Karl Giberson and Mariano Artigas
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195310726
- eISBN:
- 9780199785179
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195310726.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book examines the popular writings of the six scientists who have been the most influential in shaping perceptions of science, how it works, and how it relates to other fields of human endeavor, ...
More
This book examines the popular writings of the six scientists who have been the most influential in shaping perceptions of science, how it works, and how it relates to other fields of human endeavor, especially religion. Biologists Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Dawkins, and Edward O. Wilson; and physicists Carl Sagan, Stephen Hawking, and Steven Weinberg, form a constellation of scientists who have become public intellectuals, influencing millions of people around the world. All six have made major and highly original contributions to science, and all six have stepped onto the public stage, articulating a much larger vision for science, how it should work, and what role it should play in the worldview of the modern world. In so doing, they have challenged many traditional ideas, such as belief in God. The scientific prestige and literary eloquence of these great thinkers combine to transform them into what can only be called oracles of science. Their controversial, often personal, sometimes idiosyncratic opinions exert an enormous influence on modern intellectual conversation, both inside and outside science. The book carefully distinguishes science from philosophy and religion in the writings of the oracles, and invites readers to a respectful dialogue with some of the greatest minds of our time.Less
This book examines the popular writings of the six scientists who have been the most influential in shaping perceptions of science, how it works, and how it relates to other fields of human endeavor, especially religion. Biologists Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Dawkins, and Edward O. Wilson; and physicists Carl Sagan, Stephen Hawking, and Steven Weinberg, form a constellation of scientists who have become public intellectuals, influencing millions of people around the world. All six have made major and highly original contributions to science, and all six have stepped onto the public stage, articulating a much larger vision for science, how it should work, and what role it should play in the worldview of the modern world. In so doing, they have challenged many traditional ideas, such as belief in God. The scientific prestige and literary eloquence of these great thinkers combine to transform them into what can only be called oracles of science. Their controversial, often personal, sometimes idiosyncratic opinions exert an enormous influence on modern intellectual conversation, both inside and outside science. The book carefully distinguishes science from philosophy and religion in the writings of the oracles, and invites readers to a respectful dialogue with some of the greatest minds of our time.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a ...
More
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.Less
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.
Louis A. Girifalco
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199228966
- eISBN:
- 9780191711183
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199228966.003.0020
- Subject:
- Physics, History of Physics
Radio astronomy, as first applied by Penzias and Wilson, showed that all space is permeated by a low level of radiation. This is left over from the big bang at the beginning of the universe and is a ...
More
Radio astronomy, as first applied by Penzias and Wilson, showed that all space is permeated by a low level of radiation. This is left over from the big bang at the beginning of the universe and is a major factor in proving the validity of Big Bang theory. The existence of the cosmic background radiation, which is everywhere the same, raises the question of the possibility of using it to define an absolute space, and therefore negating relativity theory. It turns out that relativity is still valid because it deals with the relations between observable objects, and is correct regardless of the existence of a background radiation.Less
Radio astronomy, as first applied by Penzias and Wilson, showed that all space is permeated by a low level of radiation. This is left over from the big bang at the beginning of the universe and is a major factor in proving the validity of Big Bang theory. The existence of the cosmic background radiation, which is everywhere the same, raises the question of the possibility of using it to define an absolute space, and therefore negating relativity theory. It turns out that relativity is still valid because it deals with the relations between observable objects, and is correct regardless of the existence of a background radiation.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may ...
More
The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may have had an inevitable encounter with a coroner. It analyses the government's reaction to the 1974 strike by the Ulster Workers Council, which led to the demise of Sunningdale. The chapter also illustrates the limits of the Callaghan government's policies in Northern Ireland, including its flawed experiments in ‘Ulsterization’, ‘normalization’, and ‘criminalization’.Less
The chapter is highly critical of the Wilson cabinet's failure to defend Northern Ireland's first consociational experiment, the Sunningdale Agreement, although it concedes that this agreement may have had an inevitable encounter with a coroner. It analyses the government's reaction to the 1974 strike by the Ulster Workers Council, which led to the demise of Sunningdale. The chapter also illustrates the limits of the Callaghan government's policies in Northern Ireland, including its flawed experiments in ‘Ulsterization’, ‘normalization’, and ‘criminalization’.
Timothy Larsen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287871
- eISBN:
- 9780191713422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287871.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter documents the way that the theme of Victorian crisis of faith has become vastly overblown in general histories of the period, textbooks, literary studies, and intellectual history. It ...
More
This chapter documents the way that the theme of Victorian crisis of faith has become vastly overblown in general histories of the period, textbooks, literary studies, and intellectual history. It recounts the main studies that have established this theme from Basil Willey to A. N. Wilson, and casts the Victorian crisis of faith as a by-product of the evangelicalism and general religiosity of the age.Less
This chapter documents the way that the theme of Victorian crisis of faith has become vastly overblown in general histories of the period, textbooks, literary studies, and intellectual history. It recounts the main studies that have established this theme from Basil Willey to A. N. Wilson, and casts the Victorian crisis of faith as a by-product of the evangelicalism and general religiosity of the age.
Karl Giberson and Mariano Artigas
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195310726
- eISBN:
- 9780199785179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195310726.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The oracles of science: Carl Sagan, Stephen Weinberg, Richard Dawkins, Stephen Hawking, Edward O. Wilson, and Stephen Jay Gould make connections between science and culture, and they particularly ...
More
The oracles of science: Carl Sagan, Stephen Weinberg, Richard Dawkins, Stephen Hawking, Edward O. Wilson, and Stephen Jay Gould make connections between science and culture, and they particularly voice their ideas about religion. Like all great scientists, they have done important work in specific areas, but unlike most scientists, they have a grand view of reality and have elected to engage the deeper cultural and worldview issues of our time. The oracles of science, for the most part, create the impression that science is hostile to religion. Their writings produce the impression that science supersedes religion, and even explains it away. As history has shown, science is all too frequently enlisted in the service of propaganda and we must be on guard against intellectual nonsense masquerading as science.Less
The oracles of science: Carl Sagan, Stephen Weinberg, Richard Dawkins, Stephen Hawking, Edward O. Wilson, and Stephen Jay Gould make connections between science and culture, and they particularly voice their ideas about religion. Like all great scientists, they have done important work in specific areas, but unlike most scientists, they have a grand view of reality and have elected to engage the deeper cultural and worldview issues of our time. The oracles of science, for the most part, create the impression that science is hostile to religion. Their writings produce the impression that science supersedes religion, and even explains it away. As history has shown, science is all too frequently enlisted in the service of propaganda and we must be on guard against intellectual nonsense masquerading as science.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement ...
More
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.Less
Examines post‐Reconstruction race relations—focusing mainly from 1856–1964—and outlines the legal and political factors permitting its dissemination. King formulates segregation as an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in separate, but constitutionally sanctioned, ways. He examines various laws and policies that condoned segregation ever since the Supreme Court accepted the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine as a justification of segregation in 1896 up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. King also examines the congressional and presidential politics of race relations under the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of ...
More
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.Less
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.
Mikulas Fabry
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199564446
- eISBN:
- 9780191722325
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564446.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of ...
More
Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of self‐determination as a negative right, which prescribed no more than non‐interference in foreign self‐determination endeavors of self‐defined peoples and recognition of their successful conclusions, Wilson argued that a peoples' right to determine their political future imposed an active obligation on international society to bring it about. This progressive doctrine demanded that outsiders identify: (a) the peoples who qualify for the right of self‐determination, (b) the correct procedure for assessing their consent to be independent, and (c) the exact scope of positive international obligations owed to them. These questions presented insurmountable operational difficulties. Participants at the Paris Peace Conference, even Wilson, came to appreciate that if the mere voicing of claims gave groups positive entitlement and if outsiders would be bound to intervene to effect such claims, there would be no limit to state fragmentation and international disorder. In the end, the statesmen were obliged by this situation to recognize only those claimants established de facto.Less
Chapter 4 begins by considering Woodrow Wilson's intellectual revolution of 1916–18 which turned on the positive right of self‐determination. In marked contrast to the earlier conception of self‐determination as a negative right, which prescribed no more than non‐interference in foreign self‐determination endeavors of self‐defined peoples and recognition of their successful conclusions, Wilson argued that a peoples' right to determine their political future imposed an active obligation on international society to bring it about. This progressive doctrine demanded that outsiders identify: (a) the peoples who qualify for the right of self‐determination, (b) the correct procedure for assessing their consent to be independent, and (c) the exact scope of positive international obligations owed to them. These questions presented insurmountable operational difficulties. Participants at the Paris Peace Conference, even Wilson, came to appreciate that if the mere voicing of claims gave groups positive entitlement and if outsiders would be bound to intervene to effect such claims, there would be no limit to state fragmentation and international disorder. In the end, the statesmen were obliged by this situation to recognize only those claimants established de facto.
Robert C. Fuller
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195369175
- eISBN:
- 9780199871186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369175.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the leverage that the body exerts on humanity's propensity toward religion. Recent research in the emotions, neurobiology, sexuality, pain, and the chemical components of ...
More
This chapter explores the leverage that the body exerts on humanity's propensity toward religion. Recent research in the emotions, neurobiology, sexuality, pain, and the chemical components of thought or feeling all shed light on the varieties of human spirituality. Studying religion “in the flesh” furnishes a new set of critical terms that bring a fully interdisciplinary perspective to bear on understanding the most elusive forms of embodied experience.Less
This chapter explores the leverage that the body exerts on humanity's propensity toward religion. Recent research in the emotions, neurobiology, sexuality, pain, and the chemical components of thought or feeling all shed light on the varieties of human spirituality. Studying religion “in the flesh” furnishes a new set of critical terms that bring a fully interdisciplinary perspective to bear on understanding the most elusive forms of embodied experience.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as ...
More
Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as much as any other event during his lifetime, and it rapidly achieved a mythic quality. His Irishness was stressed in many of the reports and obituaries accompanying his passing. Much sympathy was expressed for Cecil Wilson. She persuaded Charles Callwell, an Irishman and a long-time friend and colleague of Wilson's, to write her fallen husband's biography. The result was the two-volume Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: His Life and Diaries, published in 1927. In death, Henry Wilson remained a kind of founding martyr for the Northern Ireland state.Less
Henry Wilson died on June 22, 1922, when he was shot by two men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O'Sullivan. Dunne was commander of the Irish Republican Army in London. Wilson's assassination became him as much as any other event during his lifetime, and it rapidly achieved a mythic quality. His Irishness was stressed in many of the reports and obituaries accompanying his passing. Much sympathy was expressed for Cecil Wilson. She persuaded Charles Callwell, an Irishman and a long-time friend and colleague of Wilson's, to write her fallen husband's biography. The result was the two-volume Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: His Life and Diaries, published in 1927. In death, Henry Wilson remained a kind of founding martyr for the Northern Ireland state.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter reveals how the tensions in Angell's thought caused him to be associated with contradictory viewpoints on different sides of the Atlantic. Visiting America (May 1915–May 1916) he came to ...
More
This chapter reveals how the tensions in Angell's thought caused him to be associated with contradictory viewpoints on different sides of the Atlantic. Visiting America (May 1915–May 1916) he came to be regarded there as an advocate of military intervention against Germany, his ideas being taken seriously by President Wilson. Returning to Britain (May 1916–July 1917), probably to declare himself a conscientious objector (though he turned out to be above conscription age), he was regarded as pacifist and subversive; and with little to lose he espoused socialism and called for a democratically elected ‘parliament of the allies’ to discuss the post-war settlement. During a second sojourn in the United States (July 1917–December 1918) he consorted mainly with the left, which meant that his work for the league-of-nations movement had to be carried out behind the scenes. His ideological eclecticism — he flirted with liberal-internationalist, radical-isolationist, socialist, and pacifist ideas, whilst also promoting his ‘illusion’ thesis — reached its peak.Less
This chapter reveals how the tensions in Angell's thought caused him to be associated with contradictory viewpoints on different sides of the Atlantic. Visiting America (May 1915–May 1916) he came to be regarded there as an advocate of military intervention against Germany, his ideas being taken seriously by President Wilson. Returning to Britain (May 1916–July 1917), probably to declare himself a conscientious objector (though he turned out to be above conscription age), he was regarded as pacifist and subversive; and with little to lose he espoused socialism and called for a democratically elected ‘parliament of the allies’ to discuss the post-war settlement. During a second sojourn in the United States (July 1917–December 1918) he consorted mainly with the left, which meant that his work for the league-of-nations movement had to be carried out behind the scenes. His ideological eclecticism — he flirted with liberal-internationalist, radical-isolationist, socialist, and pacifist ideas, whilst also promoting his ‘illusion’ thesis — reached its peak.
P. L. Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government ...
More
In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government had announced that Britain would be withdrawing from its major Southeast Asian bases and abandoning any special military role ‘East of Suez’. The purpose of this book is to document and explain the British policy process leading to the decisions to withdraw.The book argues that the Wilson Government faced two fundamental dilemmas regarding its defence policy. The first was a conflict between Britain's limited economic means, which compelled cuts to the country's defence role, and its need to maintain its relations with its major allies, especially the Johnson Administration in the United States, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. This conflict was fundamentally resolved after the Labour Party revolted over defence policy in early 1967, when the Government decided to withdraw from the bases in Singapore and Malaysia. Thereafter, the Wilson Government faced a second dilemma over whether to minimise the political and symbolic impact of its decisions for the sake of its international allies, or to maximise it for domestic political advantage. This conflict was not fully settled until January 1968, when the Government announced a faster withdrawal and complete abandonment of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, as a means of gaining acceptance for the social cuts it was implementing in the aftermath of the devaluation of the Pound.Less
In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government had announced that Britain would be withdrawing from its major Southeast Asian bases and abandoning any special military role ‘East of Suez’. The purpose of this book is to document and explain the British policy process leading to the decisions to withdraw.
The book argues that the Wilson Government faced two fundamental dilemmas regarding its defence policy. The first was a conflict between Britain's limited economic means, which compelled cuts to the country's defence role, and its need to maintain its relations with its major allies, especially the Johnson Administration in the United States, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. This conflict was fundamentally resolved after the Labour Party revolted over defence policy in early 1967, when the Government decided to withdraw from the bases in Singapore and Malaysia. Thereafter, the Wilson Government faced a second dilemma over whether to minimise the political and symbolic impact of its decisions for the sake of its international allies, or to maximise it for domestic political advantage. This conflict was not fully settled until January 1968, when the Government announced a faster withdrawal and complete abandonment of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, as a means of gaining acceptance for the social cuts it was implementing in the aftermath of the devaluation of the Pound.
G. John Ikenberry
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. ...
More
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.Less
Liberal order is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Instead, aspects of the liberal vision have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. This chapter argues that it is possible to identify three versions of liberal order. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson; the second is the liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades; and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. The chapter develops a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.
Mark Weston Janis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579341
- eISBN:
- 9780191722653
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579341.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches ...
More
This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches to international law. The book begins with the important role the law of nations played for founders like Jefferson and Madison in framing the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. It then discusses the intellectual contributions to international law made by leaders in the New Republic — Kent and Wheaton — and the place of international law in the 19th century judgments of Marshall, Story, and Taney. The book goes on to examine the contributions of American utopians — Dodge, Worcester, Ladd, Burritt, and Carnegie — to the establishment of the League of Nations, the World Court, the International Law Association, and the American Society of International Law. It finishes with an analysis of the wavering support to international law given by Woodrow Wilson and the emergence of a new American isolationism following the disappointment of World War I.Less
This book is an exploration of the ways in which Americans have perceived, applied, advanced, and frustrated international law. It demonstrates the varieties and continuities of America's approaches to international law. The book begins with the important role the law of nations played for founders like Jefferson and Madison in framing the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. It then discusses the intellectual contributions to international law made by leaders in the New Republic — Kent and Wheaton — and the place of international law in the 19th century judgments of Marshall, Story, and Taney. The book goes on to examine the contributions of American utopians — Dodge, Worcester, Ladd, Burritt, and Carnegie — to the establishment of the League of Nations, the World Court, the International Law Association, and the American Society of International Law. It finishes with an analysis of the wavering support to international law given by Woodrow Wilson and the emergence of a new American isolationism following the disappointment of World War I.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 1 examines the Wilson Government's initial reassessment, within the Defence Review, of future overseas policy. On their arrival in office, senior ministers were keen to emphasise the ...
More
Chapter 1 examines the Wilson Government's initial reassessment, within the Defence Review, of future overseas policy. On their arrival in office, senior ministers were keen to emphasise the importance of Britain's military commitments overseas, even though officials within the Foreign and Commonwealth Relations Offices were now beginning to entertain doubts about their long‐term value. At the same time, the weakness of Britain's economic situation prompted them to impose a ceiling of £2000 million on annual defence expenditure. The combination of these official doubts and the need for spending restraint encouraged senior ministers to endorse a medium‐term plan for the withdrawal of permanent British forces from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded and operated by Britain and the ANZUS allies.Less
Chapter 1 examines the Wilson Government's initial reassessment, within the Defence Review, of future overseas policy. On their arrival in office, senior ministers were keen to emphasise the importance of Britain's military commitments overseas, even though officials within the Foreign and Commonwealth Relations Offices were now beginning to entertain doubts about their long‐term value. At the same time, the weakness of Britain's economic situation prompted them to impose a ceiling of £2000 million on annual defence expenditure. The combination of these official doubts and the need for spending restraint encouraged senior ministers to endorse a medium‐term plan for the withdrawal of permanent British forces from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded and operated by Britain and the ANZUS allies.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 2 examines the Wilson Government's attempts to introduce its allies to its thinking on withdrawing from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded with the ANZUS ...
More
Chapter 2 examines the Wilson Government's attempts to introduce its allies to its thinking on withdrawing from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded with the ANZUS allies. These discussions were suddenly interrupted in August 1965 by the separation of Singapore from Malaysia. In the aftermath of the split, the British sought to accelerate their plans for withdrawal from Singapore, on the grounds that the island's position was no longer secure. These plans were sharply rejected by the ANZUS allies. The rejection was firmly bolstered by the Johnson Administration imposing an understanding that their support of the Pound was linked to a British willingness to maintain an acceptable defence policy. The basic dilemma for Britain's policymakers was now exposed: how to resolve the conflict between the need to cut defence expenditure, for the sake of the country's economic health, and the need to maintain an overseas role, for the sake of the country's major allies.Less
Chapter 2 examines the Wilson Government's attempts to introduce its allies to its thinking on withdrawing from Malaysia and Singapore to a northern Australian base, jointly funded with the ANZUS allies. These discussions were suddenly interrupted in August 1965 by the separation of Singapore from Malaysia. In the aftermath of the split, the British sought to accelerate their plans for withdrawal from Singapore, on the grounds that the island's position was no longer secure. These plans were sharply rejected by the ANZUS allies. The rejection was firmly bolstered by the Johnson Administration imposing an understanding that their support of the Pound was linked to a British willingness to maintain an acceptable defence policy. The basic dilemma for Britain's policymakers was now exposed: how to resolve the conflict between the need to cut defence expenditure, for the sake of the country's economic health, and the need to maintain an overseas role, for the sake of the country's major allies.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 3 traces the period up to the publication of the Defence White Paper in February 1966. During this time, the Wilson Government continued to develop its plans to withdraw from Singapore to ...
More
Chapter 3 traces the period up to the publication of the Defence White Paper in February 1966. During this time, the Wilson Government continued to develop its plans to withdraw from Singapore to Australia, hiding this work from the ANZUS allies. These allies were adamant that they would not accept a voluntary British withdrawal from a central strategic node of Southeast Asia. With no agreement in sight, the Wilson Government hastily revised its plans at the last moment, rephrasing its intentions to state that it would stay in Singapore ‘as long as conditions allowed’. While publishing this intent in the Defence White Paper, to the satisfaction of the allies, the Government secretly expected and hoped that conditions in Singapore would soon come to force it to withdraw.Less
Chapter 3 traces the period up to the publication of the Defence White Paper in February 1966. During this time, the Wilson Government continued to develop its plans to withdraw from Singapore to Australia, hiding this work from the ANZUS allies. These allies were adamant that they would not accept a voluntary British withdrawal from a central strategic node of Southeast Asia. With no agreement in sight, the Wilson Government hastily revised its plans at the last moment, rephrasing its intentions to state that it would stay in Singapore ‘as long as conditions allowed’. While publishing this intent in the Defence White Paper, to the satisfaction of the allies, the Government secretly expected and hoped that conditions in Singapore would soon come to force it to withdraw.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 4 begins with the Wilson Government and the ANZUS allies fitfully trying to implement the policy of quadripartite co‐operation heralded in the 1966 Defence White Paper. With the countries ...
More
Chapter 4 begins with the Wilson Government and the ANZUS allies fitfully trying to implement the policy of quadripartite co‐operation heralded in the 1966 Defence White Paper. With the countries still in deep disagreement over basic strategy, however, this exercise barely got off the ground. Meanwhile, Britain's financial position sharply deteriorated, with a mid‐year seamen's strike exacerbating the country's balance of payments problems. In the ensuing 1966 Sterling crisis, economic ministers pushed for an immediate, sharp cut in overseas defence expenditure. This demand was deflected by the Foreign Secretary into more measured cuts, which would not affect the basic thrust of foreign policy. In the aftermath, however, the Government initiated new Defence Expenditure Studies, aimed at reducing the annual defence budget to a target of £1850 million.Less
Chapter 4 begins with the Wilson Government and the ANZUS allies fitfully trying to implement the policy of quadripartite co‐operation heralded in the 1966 Defence White Paper. With the countries still in deep disagreement over basic strategy, however, this exercise barely got off the ground. Meanwhile, Britain's financial position sharply deteriorated, with a mid‐year seamen's strike exacerbating the country's balance of payments problems. In the ensuing 1966 Sterling crisis, economic ministers pushed for an immediate, sharp cut in overseas defence expenditure. This demand was deflected by the Foreign Secretary into more measured cuts, which would not affect the basic thrust of foreign policy. In the aftermath, however, the Government initiated new Defence Expenditure Studies, aimed at reducing the annual defence budget to a target of £1850 million.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 5 follows the course of the Wilson Government's Defence Expenditure Studies. This policy review process was much more acrimonious than before, the sharpening conflict between Britain's ...
More
Chapter 5 follows the course of the Wilson Government's Defence Expenditure Studies. This policy review process was much more acrimonious than before, the sharpening conflict between Britain's economic and international political interests manifesting itself in arguments between the Treasury and the defence and overseas departments. This wrangling meant that the review had reached no useful conclusion when, in February 1967, the Parliamentary Labour Party revolted against what they perceived to be the conservatism of the Government's defence policy. The revolt appeared to energise all the Party and Cabinet critics to speak out. It provoked Defence Secretary, Denis Healey, to leapfrog the second defence review with a new plan for a staged withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore, with the intention of forestalling any further revolt. His plan was passed by Cabinet, with difficulty, in April 1967.Less
Chapter 5 follows the course of the Wilson Government's Defence Expenditure Studies. This policy review process was much more acrimonious than before, the sharpening conflict between Britain's economic and international political interests manifesting itself in arguments between the Treasury and the defence and overseas departments. This wrangling meant that the review had reached no useful conclusion when, in February 1967, the Parliamentary Labour Party revolted against what they perceived to be the conservatism of the Government's defence policy. The revolt appeared to energise all the Party and Cabinet critics to speak out. It provoked Defence Secretary, Denis Healey, to leapfrog the second defence review with a new plan for a staged withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore, with the intention of forestalling any further revolt. His plan was passed by Cabinet, with difficulty, in April 1967.
