Karl Giberson and Mariano Artigas
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195310726
- eISBN:
- 9780199785179
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195310726.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book examines the popular writings of the six scientists who have been the most influential in shaping perceptions of science, how it works, and how it relates to other fields of human endeavor, ...
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This book examines the popular writings of the six scientists who have been the most influential in shaping perceptions of science, how it works, and how it relates to other fields of human endeavor, especially religion. Biologists Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Dawkins, and Edward O. Wilson; and physicists Carl Sagan, Stephen Hawking, and Steven Weinberg, form a constellation of scientists who have become public intellectuals, influencing millions of people around the world. All six have made major and highly original contributions to science, and all six have stepped onto the public stage, articulating a much larger vision for science, how it should work, and what role it should play in the worldview of the modern world. In so doing, they have challenged many traditional ideas, such as belief in God. The scientific prestige and literary eloquence of these great thinkers combine to transform them into what can only be called oracles of science. Their controversial, often personal, sometimes idiosyncratic opinions exert an enormous influence on modern intellectual conversation, both inside and outside science. The book carefully distinguishes science from philosophy and religion in the writings of the oracles, and invites readers to a respectful dialogue with some of the greatest minds of our time.Less
This book examines the popular writings of the six scientists who have been the most influential in shaping perceptions of science, how it works, and how it relates to other fields of human endeavor, especially religion. Biologists Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Dawkins, and Edward O. Wilson; and physicists Carl Sagan, Stephen Hawking, and Steven Weinberg, form a constellation of scientists who have become public intellectuals, influencing millions of people around the world. All six have made major and highly original contributions to science, and all six have stepped onto the public stage, articulating a much larger vision for science, how it should work, and what role it should play in the worldview of the modern world. In so doing, they have challenged many traditional ideas, such as belief in God. The scientific prestige and literary eloquence of these great thinkers combine to transform them into what can only be called oracles of science. Their controversial, often personal, sometimes idiosyncratic opinions exert an enormous influence on modern intellectual conversation, both inside and outside science. The book carefully distinguishes science from philosophy and religion in the writings of the oracles, and invites readers to a respectful dialogue with some of the greatest minds of our time.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a ...
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This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.Less
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.
Louis A. Girifalco
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199228966
- eISBN:
- 9780191711183
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199228966.003.0020
- Subject:
- Physics, History of Physics
Radio astronomy, as first applied by Penzias and Wilson, showed that all space is permeated by a low level of radiation. This is left over from the big bang at the beginning of the universe and is a ...
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Radio astronomy, as first applied by Penzias and Wilson, showed that all space is permeated by a low level of radiation. This is left over from the big bang at the beginning of the universe and is a major factor in proving the validity of Big Bang theory. The existence of the cosmic background radiation, which is everywhere the same, raises the question of the possibility of using it to define an absolute space, and therefore negating relativity theory. It turns out that relativity is still valid because it deals with the relations between observable objects, and is correct regardless of the existence of a background radiation.Less
Radio astronomy, as first applied by Penzias and Wilson, showed that all space is permeated by a low level of radiation. This is left over from the big bang at the beginning of the universe and is a major factor in proving the validity of Big Bang theory. The existence of the cosmic background radiation, which is everywhere the same, raises the question of the possibility of using it to define an absolute space, and therefore negating relativity theory. It turns out that relativity is still valid because it deals with the relations between observable objects, and is correct regardless of the existence of a background radiation.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may ...
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The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may have had an inevitable encounter with a coroner. It analyses the government's reaction to the 1974 strike by the Ulster Workers Council, which led to the demise of Sunningdale. The chapter also illustrates the limits of the Callaghan government's policies in Northern Ireland, including its flawed experiments in ‘Ulsterization’, ‘normalization’, and ‘criminalization’.Less
The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may have had an inevitable encounter with a coroner. It analyses the government's reaction to the 1974 strike by the Ulster Workers Council, which led to the demise of Sunningdale. The chapter also illustrates the limits of the Callaghan government's policies in Northern Ireland, including its flawed experiments in ‘Ulsterization’, ‘normalization’, and ‘criminalization’.
Timothy Larsen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287871
- eISBN:
- 9780191713422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287871.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter documents the way that the theme of Victorian crisis of faith has become vastly overblown in general histories of the period, textbooks, literary studies, and intellectual history. It ...
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This chapter documents the way that the theme of Victorian crisis of faith has become vastly overblown in general histories of the period, textbooks, literary studies, and intellectual history. It recounts the main studies that have established this theme from Basil Willey to A. N. Wilson, and casts the Victorian crisis of faith as a by-product of the evangelicalism and general religiosity of the age.Less
This chapter documents the way that the theme of Victorian crisis of faith has become vastly overblown in general histories of the period, textbooks, literary studies, and intellectual history. It recounts the main studies that have established this theme from Basil Willey to A. N. Wilson, and casts the Victorian crisis of faith as a by-product of the evangelicalism and general religiosity of the age.
Karl Giberson and Mariano Artigas
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195310726
- eISBN:
- 9780199785179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195310726.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The oracles of science: Carl Sagan, Stephen Weinberg, Richard Dawkins, Stephen Hawking, Edward O. Wilson, and Stephen Jay Gould make connections between science and culture, and they particularly ...
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The oracles of science: Carl Sagan, Stephen Weinberg, Richard Dawkins, Stephen Hawking, Edward O. Wilson, and Stephen Jay Gould make connections between science and culture, and they particularly voice their ideas about religion. Like all great scientists, they have done important work in specific areas, but unlike most scientists, they have a grand view of reality and have elected to engage the deeper cultural and worldview issues of our time. The oracles of science, for the most part, create the impression that science is hostile to religion. Their writings produce the impression that science supersedes religion, and even explains it away. As history has shown, science is all too frequently enlisted in the service of propaganda and we must be on guard against intellectual nonsense masquerading as science.Less
The oracles of science: Carl Sagan, Stephen Weinberg, Richard Dawkins, Stephen Hawking, Edward O. Wilson, and Stephen Jay Gould make connections between science and culture, and they particularly voice their ideas about religion. Like all great scientists, they have done important work in specific areas, but unlike most scientists, they have a grand view of reality and have elected to engage the deeper cultural and worldview issues of our time. The oracles of science, for the most part, create the impression that science is hostile to religion. Their writings produce the impression that science supersedes religion, and even explains it away. As history has shown, science is all too frequently enlisted in the service of propaganda and we must be on guard against intellectual nonsense masquerading as science.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement ...
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Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.Less
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of ...
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Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.Less
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 6 examines the period following April 1967, during which the fundamental issue shifted from whether or not Britain should withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore—which had now been decided—to ...
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Chapter 6 examines the period following April 1967, during which the fundamental issue shifted from whether or not Britain should withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore—which had now been decided—to how Britain should withdraw. On the one side, Britain's international allies, Malaysia and Singapore as well as the ANZUS powers, and the defence and foreign policy departments hoped that the public extent of the change in policy would be minimised and the symbolic remnants of Britain's role maximised. On the other side, Labour Party and Cabinet critics of the previous defence policy hoped for as full and public a reversal as possible. These debates produced the strained outcome evidenced in the Wilson Government's 1967 Supplementary Statement on Defence Policy: an announcement of a staged withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore, coupled to a declaration that Britain intended to retain a capability for use in the region to meet its remaining commitments, all wrapped up in the rhetoric of a continuing world role.Less
Chapter 6 examines the period following April 1967, during which the fundamental issue shifted from whether or not Britain should withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore—which had now been decided—to how Britain should withdraw. On the one side, Britain's international allies, Malaysia and Singapore as well as the ANZUS powers, and the defence and foreign policy departments hoped that the public extent of the change in policy would be minimised and the symbolic remnants of Britain's role maximised. On the other side, Labour Party and Cabinet critics of the previous defence policy hoped for as full and public a reversal as possible. These debates produced the strained outcome evidenced in the Wilson Government's 1967 Supplementary Statement on Defence Policy: an announcement of a staged withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore, coupled to a declaration that Britain intended to retain a capability for use in the region to meet its remaining commitments, all wrapped up in the rhetoric of a continuing world role.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 7 documents the abandonment of the last symbolic remnants of Britain's world role in the aftermath of devaluation. The devaluation of Sterling itself, in November 1967, had little direct ...
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Chapter 7 documents the abandonment of the last symbolic remnants of Britain's world role in the aftermath of devaluation. The devaluation of Sterling itself, in November 1967, had little direct effect on defence and foreign policy. But when Roy Jenkins became the new Chancellor of the Exchequer in December 1967, he set about the task of preparing further economic measures to shore up the Pound at its new, reduced level. The bulk of his proposed cuts came from domestic expenditure: but his strategy for getting the cuts through Cabinet involved the initial symbolic sacrifice of the remnants of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, and an accelerated withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore. Within the Cabinet itself, the old structure of authority that had maintained the Wilson Government's former policies had broken down, enabling Jenkins to guide it to abandon the last echo of Britain's former Empire.Less
Chapter 7 documents the abandonment of the last symbolic remnants of Britain's world role in the aftermath of devaluation. The devaluation of Sterling itself, in November 1967, had little direct effect on defence and foreign policy. But when Roy Jenkins became the new Chancellor of the Exchequer in December 1967, he set about the task of preparing further economic measures to shore up the Pound at its new, reduced level. The bulk of his proposed cuts came from domestic expenditure: but his strategy for getting the cuts through Cabinet involved the initial symbolic sacrifice of the remnants of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, and an accelerated withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore. Within the Cabinet itself, the old structure of authority that had maintained the Wilson Government's former policies had broken down, enabling Jenkins to guide it to abandon the last echo of Britain's former Empire.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Conclusion summarises the argument of the book about how the Wilson Government came to decide to withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore and the Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role. It notes that there ...
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The Conclusion summarises the argument of the book about how the Wilson Government came to decide to withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore and the Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role. It notes that there was a conflict between Britain's fundamental interests: between its limited economic means and the need to maintain relations with its major allies, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. Once this issue was decided, a second issue arose about how to balance the political pressure for a fast, public and complete withdrawal, against demands that the symbolic remnants of Britain's world role be retained as long as possible. The Conclusion notes that the roles and significance of the key actors through this process changed over time, from the Whitehall departments and their leading ministers, to the Parliamentary Labour Party, to Cabinet.Less
The Conclusion summarises the argument of the book about how the Wilson Government came to decide to withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore and the Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role. It notes that there was a conflict between Britain's fundamental interests: between its limited economic means and the need to maintain relations with its major allies, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. Once this issue was decided, a second issue arose about how to balance the political pressure for a fast, public and complete withdrawal, against demands that the symbolic remnants of Britain's world role be retained as long as possible. The Conclusion notes that the roles and significance of the key actors through this process changed over time, from the Whitehall departments and their leading ministers, to the Parliamentary Labour Party, to Cabinet.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as ...
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Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as much as any other event during his lifetime, and it rapidly achieved a mythic quality. His Irishness was stressed in many of the reports and obituaries accompanying his passing. Much sympathy was expressed for Cecil Wilson. She persuaded Charles Callwell, an Irishman and a long-time friend and colleague of Wilson's, to write her fallen husband's biography. The result was the two-volume Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: His Life and Diaries, published in 1927. In death, Henry Wilson remained a kind of founding martyr for the Northern Ireland state.Less
Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as much as any other event during his lifetime, and it rapidly achieved a mythic quality. His Irishness was stressed in many of the reports and obituaries accompanying his passing. Much sympathy was expressed for Cecil Wilson. She persuaded Charles Callwell, an Irishman and a long-time friend and colleague of Wilson's, to write her fallen husband's biography. The result was the two-volume Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: His Life and Diaries, published in 1927. In death, Henry Wilson remained a kind of founding martyr for the Northern Ireland state.
P. L. Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government ...
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In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government had announced that Britain would be withdrawing from its major Southeast Asian bases and abandoning any special military role ‘East of Suez’. The purpose of this book is to document and explain the British policy process leading to the decisions to withdraw.The book argues that the Wilson Government faced two fundamental dilemmas regarding its defence policy. The first was a conflict between Britain's limited economic means, which compelled cuts to the country's defence role, and its need to maintain its relations with its major allies, especially the Johnson Administration in the United States, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. This conflict was fundamentally resolved after the Labour Party revolted over defence policy in early 1967, when the Government decided to withdraw from the bases in Singapore and Malaysia. Thereafter, the Wilson Government faced a second dilemma over whether to minimise the political and symbolic impact of its decisions for the sake of its international allies, or to maximise it for domestic political advantage. This conflict was not fully settled until January 1968, when the Government announced a faster withdrawal and complete abandonment of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, as a means of gaining acceptance for the social cuts it was implementing in the aftermath of the devaluation of the Pound.Less
In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government had announced that Britain would be withdrawing from its major Southeast Asian bases and abandoning any special military role ‘East of Suez’. The purpose of this book is to document and explain the British policy process leading to the decisions to withdraw.
The book argues that the Wilson Government faced two fundamental dilemmas regarding its defence policy. The first was a conflict between Britain's limited economic means, which compelled cuts to the country's defence role, and its need to maintain its relations with its major allies, especially the Johnson Administration in the United States, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. This conflict was fundamentally resolved after the Labour Party revolted over defence policy in early 1967, when the Government decided to withdraw from the bases in Singapore and Malaysia. Thereafter, the Wilson Government faced a second dilemma over whether to minimise the political and symbolic impact of its decisions for the sake of its international allies, or to maximise it for domestic political advantage. This conflict was not fully settled until January 1968, when the Government announced a faster withdrawal and complete abandonment of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, as a means of gaining acceptance for the social cuts it was implementing in the aftermath of the devaluation of the Pound.
Mikulas Fabry
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199564446
- eISBN:
- 9780191722325
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564446.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of ...
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Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of self‐determination as a negative right, which prescribed no more than non‐interference in foreign self‐determination endeavors of self‐defined peoples and recognition of their successful conclusions, Wilson argued that a peoples' right to determine their political future imposed an active obligation on international society to bring it about. This progressive doctrine demanded that outsiders identify: (a) the peoples who qualify for the right of self‐determination, (b) the correct procedure for assessing their consent to be independent, and (c) the exact scope of positive international obligations owed to them. These questions presented insurmountable operational difficulties. Participants at the Paris Peace Conference, even Wilson, came to appreciate that if the mere voicing of claims gave groups positive entitlement and if outsiders would be bound to intervene to effect such claims, there would be no limit to state fragmentation and international disorder. In the end, the statesmen were obliged by this situation to recognize only those claimants established de facto.Less
Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of self‐determination as a negative right, which prescribed no more than non‐interference in foreign self‐determination endeavors of self‐defined peoples and recognition of their successful conclusions, Wilson argued that a peoples' right to determine their political future imposed an active obligation on international society to bring it about. This progressive doctrine demanded that outsiders identify: (a) the peoples who qualify for the right of self‐determination, (b) the correct procedure for assessing their consent to be independent, and (c) the exact scope of positive international obligations owed to them. These questions presented insurmountable operational difficulties. Participants at the Paris Peace Conference, even Wilson, came to appreciate that if the mere voicing of claims gave groups positive entitlement and if outsiders would be bound to intervene to effect such claims, there would be no limit to state fragmentation and international disorder. In the end, the statesmen were obliged by this situation to recognize only those claimants established de facto.
Keith Jeffery
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before ...
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Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.Less
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.
Robert C. Fuller
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195369175
- eISBN:
- 9780199871186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369175.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the leverage that the body exerts on humanity's propensity toward religion. Recent research in the emotions, neurobiology, sexuality, pain, and the chemical components of ...
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This chapter explores the leverage that the body exerts on humanity's propensity toward religion. Recent research in the emotions, neurobiology, sexuality, pain, and the chemical components of thought or feeling all shed light on the varieties of human spirituality. Studying religion “in the flesh” furnishes a new set of critical terms that bring a fully interdisciplinary perspective to bear on understanding the most elusive forms of embodied experience.Less
This chapter explores the leverage that the body exerts on humanity's propensity toward religion. Recent research in the emotions, neurobiology, sexuality, pain, and the chemical components of thought or feeling all shed light on the varieties of human spirituality. Studying religion “in the flesh” furnishes a new set of critical terms that bring a fully interdisciplinary perspective to bear on understanding the most elusive forms of embodied experience.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 1 examines the Wilson Government's initial reassessment, within the Defence Review, of future overseas policy. On their arrival in office, senior ministers were keen to emphasise the ...
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Chapter 1 examines the Wilson Government's initial reassessment, within the Defence Review, of future overseas policy. On their arrival in office, senior ministers were keen to emphasise the importance of Britain's military commitments overseas, even though officials within the Foreign and Commonwealth Relations Offices were now beginning to entertain doubts about their long‐term value. At the same time, the weakness of Britain's economic situation prompted them to impose a ceiling of £2000 million on annual defence expenditure. The combination of these official doubts and the need for spending restraint encouraged senior ministers to endorse a medium‐term plan for the withdrawal of permanent British forces from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded and operated by Britain and the ANZUS allies.Less
Chapter 1 examines the Wilson Government's initial reassessment, within the Defence Review, of future overseas policy. On their arrival in office, senior ministers were keen to emphasise the importance of Britain's military commitments overseas, even though officials within the Foreign and Commonwealth Relations Offices were now beginning to entertain doubts about their long‐term value. At the same time, the weakness of Britain's economic situation prompted them to impose a ceiling of £2000 million on annual defence expenditure. The combination of these official doubts and the need for spending restraint encouraged senior ministers to endorse a medium‐term plan for the withdrawal of permanent British forces from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded and operated by Britain and the ANZUS allies.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 2 examines the Wilson Government's attempts to introduce its allies to its thinking on withdrawing from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded with the ANZUS ...
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Chapter 2 examines the Wilson Government's attempts to introduce its allies to its thinking on withdrawing from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded with the ANZUS allies. These discussions were suddenly interrupted in August 1965 by the separation of Singapore from Malaysia. In the aftermath of the split, the British sought to accelerate their plans for withdrawal from Singapore, on the grounds that the island's position was no longer secure. These plans were sharply rejected by the ANZUS allies. The rejection was firmly bolstered by the Johnson Administration imposing an understanding that their support of the Pound was linked to a British willingness to maintain an acceptable defence policy. The basic dilemma for Britain's policymakers was now exposed: how to resolve the conflict between the need to cut defence expenditure, for the sake of the country's economic health, and the need to maintain an overseas role, for the sake of the country's major allies.Less
Chapter 2 examines the Wilson Government's attempts to introduce its allies to its thinking on withdrawing from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded with the ANZUS allies. These discussions were suddenly interrupted in August 1965 by the separation of Singapore from Malaysia. In the aftermath of the split, the British sought to accelerate their plans for withdrawal from Singapore, on the grounds that the island's position was no longer secure. These plans were sharply rejected by the ANZUS allies. The rejection was firmly bolstered by the Johnson Administration imposing an understanding that their support of the Pound was linked to a British willingness to maintain an acceptable defence policy. The basic dilemma for Britain's policymakers was now exposed: how to resolve the conflict between the need to cut defence expenditure, for the sake of the country's economic health, and the need to maintain an overseas role, for the sake of the country's major allies.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 3 traces the period up to the publication of the Defence White Paper in February 1966. During this time, the Wilson Government continued to develop its plans to withdraw from Singapore to ...
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Chapter 3 traces the period up to the publication of the Defence White Paper in February 1966. During this time, the Wilson Government continued to develop its plans to withdraw from Singapore to Australia, hiding this work from the ANZUS allies. These allies were adamant that they would not accept a voluntary British withdrawal from a central strategic node of Southeast Asia. With no agreement in sight, the Wilson Government hastily revised its plans at the last moment, rephrasing its intentions to state that it would stay in Singapore ‘as long as conditions allowed’. While publishing this intent in the Defence White Paper, to the satisfaction of the allies, the Government secretly expected and hoped that conditions in Singapore would soon come to force it to withdraw.Less
Chapter 3 traces the period up to the publication of the Defence White Paper in February 1966. During this time, the Wilson Government continued to develop its plans to withdraw from Singapore to Australia, hiding this work from the ANZUS allies. These allies were adamant that they would not accept a voluntary British withdrawal from a central strategic node of Southeast Asia. With no agreement in sight, the Wilson Government hastily revised its plans at the last moment, rephrasing its intentions to state that it would stay in Singapore ‘as long as conditions allowed’. While publishing this intent in the Defence White Paper, to the satisfaction of the allies, the Government secretly expected and hoped that conditions in Singapore would soon come to force it to withdraw.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 4 begins with the Wilson Government and the ANZUS allies fitfully trying to implement the policy of quadripartite co‐operation heralded in the 1966 Defence White Paper. With the countries ...
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Chapter 4 begins with the Wilson Government and the ANZUS allies fitfully trying to implement the policy of quadripartite co‐operation heralded in the 1966 Defence White Paper. With the countries still in deep disagreement over basic strategy, however, this exercise barely got off the ground. Meanwhile, Britain's financial position sharply deteriorated, with a mid‐year seamen's strike exacerbating the country's balance of payments problems. In the ensuing 1966 Sterling crisis, economic ministers pushed for an immediate, sharp cut in overseas defence expenditure. This demand was deflected by the Foreign Secretary into more measured cuts, which would not affect the basic thrust of foreign policy. In the aftermath, however, the Government initiated new Defence Expenditure Studies, aimed at reducing the annual defence budget to a target of £1850 million.Less
Chapter 4 begins with the Wilson Government and the ANZUS allies fitfully trying to implement the policy of quadripartite co‐operation heralded in the 1966 Defence White Paper. With the countries still in deep disagreement over basic strategy, however, this exercise barely got off the ground. Meanwhile, Britain's financial position sharply deteriorated, with a mid‐year seamen's strike exacerbating the country's balance of payments problems. In the ensuing 1966 Sterling crisis, economic ministers pushed for an immediate, sharp cut in overseas defence expenditure. This demand was deflected by the Foreign Secretary into more measured cuts, which would not affect the basic thrust of foreign policy. In the aftermath, however, the Government initiated new Defence Expenditure Studies, aimed at reducing the annual defence budget to a target of £1850 million.
