they concur that he used religious rhetoric, discussed religious themes, and spoke to religious groups more than any other 20th-century president. Religion played a very important role in Reagan’s 1984 reelection campaign. Reagan’s personal life was not a paragon of evangelical piety, but his worldview was strongly shaped by his understanding of biblical teaching. His faith affected many of his policies, most notably his endeavors to curb abortion, pass a school prayer amendment, secure tuition tax credits, and oppose communism.Less
Ronald Reagan’s religious convictions were crucial to his understanding of the world and performance as president, but few scholars have provided substantive analysis of his faith and its impact on his policies during his tenure in the White House. Although the circumstances of Reagan’s life and the seeming inconsistencies between his beliefs and his practices make his faith difficult to explain, it appears to have been genuine, very meaningful to him, and essential to his political philosophy. Reagan firmly believed and often declared that God intended America to be a beacon of hope, faith, freedom, and democracy — “a city on the hill”. Reagan was deeply influenced by his godly mother, Nelle, and raised in the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ). Reagan’s firm belief that God had a plan for his life was fortified by his survival of an assassination attempt in March 1981. In many addresses, proclamations, letters, and private conversations, Reagan stressed his faith in God and prayer, the inspiration of the Bible, and the divinity of Jesus. Numerous leaders of the religious right were troubled by his infrequent church attendance and his wife’s interest in astrology. Although historians debate the nature of Reagan’s personal faith, they concur that he used religious rhetoric, discussed religious themes, and spoke to religious groups more than any other 20th-century president. Religion played a very important role in Reagan’s 1984 reelection campaign. Reagan’s personal life was not a paragon of evangelical piety, but his worldview was strongly shaped by his understanding of biblical teaching. His faith affected many of his policies, most notably his endeavors to curb abortion, pass a school prayer amendment, secure tuition tax credits, and oppose communism.
