Matthew C. Hendley
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781784994389
- eISBN:
- 9781526132383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784994389.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the adaption of the Primrose League, an extra-parliamentary organization allied to the Conservative Party and having a large female membership, to the aftermath of the First ...
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This chapter examines the adaption of the Primrose League, an extra-parliamentary organization allied to the Conservative Party and having a large female membership, to the aftermath of the First World War. Founded in 1883, the Primrose League was an important vehicle for women’s participation in politics before they held the national franchise. While most historians have downplayed the Primrose League’s accomplishments after 1914, this chapter argues that the League re-made itself for its female members between 1914-1932. This chapter will show how the Primrose League deftly survived the deluge of the First World War by focusing on wartime hospitality and philanthropy and rebranding itself as a political educator of citizens newly enfranchised by the 1918 Representation of the People Act (especially women). It will also show how the League continued to be relevant in the postwar period through a combination of anti-socialism and a consumerist version of popular imperialism. In these ways, the Primrose League did not become redundant but was able to remain a useful political weapon for the Conservative Party and an important part of Conservative political culture throughout the 1920s.Less
This chapter examines the adaption of the Primrose League, an extra-parliamentary organization allied to the Conservative Party and having a large female membership, to the aftermath of the First World War. Founded in 1883, the Primrose League was an important vehicle for women’s participation in politics before they held the national franchise. While most historians have downplayed the Primrose League’s accomplishments after 1914, this chapter argues that the League re-made itself for its female members between 1914-1932. This chapter will show how the Primrose League deftly survived the deluge of the First World War by focusing on wartime hospitality and philanthropy and rebranding itself as a political educator of citizens newly enfranchised by the 1918 Representation of the People Act (especially women). It will also show how the League continued to be relevant in the postwar period through a combination of anti-socialism and a consumerist version of popular imperialism. In these ways, the Primrose League did not become redundant but was able to remain a useful political weapon for the Conservative Party and an important part of Conservative political culture throughout the 1920s.
Wendy Pojmann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823245604
- eISBN:
- 9780823252688
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245604.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
The women of the Socialist/Communist Unione Donne Italiane and the lay Catholic Centro Italiano Femminile are the protagonists in this study that examines the relationship between national Italian ...
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The women of the Socialist/Communist Unione Donne Italiane and the lay Catholic Centro Italiano Femminile are the protagonists in this study that examines the relationship between national Italian women’s associations and international women’s movements from 1943, when the associations became active, to 1968, when another generation of activists led women’s movements in a new direction. It shows that Italian women were active political participants during the tumultuous decades of the Cold War by considering their reach and impact in relation to Italian bipolarism and world events. The book pays particular attention to the UDI’s work with the largest international postwar women’s organization, the pro-Soviet Women’s International Democratic Federation, and the CIF’s relationship with the global Catholic organization, the World Movement of Mothers, to better understand the ways in which the Cold War affected both national and international agendas for women’s rights. The Italian case is particularly significant in placing women’s movements in a broader context because it exemplifies many of the political and ideological dichotomies that characterized this period. With the Christian Democrats at the helm of the Italian government and the powerful opposition of the Communists, the Italian women’s associations developed and utilized creative negotiation strategies to advance their visions of womanhood in a new era. They applied similar practices in their international work.Less
The women of the Socialist/Communist Unione Donne Italiane and the lay Catholic Centro Italiano Femminile are the protagonists in this study that examines the relationship between national Italian women’s associations and international women’s movements from 1943, when the associations became active, to 1968, when another generation of activists led women’s movements in a new direction. It shows that Italian women were active political participants during the tumultuous decades of the Cold War by considering their reach and impact in relation to Italian bipolarism and world events. The book pays particular attention to the UDI’s work with the largest international postwar women’s organization, the pro-Soviet Women’s International Democratic Federation, and the CIF’s relationship with the global Catholic organization, the World Movement of Mothers, to better understand the ways in which the Cold War affected both national and international agendas for women’s rights. The Italian case is particularly significant in placing women’s movements in a broader context because it exemplifies many of the political and ideological dichotomies that characterized this period. With the Christian Democrats at the helm of the Italian government and the powerful opposition of the Communists, the Italian women’s associations developed and utilized creative negotiation strategies to advance their visions of womanhood in a new era. They applied similar practices in their international work.
Jennifer L. Lawless, Richard L. Fox, and Gail Baitinger
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199328734
- eISBN:
- 9780199398966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199328734.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In light of the importance of women’s presence in politics, it is critical to understand why so few women hold public office in the United States. This chapter argues that the fundamental reason for ...
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In light of the importance of women’s presence in politics, it is critical to understand why so few women hold public office in the United States. This chapter argues that the fundamental reason for women’s underrepresentation is that they do not run for office. There is a substantial gender gap in political ambition, and it is persistent and unchanging. This conclusion is made by analyzing data the authors collected in 2001 and 2011 from thousands of male and female “potential candidates”—lawyers, business leaders, educators, and political activists, all of whom are well-situated to pursue a political candidacy. In addition to highlighting the persistent gender gap in political ambition, three central factors are identified that continue to hinder women’s full entrance into electoral politics. In the end, the chapter documents how far from gender parity we remain and the barriers and obstacles we must still overcome to achieve it.Less
In light of the importance of women’s presence in politics, it is critical to understand why so few women hold public office in the United States. This chapter argues that the fundamental reason for women’s underrepresentation is that they do not run for office. There is a substantial gender gap in political ambition, and it is persistent and unchanging. This conclusion is made by analyzing data the authors collected in 2001 and 2011 from thousands of male and female “potential candidates”—lawyers, business leaders, educators, and political activists, all of whom are well-situated to pursue a political candidacy. In addition to highlighting the persistent gender gap in political ambition, three central factors are identified that continue to hinder women’s full entrance into electoral politics. In the end, the chapter documents how far from gender parity we remain and the barriers and obstacles we must still overcome to achieve it.
