Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement ...
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Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.Less
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.
Mikulas Fabry
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199564446
- eISBN:
- 9780191722325
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564446.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of ...
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Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of self‐determination as a negative right, which prescribed no more than non‐interference in foreign self‐determination endeavors of self‐defined peoples and recognition of their successful conclusions, Wilson argued that a peoples' right to determine their political future imposed an active obligation on international society to bring it about. This progressive doctrine demanded that outsiders identify: (a) the peoples who qualify for the right of self‐determination, (b) the correct procedure for assessing their consent to be independent, and (c) the exact scope of positive international obligations owed to them. These questions presented insurmountable operational difficulties. Participants at the Paris Peace Conference, even Wilson, came to appreciate that if the mere voicing of claims gave groups positive entitlement and if outsiders would be bound to intervene to effect such claims, there would be no limit to state fragmentation and international disorder. In the end, the statesmen were obliged by this situation to recognize only those claimants established de facto.Less
Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of self‐determination as a negative right, which prescribed no more than non‐interference in foreign self‐determination endeavors of self‐defined peoples and recognition of their successful conclusions, Wilson argued that a peoples' right to determine their political future imposed an active obligation on international society to bring it about. This progressive doctrine demanded that outsiders identify: (a) the peoples who qualify for the right of self‐determination, (b) the correct procedure for assessing their consent to be independent, and (c) the exact scope of positive international obligations owed to them. These questions presented insurmountable operational difficulties. Participants at the Paris Peace Conference, even Wilson, came to appreciate that if the mere voicing of claims gave groups positive entitlement and if outsiders would be bound to intervene to effect such claims, there would be no limit to state fragmentation and international disorder. In the end, the statesmen were obliged by this situation to recognize only those claimants established de facto.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of ...
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Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.Less
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.
Mark Weston Janis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579341
- eISBN:
- 9780191722653
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579341.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
This chapter argues that Wilson's failed project — integrating the United States into the League of Nations — haunted American international lawyers for the two decades 1919-1939. To a considerable ...
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This chapter argues that Wilson's failed project — integrating the United States into the League of Nations — haunted American international lawyers for the two decades 1919-1939. To a considerable extent, the haunting continues to this day. World War I, Wilson, Lodge, and the Versailles Conference all shattered the long-standing American consensus that the law of nations was inherently a good thing. International law became and remains a divisive issue in American politics.Less
This chapter argues that Wilson's failed project — integrating the United States into the League of Nations — haunted American international lawyers for the two decades 1919-1939. To a considerable extent, the haunting continues to this day. World War I, Wilson, Lodge, and the Versailles Conference all shattered the long-standing American consensus that the law of nations was inherently a good thing. International law became and remains a divisive issue in American politics.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's ...
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This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.Less
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a ...
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This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.Less
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's attempts to foster constitutionalism in Latin America through imperialist interventions that commenced shortly after he was elected president in 1913. It begins ...
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This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's attempts to foster constitutionalism in Latin America through imperialist interventions that commenced shortly after he was elected president in 1913. It begins with a discussion of three policy instruments that Wilson found at his disposal after he assumed the presidency and that he could use to promote constitutional democracy in Latin America: limited military occupation and control of customs houses, economic influence, and international agreements. The chapter then assesses Wilson's interventionist policy in Mexico and the Dominican Republic, along with the failure of Wilsonianism in the Philippines and the Dominican Republic. It also considers the limits of Wilson's democratic initiatives abroad before concluding with an analysis of four distinct U.S. policies aimed at fostering political stability in Latin America and ensuring that American security interests would not be threatened.Less
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's attempts to foster constitutionalism in Latin America through imperialist interventions that commenced shortly after he was elected president in 1913. It begins with a discussion of three policy instruments that Wilson found at his disposal after he assumed the presidency and that he could use to promote constitutional democracy in Latin America: limited military occupation and control of customs houses, economic influence, and international agreements. The chapter then assesses Wilson's interventionist policy in Mexico and the Dominican Republic, along with the failure of Wilsonianism in the Philippines and the Dominican Republic. It also considers the limits of Wilson's democratic initiatives abroad before concluding with an analysis of four distinct U.S. policies aimed at fostering political stability in Latin America and ensuring that American security interests would not be threatened.
Noel Maurer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155821
- eISBN:
- 9781400846603
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155821.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter talks about how the United States could cajole and threaten foreign governments into protecting American property. It proved less capable, however, of fixing the problems that led to ...
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This chapter talks about how the United States could cajole and threaten foreign governments into protecting American property. It proved less capable, however, of fixing the problems that led to instability, default, and expropriation. The chapter recounts the failures of the early fiscal receiverships. The Dominican Republic fell back into civil war by 1912. In fact, the Dominican state entirely collapsed in 1916, forcing a full-scale American occupation to reestablish a modicum of order. Anti-imperialist Woodrow Wilson wound up presiding over a deepening of America's informal empire. His anti-interventionist administration continued the policies of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. Wilson abhorred the notion that might makes right; respect for human rights and national integrity, not commercial or financial interests, should determine a nation's foreign policy.Less
This chapter talks about how the United States could cajole and threaten foreign governments into protecting American property. It proved less capable, however, of fixing the problems that led to instability, default, and expropriation. The chapter recounts the failures of the early fiscal receiverships. The Dominican Republic fell back into civil war by 1912. In fact, the Dominican state entirely collapsed in 1916, forcing a full-scale American occupation to reestablish a modicum of order. Anti-imperialist Woodrow Wilson wound up presiding over a deepening of America's informal empire. His anti-interventionist administration continued the policies of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. Wilson abhorred the notion that might makes right; respect for human rights and national integrity, not commercial or financial interests, should determine a nation's foreign policy.
G. John Ikenberry
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. ...
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Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.Less
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.
Mark Weston Janis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579341
- eISBN:
- 9780191722653
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579341.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches ...
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This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches to international law. The book begins with the important role the law of nations played for founders like Jefferson and Madison in framing the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. It then discusses the intellectual contributions to international law made by leaders in the New Republic — Kent and Wheaton — and the place of international law in the 19th century judgments of Marshall, Story, and Taney. The book goes on to examine the contributions of American utopians — Dodge, Worcester, Ladd, Burritt, and Carnegie — to the establishment of the League of Nations, the World Court, the International Law Association, and the American Society of International Law. It finishes with an analysis of the wavering support to international law given by Woodrow Wilson and the emergence of a new American isolationism following the disappointment of World War I.Less
This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches to international law. The book begins with the important role the law of nations played for founders like Jefferson and Madison in framing the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. It then discusses the intellectual contributions to international law made by leaders in the New Republic — Kent and Wheaton — and the place of international law in the 19th century judgments of Marshall, Story, and Taney. The book goes on to examine the contributions of American utopians — Dodge, Worcester, Ladd, Burritt, and Carnegie — to the establishment of the League of Nations, the World Court, the International Law Association, and the American Society of International Law. It finishes with an analysis of the wavering support to international law given by Woodrow Wilson and the emergence of a new American isolationism following the disappointment of World War I.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter examines the institutionalization of empire as unequal integration in the League of Nations. Recasting the Wilsonian moment as a counterrevolutionary episode, it argues that Woodrow ...
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This chapter examines the institutionalization of empire as unequal integration in the League of Nations. Recasting the Wilsonian moment as a counterrevolutionary episode, it argues that Woodrow Wilson and Jan Smuts excised the revolutionary implications of the Bolshevik right to self-determination and repurposed the principle to preserve racial hierarchy in the new international organization. In this appropriation, Wilson and Smuts effectively remade self-determination as a racially differentiated principle, which was fully compatible with imperial rule. The chapter charts the implications of their account of self-determination by examining Ethiopia's and Liberia's membership in the international organization. It argues that rather than protecting their sovereign equality, the inclusion of Ethiopia and Liberia created the conditions of their domination through a burdened and racialized membership where obligations were onerous and rights limited.Less
This chapter examines the institutionalization of empire as unequal integration in the League of Nations. Recasting the Wilsonian moment as a counterrevolutionary episode, it argues that Woodrow Wilson and Jan Smuts excised the revolutionary implications of the Bolshevik right to self-determination and repurposed the principle to preserve racial hierarchy in the new international organization. In this appropriation, Wilson and Smuts effectively remade self-determination as a racially differentiated principle, which was fully compatible with imperial rule. The chapter charts the implications of their account of self-determination by examining Ethiopia's and Liberia's membership in the international organization. It argues that rather than protecting their sovereign equality, the inclusion of Ethiopia and Liberia created the conditions of their domination through a burdened and racialized membership where obligations were onerous and rights limited.
Christopher Capozzola
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195335491
- eISBN:
- 9780199868971
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335491.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on selective service in America during World War I. The Selective Service Act of 1917 was the centerpiece of wartime citizenship and its defining obligation. It reflected the ...
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This chapter focuses on selective service in America during World War I. The Selective Service Act of 1917 was the centerpiece of wartime citizenship and its defining obligation. It reflected the state's power at its most extreme by demanding that its citizens die for it. Selective service embodied the national culture of voluntarism: not only through individual effort but together with the institutions of everyday life. Voluntarism also shaped the “slacker raids,” vast dragnet operations of interrogation conducted by the 250,000 volunteer members of the American Protective League. By the end of the war, conscription would result in courtroom battles, shoot-outs in the Ozark Mountains, and even a fistfight in the cloakroom of the US Senate.Less
This chapter focuses on selective service in America during World War I. The Selective Service Act of 1917 was the centerpiece of wartime citizenship and its defining obligation. It reflected the state's power at its most extreme by demanding that its citizens die for it. Selective service embodied the national culture of voluntarism: not only through individual effort but together with the institutions of everyday life. Voluntarism also shaped the “slacker raids,” vast dragnet operations of interrogation conducted by the 250,000 volunteer members of the American Protective League. By the end of the war, conscription would result in courtroom battles, shoot-outs in the Ozark Mountains, and even a fistfight in the cloakroom of the US Senate.
Robert Adcock
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199333622
- eISBN:
- 9780199370146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199333622.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter uses the 1880s writings of Woodrow Wilson as a student and young professor of political science to explicate the political content of progressive liberalism. It first examines the ideal ...
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This chapter uses the 1880s writings of Woodrow Wilson as a student and young professor of political science to explicate the political content of progressive liberalism. It first examines the ideal of representative government and accompanying criticism of the American Constitution in Wilson’s early Congressional Government. It then pinpoints the influence of Wilson’s graduate education at Hopkins on the character of his liberalism by documenting twin mid-1880s shifts in his views of administration and political economy. These shifts were directly connected through Wilson’s adoption of a progressive liberal argument justifying expansion of the administrative state as a response to the transformative impact of industrialization. Finally, the chapter explores Wilson’s articulation, by the end of the 1880s, of a full-fledged progressive liberal vision of the “modern democratic state” as the liberal end of history.Less
This chapter uses the 1880s writings of Woodrow Wilson as a student and young professor of political science to explicate the political content of progressive liberalism. It first examines the ideal of representative government and accompanying criticism of the American Constitution in Wilson’s early Congressional Government. It then pinpoints the influence of Wilson’s graduate education at Hopkins on the character of his liberalism by documenting twin mid-1880s shifts in his views of administration and political economy. These shifts were directly connected through Wilson’s adoption of a progressive liberal argument justifying expansion of the administrative state as a response to the transformative impact of industrialization. Finally, the chapter explores Wilson’s articulation, by the end of the 1880s, of a full-fledged progressive liberal vision of the “modern democratic state” as the liberal end of history.
Cara Lea Burnidge
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226232317
- eISBN:
- 9780226232454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226232454.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter provides foundational information for Wilson's religious self-description. Historians situate Wilson's ideological development within southern Presbyterianism, but rarely do they ...
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This chapter provides foundational information for Wilson's religious self-description. Historians situate Wilson's ideological development within southern Presbyterianism, but rarely do they acknowledge how Presbyterianism, a religious institution with its own body of thought, changed between 1856 and 1924. The chapter locates Presbyterianism within white southern evangelical culture and the significant changes that shaped its development in the long nineteenth century. Rather than approach religion, race, gender, and politics as separate portions of Wilson's conceptual framework, it presents Wilson as an intersectional figure whose place within society and self-understanding resulted from multiple forms of privilege. From his family's support of the Confederacy to his tenure at Princeton, Wilson valued a social order that expected educated white male leaders to serve “the least” among them. Those who espoused this conception of society reinforced social divisions even as they sought to penetrate them with a Christian ethic of service.Less
This chapter provides foundational information for Wilson's religious self-description. Historians situate Wilson's ideological development within southern Presbyterianism, but rarely do they acknowledge how Presbyterianism, a religious institution with its own body of thought, changed between 1856 and 1924. The chapter locates Presbyterianism within white southern evangelical culture and the significant changes that shaped its development in the long nineteenth century. Rather than approach religion, race, gender, and politics as separate portions of Wilson's conceptual framework, it presents Wilson as an intersectional figure whose place within society and self-understanding resulted from multiple forms of privilege. From his family's support of the Confederacy to his tenure at Princeton, Wilson valued a social order that expected educated white male leaders to serve “the least” among them. Those who espoused this conception of society reinforced social divisions even as they sought to penetrate them with a Christian ethic of service.
Cara Lea Burnidge
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226232317
- eISBN:
- 9780226232454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226232454.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter examines the rejection of Wilson's internationalism, his death, and the legacy of Wilsonianism. Channeling their “modernist impulse,” the white liberal Protestants who faithfully ...
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This chapter examines the rejection of Wilson's internationalism, his death, and the legacy of Wilsonianism. Channeling their “modernist impulse,” the white liberal Protestants who faithfully supported Wilson rallied behind the symbol of the fallen president to renarrate their national and international hopes. Political leaders who served in the Wilson administration turned public discourse toward a new postwar Americanism that looked beyond the nation's borders and valued religion generally. Wilson's internationalism received a makeover that reformulated Wilson's Presbyterianism as “Judeo-Christian” to reflect the new “trifaith” consensus in American culture. Wilsonians forged new alliances with Catholics and Jews to challenge the new normalcy of white evangelicalism in the 1920s and 1930s. Their efforts to redefine Wilson's vision for a new age had less to do with providing a clearer perspective on the Great War than negotiating the current state of religious difference in the United States.Less
This chapter examines the rejection of Wilson's internationalism, his death, and the legacy of Wilsonianism. Channeling their “modernist impulse,” the white liberal Protestants who faithfully supported Wilson rallied behind the symbol of the fallen president to renarrate their national and international hopes. Political leaders who served in the Wilson administration turned public discourse toward a new postwar Americanism that looked beyond the nation's borders and valued religion generally. Wilson's internationalism received a makeover that reformulated Wilson's Presbyterianism as “Judeo-Christian” to reflect the new “trifaith” consensus in American culture. Wilsonians forged new alliances with Catholics and Jews to challenge the new normalcy of white evangelicalism in the 1920s and 1930s. Their efforts to redefine Wilson's vision for a new age had less to do with providing a clearer perspective on the Great War than negotiating the current state of religious difference in the United States.
Trygve Throntveit
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226459875
- eISBN:
- 9780226460079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226460079.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's reputation as a racist, imperialist, and hypocrite. Multiple critics conclude that Wilson's brand of American liberalism was fundamentally rooted in racist ...
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This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's reputation as a racist, imperialist, and hypocrite. Multiple critics conclude that Wilson's brand of American liberalism was fundamentally rooted in racist thought and essentially dependent on the imperialistic subordination of peoples whose societies and cultures diverged most widely from his own. Even scholars who credit Wilson's rhetoric with sparking the anticolonial nationalist movement, or his League of Nations with enabling its development, emphasize the irony of a racist helping unleash such forces. Wilson's prejudice does indeed explain several of his administration's policies and their tragic consequences: the frustration of blacks treated as second-class citizens by their government employers; the psychic and physical trauma of those victimized by a lynching epidemic Wilson was reprehensibly slow to condemn; and the death and destruction visited upon Caribbean and Central American peoples by soldiers he deployed in their lands. These actions and consequences also explain his reputation as a hypocrite.Less
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's reputation as a racist, imperialist, and hypocrite. Multiple critics conclude that Wilson's brand of American liberalism was fundamentally rooted in racist thought and essentially dependent on the imperialistic subordination of peoples whose societies and cultures diverged most widely from his own. Even scholars who credit Wilson's rhetoric with sparking the anticolonial nationalist movement, or his League of Nations with enabling its development, emphasize the irony of a racist helping unleash such forces. Wilson's prejudice does indeed explain several of his administration's policies and their tragic consequences: the frustration of blacks treated as second-class citizens by their government employers; the psychic and physical trauma of those victimized by a lynching epidemic Wilson was reprehensibly slow to condemn; and the death and destruction visited upon Caribbean and Central American peoples by soldiers he deployed in their lands. These actions and consequences also explain his reputation as a hypocrite.
Cara Lea Burnidge
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226232317
- eISBN:
- 9780226232454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226232454.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter further explores the relationship Wilson imagined between Christianity and internationalism by discussing the limits of his conceptions of a Christianized world order. When much of the ...
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This chapter further explores the relationship Wilson imagined between Christianity and internationalism by discussing the limits of his conceptions of a Christianized world order. When much of the world expected Wilson to make a grand statement about the importance of God in world affairs, he made no effort to include “God,” “Providence,” or any other formal articulation about the state of religion in the Treaty of Versailles. Wilson's approach to foreign policy, much like his approach to domestic concerns, prioritized the establishment of an enduring moral structure for governance over sectarian particularities or temporary political concerns. Religion, in Paris in 1919, was but one among many diplomatic concerns and received no special favor from Wilson.Less
This chapter further explores the relationship Wilson imagined between Christianity and internationalism by discussing the limits of his conceptions of a Christianized world order. When much of the world expected Wilson to make a grand statement about the importance of God in world affairs, he made no effort to include “God,” “Providence,” or any other formal articulation about the state of religion in the Treaty of Versailles. Wilson's approach to foreign policy, much like his approach to domestic concerns, prioritized the establishment of an enduring moral structure for governance over sectarian particularities or temporary political concerns. Religion, in Paris in 1919, was but one among many diplomatic concerns and received no special favor from Wilson.
Michael J. Lansing
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226283500
- eISBN:
- 9780226283647
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226283647.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Anti-German and anti-red hysteria during World War I shaped the future of the Nonpartisan League. Targeted by local and state officials, League members struggled to articulate their stance on the ...
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Anti-German and anti-red hysteria during World War I shaped the future of the Nonpartisan League. Targeted by local and state officials, League members struggled to articulate their stance on the war. Pegged as un-American, the NPL fomented a violent response. Those who fought the Nonpartisan League inadvertently paid tribute to its potential to remake American politics. Covert investigations by federal and state agents as well as private detectives matched mob violence and innumerable indictments for disloyalty. Better-organized opposition grew from these roots. Civil liberties questions sparked by controversies over the Nonpartisan League reached the U.S. Supreme Court.Less
Anti-German and anti-red hysteria during World War I shaped the future of the Nonpartisan League. Targeted by local and state officials, League members struggled to articulate their stance on the war. Pegged as un-American, the NPL fomented a violent response. Those who fought the Nonpartisan League inadvertently paid tribute to its potential to remake American politics. Covert investigations by federal and state agents as well as private detectives matched mob violence and innumerable indictments for disloyalty. Better-organized opposition grew from these roots. Civil liberties questions sparked by controversies over the Nonpartisan League reached the U.S. Supreme Court.
Thomas J. Knock
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190650759
- eISBN:
- 9780190650780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650759.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
The massive stroke that Woodrow Wilson suffered in October 1919 set in motion a political crisis unique in the annals of the presidency—the first, and arguably the most serious, instance of ...
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The massive stroke that Woodrow Wilson suffered in October 1919 set in motion a political crisis unique in the annals of the presidency—the first, and arguably the most serious, instance of presidential disability in American history. Wilson’s disability occurred at a crucial time in both American and world history, when nothing less than the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles and American membership in the League of Nations at the end of World War I hung in the balance. The situation was made worse by Wilson’s wife and his personal physician who concealed the extent of the president’s infirmity. Had the Twenty-fifth Amendment been in effect, he would have been compelled to resign. Some historians cite the stroke as the principal ingredient behind the failure of the United States to join the league, while others argue that political and ideological differences among the players were equally important factors.Less
The massive stroke that Woodrow Wilson suffered in October 1919 set in motion a political crisis unique in the annals of the presidency—the first, and arguably the most serious, instance of presidential disability in American history. Wilson’s disability occurred at a crucial time in both American and world history, when nothing less than the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles and American membership in the League of Nations at the end of World War I hung in the balance. The situation was made worse by Wilson’s wife and his personal physician who concealed the extent of the president’s infirmity. Had the Twenty-fifth Amendment been in effect, he would have been compelled to resign. Some historians cite the stroke as the principal ingredient behind the failure of the United States to join the league, while others argue that political and ideological differences among the players were equally important factors.
Joshua David Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300120103
- eISBN:
- 9780300145144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300120103.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Hoping to regain control of the Republican Party and, with it, the progressive moment, Theodore Roosevelt announced that he would challenge William Howard Taft for the Republican presidential ...
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Hoping to regain control of the Republican Party and, with it, the progressive moment, Theodore Roosevelt announced that he would challenge William Howard Taft for the Republican presidential nomination in 1912. He won 278 delegates through the party primaries, more than three-quarters of the total available, but Taft captured the great majority of the 700 votes chosen in districts and state party conventions. Roosevelt accused Taft of stealing the nomination and decided to form his own party, which he called the Progressive Party. In contrast to Roosevelt's republican, nationalist agenda, Woodrow Wilson, another candidate for the presidential election of 1912, was elaborating an alternative, distinctly liberal rationale for activist government. Wilson questioned the viability of Roosevelt's politics that endorsed a corporate morality as intrinsic to corporate freedom. Wilson would go on to win the election.Less
Hoping to regain control of the Republican Party and, with it, the progressive moment, Theodore Roosevelt announced that he would challenge William Howard Taft for the Republican presidential nomination in 1912. He won 278 delegates through the party primaries, more than three-quarters of the total available, but Taft captured the great majority of the 700 votes chosen in districts and state party conventions. Roosevelt accused Taft of stealing the nomination and decided to form his own party, which he called the Progressive Party. In contrast to Roosevelt's republican, nationalist agenda, Woodrow Wilson, another candidate for the presidential election of 1912, was elaborating an alternative, distinctly liberal rationale for activist government. Wilson questioned the viability of Roosevelt's politics that endorsed a corporate morality as intrinsic to corporate freedom. Wilson would go on to win the election.
