Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the wake of the Second World War that wreaked havoc on the European Jewish Diaspora, the stage was set for drastic change in the Zionist movement and in its positions and tactics. The members of ...
More
In the wake of the Second World War that wreaked havoc on the European Jewish Diaspora, the stage was set for drastic change in the Zionist movement and in its positions and tactics. The members of the Zionist movement expected that such change would emerge in the preparations for and in the course of the World Zionist Congress, scheduled for Basle in December 1946. The Twenty-Second World Zionist Congress opened in a singularly gloomy atmosphere. Although hundreds of thousands of Jews throughout the world had joined the Zionist movement in the aftermath of the Holocaust, so that the number of registered members had almost reached the two-million mark, there was no escape from the sense of tremendous loss cast over the congress by the missing European Jewish communities and by the many thousands of members and Zionist leaders who had perished in the Holocaust. Throughout the entire Congress, the controversy over tactics was inextricably entwined with the struggle for prestige and position, especially that of the presidency of the Zionist movement, with the majority of the Yishuv's Mapai delegates supporting Ben–Gurion's attempt to demote Weizmann to the post of honorary president, which the ageing ‘chief’ immediately declined.Less
In the wake of the Second World War that wreaked havoc on the European Jewish Diaspora, the stage was set for drastic change in the Zionist movement and in its positions and tactics. The members of the Zionist movement expected that such change would emerge in the preparations for and in the course of the World Zionist Congress, scheduled for Basle in December 1946. The Twenty-Second World Zionist Congress opened in a singularly gloomy atmosphere. Although hundreds of thousands of Jews throughout the world had joined the Zionist movement in the aftermath of the Holocaust, so that the number of registered members had almost reached the two-million mark, there was no escape from the sense of tremendous loss cast over the congress by the missing European Jewish communities and by the many thousands of members and Zionist leaders who had perished in the Holocaust. Throughout the entire Congress, the controversy over tactics was inextricably entwined with the struggle for prestige and position, especially that of the presidency of the Zionist movement, with the majority of the Yishuv's Mapai delegates supporting Ben–Gurion's attempt to demote Weizmann to the post of honorary president, which the ageing ‘chief’ immediately declined.
Derek J. Penslar
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691138879
- eISBN:
- 9781400848577
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691138879.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter demonstrates the effect of the mobilization of ideas and manpower on the Zionist movement during the two world wars as well as a smaller international conflict that adumbrated World War ...
More
This chapter demonstrates the effect of the mobilization of ideas and manpower on the Zionist movement during the two world wars as well as a smaller international conflict that adumbrated World War II. During World War I, the Zionist movement sponsored the formation of Jewish units for the British armed forces, and although these units' military accomplishments were modest, they had a galvanizing effect on Jewish collective solidarity throughout the western world. A very different type of international mobilization sent thousands of Jews into the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. Ideologically, these wars were perceived as serving Jewish interests, albeit often conflicting ones such as Zionism, on the one hand, and international socialism, on the other. Operationally, these were, for Jews, international conflicts, involving mass movements of Jews not only as refugees or inducted soldiers but also as volunteer fighters.Less
This chapter demonstrates the effect of the mobilization of ideas and manpower on the Zionist movement during the two world wars as well as a smaller international conflict that adumbrated World War II. During World War I, the Zionist movement sponsored the formation of Jewish units for the British armed forces, and although these units' military accomplishments were modest, they had a galvanizing effect on Jewish collective solidarity throughout the western world. A very different type of international mobilization sent thousands of Jews into the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. Ideologically, these wars were perceived as serving Jewish interests, albeit often conflicting ones such as Zionism, on the one hand, and international socialism, on the other. Operationally, these were, for Jews, international conflicts, involving mass movements of Jews not only as refugees or inducted soldiers but also as volunteer fighters.
Ritchie Robertson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199248889
- eISBN:
- 9780191697784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248889.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This chapter turns to what historians have recently called ‘dissimilation’, the affirmation of Jewishness in response to an unwelcoming society. It inquires into new ways of being Jewish and ...
More
This chapter turns to what historians have recently called ‘dissimilation’, the affirmation of Jewishness in response to an unwelcoming society. It inquires into new ways of being Jewish and reinventing Jewish identity: the rediscovery and revaluation of the traditional Jewish communities of eastern Europe; the notion that the Jew was really an Oriental and hence endowed quite differently from the Europeans among whom he was stranded; and finally the Zionist movement, typified by Theodor Herzl, which sought to solve the Jewish question by transporting the Jews to a new, or old, home in the East.Less
This chapter turns to what historians have recently called ‘dissimilation’, the affirmation of Jewishness in response to an unwelcoming society. It inquires into new ways of being Jewish and reinventing Jewish identity: the rediscovery and revaluation of the traditional Jewish communities of eastern Europe; the notion that the Jew was really an Oriental and hence endowed quite differently from the Europeans among whom he was stranded; and finally the Zionist movement, typified by Theodor Herzl, which sought to solve the Jewish question by transporting the Jews to a new, or old, home in the East.
Peter Krause
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501708558
- eISBN:
- 9781501712678
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501708558.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter explains how, after decades of fragmentation and the inability to secure statehood, a Zionist population that owned 7 percent of the Palestine Mandate and represented 37 percent of its ...
More
This chapter explains how, after decades of fragmentation and the inability to secure statehood, a Zionist population that owned 7 percent of the Palestine Mandate and represented 37 percent of its population was given 55 percent of the territory by the United Nations and then proceeded to defeat a Palestinian national movement that was backed by a population twice as large that controlled more territory, held the high ground, and was supported by significant armies from five neighboring Arab states. It presents evidence that reinforces the virtues of hegemony because the movement achieved victory when it was hegemonic (1942–1949), after failing to achieve independence while fragmented in the previous decades. It also demonstrates that “the balance is greater than the sum of its parts” because the dominant hegemon, Haganah, sunk a massive, much-needed arms shipment rather than allow its content and the associated credit to go to a potential Zionist challenger.Less
This chapter explains how, after decades of fragmentation and the inability to secure statehood, a Zionist population that owned 7 percent of the Palestine Mandate and represented 37 percent of its population was given 55 percent of the territory by the United Nations and then proceeded to defeat a Palestinian national movement that was backed by a population twice as large that controlled more territory, held the high ground, and was supported by significant armies from five neighboring Arab states. It presents evidence that reinforces the virtues of hegemony because the movement achieved victory when it was hegemonic (1942–1949), after failing to achieve independence while fragmented in the previous decades. It also demonstrates that “the balance is greater than the sum of its parts” because the dominant hegemon, Haganah, sunk a massive, much-needed arms shipment rather than allow its content and the associated credit to go to a potential Zionist challenger.
Gabriel Sheffer
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198279945
- eISBN:
- 9780191684326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198279945.003.0034
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Moshe Sharett belongs to the category of forgotten leaders. For about thirty years, from the mid-1930s to the mid-1960s, he influenced the internal development and especially foreign relations of the ...
More
Moshe Sharett belongs to the category of forgotten leaders. For about thirty years, from the mid-1930s to the mid-1960s, he influenced the internal development and especially foreign relations of the Jewish community in Palestine, the Zionist movement, and later the State of Israel. He left behind a wealth of written materials in the form of a rich correspondence, numerous memoranda that can easily be found in the major archives in Israel and abroad, hundreds of transcripts of great speeches, a number of books, not to mention vastly informative and brilliantly written political and personal diaries. Nevertheless, for most Israelis, for younger Jews in the Diaspora, for the general public outside Israel, and also for many scholars, he still remains in a giant shadow, or, one might say, in a giant's shadow, that of his older, more charismatic, and aggressive colleague, Ben–Gurion. In retrospect it seems that Sharett's main political misfortune was that he lived and worked side by side with a leader of the calibre of Ben–Gurion. Indeed, many observers of Israeli politics, including those who have sympathized with Sharett's ideas and policies, have difficulties in specifically defining and evaluating his significant contributions, as well as his unique qualities as a leader, in comparison with his arch-rival, the greatly admired Ben–Gurion. The result is that while in reality Sharett did not act within Ben–Gurion's vast shadow, both his achievements and legacy have been overshadowed by those of his elder colleague and rival.Less
Moshe Sharett belongs to the category of forgotten leaders. For about thirty years, from the mid-1930s to the mid-1960s, he influenced the internal development and especially foreign relations of the Jewish community in Palestine, the Zionist movement, and later the State of Israel. He left behind a wealth of written materials in the form of a rich correspondence, numerous memoranda that can easily be found in the major archives in Israel and abroad, hundreds of transcripts of great speeches, a number of books, not to mention vastly informative and brilliantly written political and personal diaries. Nevertheless, for most Israelis, for younger Jews in the Diaspora, for the general public outside Israel, and also for many scholars, he still remains in a giant shadow, or, one might say, in a giant's shadow, that of his older, more charismatic, and aggressive colleague, Ben–Gurion. In retrospect it seems that Sharett's main political misfortune was that he lived and worked side by side with a leader of the calibre of Ben–Gurion. Indeed, many observers of Israeli politics, including those who have sympathized with Sharett's ideas and policies, have difficulties in specifically defining and evaluating his significant contributions, as well as his unique qualities as a leader, in comparison with his arch-rival, the greatly admired Ben–Gurion. The result is that while in reality Sharett did not act within Ben–Gurion's vast shadow, both his achievements and legacy have been overshadowed by those of his elder colleague and rival.
Bill Williams
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719085499
- eISBN:
- 9781781703311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719085499.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, Social History
In 1933, the Zionist movement in Manchester was already fifty years old. The first Manchester Jewish organisation to promote the colonisation of what was then Ottoman Palestine was founded in 1884, ...
More
In 1933, the Zionist movement in Manchester was already fifty years old. The first Manchester Jewish organisation to promote the colonisation of what was then Ottoman Palestine was founded in 1884, the first body seeking the creation of a Jewish state in 1896. By 1900, the community had generated twelve Zionist formations, representing most facets of the international Zionist movement. Manchester became the home of the Russian émigré, Chaim Weizmann, already a leading player on the international Zionist scene formed the ‘Manchester School’ of Zionists which Weizmann gathered around him during his Manchester years. This group included young men and women—Simon Marks, Israel Sieff, Leon Simon, Harry Sacher, Harry Dagut, and Rebecca Sieff—who were to become key figures amongst the leaders and publicists of British Zionism. It was with their backing that Weizmann was able to negotiate the Balfour Declaration.Less
In 1933, the Zionist movement in Manchester was already fifty years old. The first Manchester Jewish organisation to promote the colonisation of what was then Ottoman Palestine was founded in 1884, the first body seeking the creation of a Jewish state in 1896. By 1900, the community had generated twelve Zionist formations, representing most facets of the international Zionist movement. Manchester became the home of the Russian émigré, Chaim Weizmann, already a leading player on the international Zionist scene formed the ‘Manchester School’ of Zionists which Weizmann gathered around him during his Manchester years. This group included young men and women—Simon Marks, Israel Sieff, Leon Simon, Harry Sacher, Harry Dagut, and Rebecca Sieff—who were to become key figures amongst the leaders and publicists of British Zionism. It was with their backing that Weizmann was able to negotiate the Balfour Declaration.
Daniel Kupfert Heller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174754
- eISBN:
- 9781400888627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174754.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This introductory chapter provides a background of the Betar youth movement in Poland in the 1930s. Like dozens of Zionist youth movements operating in the country at the time, Betar promised to ...
More
This introductory chapter provides a background of the Betar youth movement in Poland in the 1930s. Like dozens of Zionist youth movements operating in the country at the time, Betar promised to prepare its members for a new life in the Yishuv—the Jewish community of prestate Palestine—by providing vocational training, Hebrew classes, and lessons in Jewish history. What set Betar apart was its commitment to the military training of Jewish youth, as well as its support of several prominent policies of the European Right. They deemed rifles, not ploughs or shovels, to be the most important tools to fulfill Zionism's goals. Like the vast majority of Zionist activists between the two world wars, Betar's leader, Vladimir Jabotinsky, sought to capture the hearts and minds of Jews living in Poland. His Union of Revisionist Zionists, founded in 1925, would go on to become one of the most popular Zionist organizations in the interwar period.Less
This introductory chapter provides a background of the Betar youth movement in Poland in the 1930s. Like dozens of Zionist youth movements operating in the country at the time, Betar promised to prepare its members for a new life in the Yishuv—the Jewish community of prestate Palestine—by providing vocational training, Hebrew classes, and lessons in Jewish history. What set Betar apart was its commitment to the military training of Jewish youth, as well as its support of several prominent policies of the European Right. They deemed rifles, not ploughs or shovels, to be the most important tools to fulfill Zionism's goals. Like the vast majority of Zionist activists between the two world wars, Betar's leader, Vladimir Jabotinsky, sought to capture the hearts and minds of Jews living in Poland. His Union of Revisionist Zionists, founded in 1925, would go on to become one of the most popular Zionist organizations in the interwar period.
Hillel Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520252219
- eISBN:
- 9780520933989
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520252219.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Inspired by stories he heard in the West Bank as a child, the author of this biook uncovers here a hidden history central to the narrative of the Israel-Palestine conflict but for the most part ...
More
Inspired by stories he heard in the West Bank as a child, the author of this biook uncovers here a hidden history central to the narrative of the Israel-Palestine conflict but for the most part willfully ignored until now. This book was initially published in Israel to high acclaim and intense controversy and tells the story of Arabs who, from the very beginning of the Arab-Israeli encounter, sided with the Zionists and aided them politically, economically, and in security matters. Based on newly declassified documents and research in Zionist, Arab, and British sources, the book follows Bedouins who hosted Jewish neighbors, weapons dealers, pro-Zionist propagandists, and informers and local leaders who cooperated with the Zionists, and others to reveal an alternate history of the mandate period with repercussions extending to this day. The book illuminates the Palestinian nationalist movement, which branded these “collaborators” as traitors and persecuted them; the Zionist movement, which used them to undermine Palestinian society from within and betrayed them; and the collaborators themselves, who held an alternate view of Palestinian nationalism. This book offers a new view of history from below and raises profound questions about the roots of the Israel-Palestine conflict.Less
Inspired by stories he heard in the West Bank as a child, the author of this biook uncovers here a hidden history central to the narrative of the Israel-Palestine conflict but for the most part willfully ignored until now. This book was initially published in Israel to high acclaim and intense controversy and tells the story of Arabs who, from the very beginning of the Arab-Israeli encounter, sided with the Zionists and aided them politically, economically, and in security matters. Based on newly declassified documents and research in Zionist, Arab, and British sources, the book follows Bedouins who hosted Jewish neighbors, weapons dealers, pro-Zionist propagandists, and informers and local leaders who cooperated with the Zionists, and others to reveal an alternate history of the mandate period with repercussions extending to this day. The book illuminates the Palestinian nationalist movement, which branded these “collaborators” as traitors and persecuted them; the Zionist movement, which used them to undermine Palestinian society from within and betrayed them; and the collaborators themselves, who held an alternate view of Palestinian nationalism. This book offers a new view of history from below and raises profound questions about the roots of the Israel-Palestine conflict.
Avi Shlaim
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294597
- eISBN:
- 9780191685057
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294597.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book chronicles King Abdullah's relationship with the Zionist movement from his appointment as Emir of Transjordan in 1921 to his assassination in 1951. Focusing on the events that led to the ...
More
This book chronicles King Abdullah's relationship with the Zionist movement from his appointment as Emir of Transjordan in 1921 to his assassination in 1951. Focusing on the events that led to the partition of Palestine, the book challenges many of the myths and legends that have come to surround the first Arab-Israeli war and the creation of the State of Israel. This edition of the text includes a new Introduction, placing the book in the wider context of the on-going debate about 1948, and reflecting on the subsequent course of Israeli-Jordanian relations, which culminated in the signing of a peace treaty in 1994.Less
This book chronicles King Abdullah's relationship with the Zionist movement from his appointment as Emir of Transjordan in 1921 to his assassination in 1951. Focusing on the events that led to the partition of Palestine, the book challenges many of the myths and legends that have come to surround the first Arab-Israeli war and the creation of the State of Israel. This edition of the text includes a new Introduction, placing the book in the wider context of the on-going debate about 1948, and reflecting on the subsequent course of Israeli-Jordanian relations, which culminated in the signing of a peace treaty in 1994.
Geoffrey Alderman
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207597
- eISBN:
- 9780191677731
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207597.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This is a comprehensive history of the Jews of Britain over the last century and a half. The author examines the social structure and economic base of Jewish communities in Victorian England and ...
More
This is a comprehensive history of the Jews of Britain over the last century and a half. The author examines the social structure and economic base of Jewish communities in Victorian England and traces the struggle for emancipation. He analyses the effects of the large-scale immigration of the early twentieth century and charts the development of the Zionist movement in Britain. The author takes his account up to the present day, exploring the concerns and self-image of contemporary Jewish communities in Britain and their place in an increasingly pluralist society. Based on both primary and secondary sources, the book is a political, social, and intellectual history of British Jews.Less
This is a comprehensive history of the Jews of Britain over the last century and a half. The author examines the social structure and economic base of Jewish communities in Victorian England and traces the struggle for emancipation. He analyses the effects of the large-scale immigration of the early twentieth century and charts the development of the Zionist movement in Britain. The author takes his account up to the present day, exploring the concerns and self-image of contemporary Jewish communities in Britain and their place in an increasingly pluralist society. Based on both primary and secondary sources, the book is a political, social, and intellectual history of British Jews.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226779355
- eISBN:
- 9780226779386
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226779386.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this book, which is about the history of malaria control and the Zionist nationalist movement in mandatory Palestine during the period of British rule ...
More
This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this book, which is about the history of malaria control and the Zionist nationalist movement in mandatory Palestine during the period of British rule between the years 1920 and 1947. The book traces the foundations of the ethos of Jewish redemption and the social and physical transformation of the Jewish body in the contested land of Palestine. It examines the land's ecological transformation in its connection to nationalist ideology, the power of science and technology coupled with nationalist doctrine, and the consequences of that doctrine upon the topographical, demographic, and epidemiological landscapes of Mandate Palestine.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this book, which is about the history of malaria control and the Zionist nationalist movement in mandatory Palestine during the period of British rule between the years 1920 and 1947. The book traces the foundations of the ethos of Jewish redemption and the social and physical transformation of the Jewish body in the contested land of Palestine. It examines the land's ecological transformation in its connection to nationalist ideology, the power of science and technology coupled with nationalist doctrine, and the consequences of that doctrine upon the topographical, demographic, and epidemiological landscapes of Mandate Palestine.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226779355
- eISBN:
- 9780226779386
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226779386.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the malaria control swamp drainage projects in the Jezreel Valley and the Huleh Valley in Palestine, and their connection to the Zionist nationalist movement. It suggests that ...
More
This chapter examines the malaria control swamp drainage projects in the Jezreel Valley and the Huleh Valley in Palestine, and their connection to the Zionist nationalist movement. It suggests that the cases of the Jezreel Valley and the Huleh Valley show that sanitary/health concerns and political/settlement interests merged in the site of the swamp. In addition to controlling malaria, Zionist land agencies used drainage interventions to create more living and agricultural area for Jewish settlers.Less
This chapter examines the malaria control swamp drainage projects in the Jezreel Valley and the Huleh Valley in Palestine, and their connection to the Zionist nationalist movement. It suggests that the cases of the Jezreel Valley and the Huleh Valley show that sanitary/health concerns and political/settlement interests merged in the site of the swamp. In addition to controlling malaria, Zionist land agencies used drainage interventions to create more living and agricultural area for Jewish settlers.
Liora R. Halperin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300197488
- eISBN:
- 9780300210200
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300197488.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
The promotion and vernacularization of Hebrew, traditionally a language of Jewish liturgy and study, was a central accomplishment of the Zionist movement in Palestine in the years following World War ...
More
The promotion and vernacularization of Hebrew, traditionally a language of Jewish liturgy and study, was a central accomplishment of the Zionist movement in Palestine in the years following World War I. Viewing twentieth-century history through the lens of language, this book questions the accepted scholarly narrative of a Zionist move away from multilingualism, demonstrating how Jews in Palestine remained connected linguistically by both preference and necessity to a world outside the boundaries of the pro-Hebrew community even as it promoted Hebrew and achieved that language's dominance. The story of language encounters in Jewish Palestine is a fascinating tale of shifting power relationships, both locally and globally. The book's study explores how a young national community was compelled to modify the dictates of Hebrew exclusivity as it negotiated its relationships with its Jewish population, Palestinian Arabs, the British, and others outside the margins of the national project and ultimately came to terms with the limitations of its hegemony in an interconnected world.Less
The promotion and vernacularization of Hebrew, traditionally a language of Jewish liturgy and study, was a central accomplishment of the Zionist movement in Palestine in the years following World War I. Viewing twentieth-century history through the lens of language, this book questions the accepted scholarly narrative of a Zionist move away from multilingualism, demonstrating how Jews in Palestine remained connected linguistically by both preference and necessity to a world outside the boundaries of the pro-Hebrew community even as it promoted Hebrew and achieved that language's dominance. The story of language encounters in Jewish Palestine is a fascinating tale of shifting power relationships, both locally and globally. The book's study explores how a young national community was compelled to modify the dictates of Hebrew exclusivity as it negotiated its relationships with its Jewish population, Palestinian Arabs, the British, and others outside the margins of the national project and ultimately came to terms with the limitations of its hegemony in an interconnected world.
Hillel Cohen and Haim Watzman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520252219
- eISBN:
- 9780520933989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520252219.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The Arab rebellion that started in 1936 led to two significant changes in collaboration between Arabs and the Zionist movement. For one, the scope of the term “treason” was broadened in Arab public ...
More
The Arab rebellion that started in 1936 led to two significant changes in collaboration between Arabs and the Zionist movement. For one, the scope of the term “treason” was broadened in Arab public discourse. Actions previously considered legitimate or tolerable were now outside the pale, and the number of “traitors” rose accordingly. Additionally, sanctions against traitors became much more severe. This explains the Arabs' willingness to use the ultimate weapon—murder—in their struggle against deviators. But attacking traitors does not always create unity. In the Palestinian case, it did the opposite, alienating important people and groups, who refused to accept the new norms and distanced themselves from the leadership. Social and political unity actually declined, and new forms of collaboration appeared, including actual combat against Arab rebels.Less
The Arab rebellion that started in 1936 led to two significant changes in collaboration between Arabs and the Zionist movement. For one, the scope of the term “treason” was broadened in Arab public discourse. Actions previously considered legitimate or tolerable were now outside the pale, and the number of “traitors” rose accordingly. Additionally, sanctions against traitors became much more severe. This explains the Arabs' willingness to use the ultimate weapon—murder—in their struggle against deviators. But attacking traitors does not always create unity. In the Palestinian case, it did the opposite, alienating important people and groups, who refused to accept the new norms and distanced themselves from the leadership. Social and political unity actually declined, and new forms of collaboration appeared, including actual combat against Arab rebels.
Hillel Cohen and Haim Watzman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520252219
- eISBN:
- 9780520933989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520252219.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter argues that institutionalized collaboration had four sources: the Palestinian opposition's sense that it had reached a dead end and must choose between dissolution and accepting help ...
More
This chapter argues that institutionalized collaboration had four sources: the Palestinian opposition's sense that it had reached a dead end and must choose between dissolution and accepting help from the Zionists; the desire for revenge on the part of people whose relatives had been murdered by the rebels; local leaders' fears of changes in the existing social order; and an alternative view of Palestinian nationalism and Jewish-Arab relations. Fakhri Nashashibi and Fakhri 'Abd al-Hadi were among the leaders of this institutionalized collaboration. As the rebellion deteriorated into corruption and crime, the national interest became more and more marginal and Jewish intelligence had greater success. Meanwhile, the perception that Christians were closer to the government than Muslims was prevalent in Zionist intelligence. Most of the aid the British and Zionists received in suppressing the rebellion came from Muslims—members of the peace units, villagers, Bedouin, and urban Arabs throughout the country.Less
This chapter argues that institutionalized collaboration had four sources: the Palestinian opposition's sense that it had reached a dead end and must choose between dissolution and accepting help from the Zionists; the desire for revenge on the part of people whose relatives had been murdered by the rebels; local leaders' fears of changes in the existing social order; and an alternative view of Palestinian nationalism and Jewish-Arab relations. Fakhri Nashashibi and Fakhri 'Abd al-Hadi were among the leaders of this institutionalized collaboration. As the rebellion deteriorated into corruption and crime, the national interest became more and more marginal and Jewish intelligence had greater success. Meanwhile, the perception that Christians were closer to the government than Muslims was prevalent in Zionist intelligence. Most of the aid the British and Zionists received in suppressing the rebellion came from Muslims—members of the peace units, villagers, Bedouin, and urban Arabs throughout the country.
Gao Bei
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199840908
- eISBN:
- 9780199979820
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199840908.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History, European Modern History
Chapter One illuminates how many Chinese nationalists and intellectuals in the early 20th century embraced the Zionist movement to inspire their fellow countrymen. In the late 1930s, when China faced ...
More
Chapter One illuminates how many Chinese nationalists and intellectuals in the early 20th century embraced the Zionist movement to inspire their fellow countrymen. In the late 1930s, when China faced the challenge of the Japanese invasion, a number of leading intellectuals used the example of the Jews, a people without a homeland, to caution other Chinese about the danger of losing their own country and to call for Chinese resistance against Japan. Meanwhile, Japan's Siberian Expedition exposed Japanese military officers to the “Jewish problem” for the first time. Army Colonel Yasue Norihiro and Navy Captain Inuzuka Koreshige developed a powerful interest in Jewish affairs. These “Jewish problem experts” conducted comprehensive research on Jewish-related matters. In the late 1930s, this research contributed to the formation of a unique anti-Semitism, which led them to urge their government to exploit alleged Jewish political and financial power to help achieve Japan's goals in East Asia.Less
Chapter One illuminates how many Chinese nationalists and intellectuals in the early 20th century embraced the Zionist movement to inspire their fellow countrymen. In the late 1930s, when China faced the challenge of the Japanese invasion, a number of leading intellectuals used the example of the Jews, a people without a homeland, to caution other Chinese about the danger of losing their own country and to call for Chinese resistance against Japan. Meanwhile, Japan's Siberian Expedition exposed Japanese military officers to the “Jewish problem” for the first time. Army Colonel Yasue Norihiro and Navy Captain Inuzuka Koreshige developed a powerful interest in Jewish affairs. These “Jewish problem experts” conducted comprehensive research on Jewish-related matters. In the late 1930s, this research contributed to the formation of a unique anti-Semitism, which led them to urge their government to exploit alleged Jewish political and financial power to help achieve Japan's goals in East Asia.
Liora R. Halperin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300197488
- eISBN:
- 9780300210200
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300197488.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This chapter addresses the mix of censure and license that users of other languages in Palestine had to confront around their practices in cafes, the cinema, and the home. These three sites of ...
More
This chapter addresses the mix of censure and license that users of other languages in Palestine had to confront around their practices in cafes, the cinema, and the home. These three sites of leisure-time language show an important tension surrounding the presumption that leisure was to take place in Hebrew, a language that needed exertion, rather than in languages that offer spaces away from the strictures and rhetoric of the Zionist movement. This chapter also concentrates mainly on Tel Aviv as an epicenter of encounter between an officially Hebrew Yishuv and people, products, or pressures coming from outside. The chapter shows that the dedication of the “informal state” and its language-policing efforts continued their complex relationship to the robust multilingual leisure sphere of the Yishuv and, eventually, the State of Israel.Less
This chapter addresses the mix of censure and license that users of other languages in Palestine had to confront around their practices in cafes, the cinema, and the home. These three sites of leisure-time language show an important tension surrounding the presumption that leisure was to take place in Hebrew, a language that needed exertion, rather than in languages that offer spaces away from the strictures and rhetoric of the Zionist movement. This chapter also concentrates mainly on Tel Aviv as an epicenter of encounter between an officially Hebrew Yishuv and people, products, or pressures coming from outside. The chapter shows that the dedication of the “informal state” and its language-policing efforts continued their complex relationship to the robust multilingual leisure sphere of the Yishuv and, eventually, the State of Israel.
Amnon Raz-krakotzkin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520220560
- eISBN:
- 9780520923669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520220560.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter argues that binationalism was the necessary conclusion of the analysis of anti-Semitism, the nation-state, and colonialism, the issues discussed in The Origins of Totalitarianism. Seen ...
More
This chapter argues that binationalism was the necessary conclusion of the analysis of anti-Semitism, the nation-state, and colonialism, the issues discussed in The Origins of Totalitarianism. Seen thus, the rights and perspective of the Palestinians were an integral part of the discussion of Jewish rights and self-definition and of the vision of Jewish political emancipation. At the same time, it was an approach that challenged dominant modern political concepts in which both anti-Semitism and imperialism were acceptable. In her writings against the partition plan, Arendt warned against the blindness of the Jewish leadership, who had surrendered to colonial interests, including those of the Soviets (who were the most enthusiastic supporters of the partition solution and later supplied military aid to the Jewish forces). She condemned Zionist reliance on imperialist power as an adoption of the same principles that enabled the political influence and victory of anti-Semitism. She claimed that the actual policy of the Zionist movement demonstrated the failure of its leadership to understand anti-Semitism as an historical — and not natural — phenomenon, and to perceive that its origins were grounded in the foundations of modern reality and modern consciousness.Less
This chapter argues that binationalism was the necessary conclusion of the analysis of anti-Semitism, the nation-state, and colonialism, the issues discussed in The Origins of Totalitarianism. Seen thus, the rights and perspective of the Palestinians were an integral part of the discussion of Jewish rights and self-definition and of the vision of Jewish political emancipation. At the same time, it was an approach that challenged dominant modern political concepts in which both anti-Semitism and imperialism were acceptable. In her writings against the partition plan, Arendt warned against the blindness of the Jewish leadership, who had surrendered to colonial interests, including those of the Soviets (who were the most enthusiastic supporters of the partition solution and later supplied military aid to the Jewish forces). She condemned Zionist reliance on imperialist power as an adoption of the same principles that enabled the political influence and victory of anti-Semitism. She claimed that the actual policy of the Zionist movement demonstrated the failure of its leadership to understand anti-Semitism as an historical — and not natural — phenomenon, and to perceive that its origins were grounded in the foundations of modern reality and modern consciousness.
Miki Zaidman and Ruth Kark
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719090554
- eISBN:
- 9781781707913
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719090554.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
Zionist historiography, this chapter argues, has often referred to Ahuzat Bayit (the Jaffa neighbourhood from which Tel Aviv developed) as a unique phenomenon. Placing these ‘unique phenomenon’ ...
More
Zionist historiography, this chapter argues, has often referred to Ahuzat Bayit (the Jaffa neighbourhood from which Tel Aviv developed) as a unique phenomenon. Placing these ‘unique phenomenon’ within the context of universal ideas and trends, this chapter connects between the early garden city variations in England (1904, 1906) and Ahuzat Bayit (1909), which was termed a ‘garden neighbourhood’. On the outskirts of Jaffa, this neighbourhood was established as a suburb with middle-class aspirations, including class, ideological, and ethnic segregation following European middle-class suburbs and colonial models of separate residential areas for Europeans and the native population. However, local conditions and mechanisms for its establishment, in addition to concepts of the early Zionist movement which shared a similar ideological platform with the garden city movement, transformed Ahuzat Bayit into a unique local model for the diffusion of suburban life in Palestine. This chapter considers therefore the contradictions between universal models and local conditions. This is by explaining how application of the universal message of the garden city movement to the physical model of Ahuzat Bayit created a guiding principle for all Jewish urban development in Palestine from 1909 until the end of British Mandatory rule in 1948, and afterwards.Less
Zionist historiography, this chapter argues, has often referred to Ahuzat Bayit (the Jaffa neighbourhood from which Tel Aviv developed) as a unique phenomenon. Placing these ‘unique phenomenon’ within the context of universal ideas and trends, this chapter connects between the early garden city variations in England (1904, 1906) and Ahuzat Bayit (1909), which was termed a ‘garden neighbourhood’. On the outskirts of Jaffa, this neighbourhood was established as a suburb with middle-class aspirations, including class, ideological, and ethnic segregation following European middle-class suburbs and colonial models of separate residential areas for Europeans and the native population. However, local conditions and mechanisms for its establishment, in addition to concepts of the early Zionist movement which shared a similar ideological platform with the garden city movement, transformed Ahuzat Bayit into a unique local model for the diffusion of suburban life in Palestine. This chapter considers therefore the contradictions between universal models and local conditions. This is by explaining how application of the universal message of the garden city movement to the physical model of Ahuzat Bayit created a guiding principle for all Jewish urban development in Palestine from 1909 until the end of British Mandatory rule in 1948, and afterwards.
Paul Kelemen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719088124
- eISBN:
- 9781781706152
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088124.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This study examines how the diverse strands of the British left have interpreted the conflict in Palestine. From being overwhelmingly supportive of the Zionist movement's effort to build a Jewish ...
More
This study examines how the diverse strands of the British left have interpreted the conflict in Palestine. From being overwhelmingly supportive of the Zionist movement's effort to build a Jewish state in Palestine and welcoming Israel's establishment the left, in the main, has become increasingly critical of Israel. The Labour Party, for much of its history, had portrayed Zionist settlement as a social democratic experiment that would benefit both Jews and Arabs. Its leaders turned a blind eye to the Zionist movement's sectarian practices which through its trade union and agricultural co-operatives aimed to build an exclusively Jewish economy. The rise of fascism in Europe and the Holocaust reinforced the party's support for Jewish state building in Palestine. The British Communist Party was by contrast critical of Zionism but in 1947, following the lead given by the Soviet Union, endorsed the United Nations’ partition of Palestine and subsequently ignored the plight of the Palestinian refugees. It was not until the rise of the new left, in the late 1960s, that Palestinian nationalist aspiration found a voice on the British left and began to command mainstream attention. The book examines the principal debates on the left over the Palestine/Israel conflict and the political realignment that they have helped to shape.Less
This study examines how the diverse strands of the British left have interpreted the conflict in Palestine. From being overwhelmingly supportive of the Zionist movement's effort to build a Jewish state in Palestine and welcoming Israel's establishment the left, in the main, has become increasingly critical of Israel. The Labour Party, for much of its history, had portrayed Zionist settlement as a social democratic experiment that would benefit both Jews and Arabs. Its leaders turned a blind eye to the Zionist movement's sectarian practices which through its trade union and agricultural co-operatives aimed to build an exclusively Jewish economy. The rise of fascism in Europe and the Holocaust reinforced the party's support for Jewish state building in Palestine. The British Communist Party was by contrast critical of Zionism but in 1947, following the lead given by the Soviet Union, endorsed the United Nations’ partition of Palestine and subsequently ignored the plight of the Palestinian refugees. It was not until the rise of the new left, in the late 1960s, that Palestinian nationalist aspiration found a voice on the British left and began to command mainstream attention. The book examines the principal debates on the left over the Palestine/Israel conflict and the political realignment that they have helped to shape.
