Eric S. Yellin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469607207
- eISBN:
- 9781469608020
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9781469607214_Yellin
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Between the 1880s and 1910s, thousands of African Americans passed civil service exams and became employed in the executive offices of the federal government. However, by 1920, promotions to ...
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Between the 1880s and 1910s, thousands of African Americans passed civil service exams and became employed in the executive offices of the federal government. However, by 1920, promotions to well-paying federal jobs had nearly vanished for black workers. This book argues that the Wilson administration's successful 1913 drive to segregate the federal government was a pivotal episode in the age of progressive politics. It investigates how the enactment of this policy, based on Progressives' demands for whiteness in government, imposed a color line on American opportunity and implicated Washington in the economic limitation of African Americans for decades to come. Using accounts of the struggles and protests of African American government employees, the author reveals the racism at the heart of the era's reform politics. He illuminates the nineteenth-century world of black professional labor and social mobility in Washington, D.C., and uncovers the Wilson administration's progressive justifications for unraveling that world. From the hopeful days following emancipation to the white-supremacist “normalcy” of the 1920s, the author traces the competing political ideas, politicians, and ordinary government workers who created “federal segregation.”Less
Between the 1880s and 1910s, thousands of African Americans passed civil service exams and became employed in the executive offices of the federal government. However, by 1920, promotions to well-paying federal jobs had nearly vanished for black workers. This book argues that the Wilson administration's successful 1913 drive to segregate the federal government was a pivotal episode in the age of progressive politics. It investigates how the enactment of this policy, based on Progressives' demands for whiteness in government, imposed a color line on American opportunity and implicated Washington in the economic limitation of African Americans for decades to come. Using accounts of the struggles and protests of African American government employees, the author reveals the racism at the heart of the era's reform politics. He illuminates the nineteenth-century world of black professional labor and social mobility in Washington, D.C., and uncovers the Wilson administration's progressive justifications for unraveling that world. From the hopeful days following emancipation to the white-supremacist “normalcy” of the 1920s, the author traces the competing political ideas, politicians, and ordinary government workers who created “federal segregation.”
Steven G. Calabresi and Christopher S. Yoo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300121261
- eISBN:
- 9780300145380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300121261.003.0035
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses one of the worst presidents in American history—Warren Harding. In fact, even Harding himself acknowledged his own shortcomings, stating to Columbia University's president that ...
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This chapter discusses one of the worst presidents in American history—Warren Harding. In fact, even Harding himself acknowledged his own shortcomings, stating to Columbia University's president that “I am not fit for this office and should never have been here.” A congenial man who eschewed conflict, Harding was by nature most comfortable remaining outside the fray and conciliating divergent interests. This outlook made him deeply suspicious of strong presidential power, which he believed could only lead to troubled relations with Congress, as it had during the Wilson administration. This vision turned the presidency into a largely ceremonial office whose main purpose was to serve as a beloved source of national pride. There was little room in it for political leadership. Harding's legacy was ultimately consumed by a series of scandals, which culminated in the conviction and imprisonment of one of his cabinet secretaries.Less
This chapter discusses one of the worst presidents in American history—Warren Harding. In fact, even Harding himself acknowledged his own shortcomings, stating to Columbia University's president that “I am not fit for this office and should never have been here.” A congenial man who eschewed conflict, Harding was by nature most comfortable remaining outside the fray and conciliating divergent interests. This outlook made him deeply suspicious of strong presidential power, which he believed could only lead to troubled relations with Congress, as it had during the Wilson administration. This vision turned the presidency into a largely ceremonial office whose main purpose was to serve as a beloved source of national pride. There was little room in it for political leadership. Harding's legacy was ultimately consumed by a series of scandals, which culminated in the conviction and imprisonment of one of his cabinet secretaries.
Melba Porter Hay
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125329
- eISBN:
- 9780813135236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125329.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Madeline Breckinridge became president again of KERA when it met in March 1919. She felt reinvigorated and eager to move forward for the cause of woman suffrage after being pronounced cured of ...
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Madeline Breckinridge became president again of KERA when it met in March 1919. She felt reinvigorated and eager to move forward for the cause of woman suffrage after being pronounced cured of tuberculosis in autumn 1918. Prospects for the federal amendment had never looked brighter, even though the U.S. Senate had failed by one vote on February 10 to give it the necessary two-thirds majority. NAWSA now constituted a mass movement whose strength had grown exponentially since Catt devised her “Winning Plan.” Demonstrations by the National Woman's Party and the government's attack on its right of assembly through arrest, imprisonment, and force-feeding led many in Washington to question the government's actions. The two suffrage groups, though not consciously cooperating, caused a backlash that coerced the Wilson administration to endorse the federal amendment.Less
Madeline Breckinridge became president again of KERA when it met in March 1919. She felt reinvigorated and eager to move forward for the cause of woman suffrage after being pronounced cured of tuberculosis in autumn 1918. Prospects for the federal amendment had never looked brighter, even though the U.S. Senate had failed by one vote on February 10 to give it the necessary two-thirds majority. NAWSA now constituted a mass movement whose strength had grown exponentially since Catt devised her “Winning Plan.” Demonstrations by the National Woman's Party and the government's attack on its right of assembly through arrest, imprisonment, and force-feeding led many in Washington to question the government's actions. The two suffrage groups, though not consciously cooperating, caused a backlash that coerced the Wilson administration to endorse the federal amendment.
Kenneth D. Garbade
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262016377
- eISBN:
- 9780262298674
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262016377.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Econometrics
The market for U.S. Treasury securities is a marvel of modern finance. In 2009 the Treasury auctioned $8.2 trillion of new securities, ranging from four-day bills to thirty-year bonds, in 283 ...
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The market for U.S. Treasury securities is a marvel of modern finance. In 2009 the Treasury auctioned $8.2 trillion of new securities, ranging from four-day bills to thirty-year bonds, in 283 offerings on 171 different days. By contrast, in the decade before World War I, there was only about $1 billion of interest-bearing Treasury debt outstanding, spread out over just six issues. New offerings were rare, and the debt was narrowly held, most of it owned by national banks. This book traces the development of the Treasury market from a financial backwater in the years before World War I to a multibillion dollar market on the eve of World War II. It focuses on Treasury debt management policies, describing the origins of several pillars of modern Treasury practice, including “regular and predictable” auction offerings and the integration of debt and cash management. The book recounts the actions of Secretaries of the Treasury, from William McAdoo in the Wilson administration to Henry Morgenthau in the Roosevelt administration, and their responses to economic conditions. His account covers the Treasury market in the two decades before World War I, how the Treasury financed the Great War, how it managed the postwar refinancing and paydowns, and how it financed the chronic deficits of the Great Depression. It concludes with an examination of aspects of modern Treasury debt management that grew out of developments from 1917 to 1939.Less
The market for U.S. Treasury securities is a marvel of modern finance. In 2009 the Treasury auctioned $8.2 trillion of new securities, ranging from four-day bills to thirty-year bonds, in 283 offerings on 171 different days. By contrast, in the decade before World War I, there was only about $1 billion of interest-bearing Treasury debt outstanding, spread out over just six issues. New offerings were rare, and the debt was narrowly held, most of it owned by national banks. This book traces the development of the Treasury market from a financial backwater in the years before World War I to a multibillion dollar market on the eve of World War II. It focuses on Treasury debt management policies, describing the origins of several pillars of modern Treasury practice, including “regular and predictable” auction offerings and the integration of debt and cash management. The book recounts the actions of Secretaries of the Treasury, from William McAdoo in the Wilson administration to Henry Morgenthau in the Roosevelt administration, and their responses to economic conditions. His account covers the Treasury market in the two decades before World War I, how the Treasury financed the Great War, how it managed the postwar refinancing and paydowns, and how it financed the chronic deficits of the Great Depression. It concludes with an examination of aspects of modern Treasury debt management that grew out of developments from 1917 to 1939.
