Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a ...
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The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a role. Security was the most important consideration on the British side, but the economic gains to be had from integration also featured. The union was stillborn because of King George III’s veto of Catholic emancipation in 1801.Less
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a role. Security was the most important consideration on the British side, but the economic gains to be had from integration also featured. The union was stillborn because of King George III’s veto of Catholic emancipation in 1801.
Iain Mclean and Alistair Mcmillan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen ...
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Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.Less
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.
William J. Ashworth
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199259212
- eISBN:
- 9780191717918
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199259212.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Economic History
This book traces the growth of customs and excise, and their integral role in shaping the framework of industrial England; including state power, technical advance, and the evolution of a consumer ...
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This book traces the growth of customs and excise, and their integral role in shaping the framework of industrial England; including state power, technical advance, and the evolution of a consumer society. Central to this structure was the development of two economies — one legal and one illicit. If there was a unique English pathway of industrialization, it was less a distinct entrepreneurial and techno-centric culture, than one predominantly defined within an institutional framework spearheaded by the excise and a wall of tariffs. This process reached its peak by the end of the 1770s. The structure then quickly started to crumble under the weight of the fiscal-military state, and Pitt's calculated policy of concentrating industrial policy around cotton, potteries, and iron — at the expense of other taxed industries. The breakthrough of the new political economy was the erosion of the illicit economy; the smugglers' free trade now became the state's most powerful weapon in the war against non-legal trade. If at the beginning of the period covered by this book state administration was predominantly deregulated and industry regulated, by the close the reverse was the case.Less
This book traces the growth of customs and excise, and their integral role in shaping the framework of industrial England; including state power, technical advance, and the evolution of a consumer society. Central to this structure was the development of two economies — one legal and one illicit. If there was a unique English pathway of industrialization, it was less a distinct entrepreneurial and techno-centric culture, than one predominantly defined within an institutional framework spearheaded by the excise and a wall of tariffs. This process reached its peak by the end of the 1770s. The structure then quickly started to crumble under the weight of the fiscal-military state, and Pitt's calculated policy of concentrating industrial policy around cotton, potteries, and iron — at the expense of other taxed industries. The breakthrough of the new political economy was the erosion of the illicit economy; the smugglers' free trade now became the state's most powerful weapon in the war against non-legal trade. If at the beginning of the period covered by this book state administration was predominantly deregulated and industry regulated, by the close the reverse was the case.
Paul Bew
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561261
- eISBN:
- 9780191701832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561261.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The interpretation of the 1798 rebellion became a key battleground; for hard-line Protestants, it became a matter of necessity to insist that the rebellion was inspired by visceral Catholic ...
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The interpretation of the 1798 rebellion became a key battleground; for hard-line Protestants, it became a matter of necessity to insist that the rebellion was inspired by visceral Catholic sectarianism. The objective of British policy was to create an armed nation with loyal Catholic support. Prime Minister William Pitt was always explicit about the strategic considerations involved in the Anglo–Irish relationship. However, Pitt's plans to link Catholic emancipation to the union were dropped by an unusually determined King — backed by the Church of England — Pitt and his allies were forced to abandon the linkage and resign from government on 3 February 1801. In Ireland, a sense of resentment began to intensify. English hypocrisy was too visible. It was a sense of British indifference which threatened to undermine the union.Less
The interpretation of the 1798 rebellion became a key battleground; for hard-line Protestants, it became a matter of necessity to insist that the rebellion was inspired by visceral Catholic sectarianism. The objective of British policy was to create an armed nation with loyal Catholic support. Prime Minister William Pitt was always explicit about the strategic considerations involved in the Anglo–Irish relationship. However, Pitt's plans to link Catholic emancipation to the union were dropped by an unusually determined King — backed by the Church of England — Pitt and his allies were forced to abandon the linkage and resign from government on 3 February 1801. In Ireland, a sense of resentment began to intensify. English hypocrisy was too visible. It was a sense of British indifference which threatened to undermine the union.
PHILIP HARLING
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205760
- eISBN:
- 9780191676772
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205760.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
An onerous tax burden, a mounting debt, a seemingly endless military struggle, and further evidence of malfeasance in high places combined to stimulate the critique of ‘Old Corruption’ and to broaden ...
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An onerous tax burden, a mounting debt, a seemingly endless military struggle, and further evidence of malfeasance in high places combined to stimulate the critique of ‘Old Corruption’ and to broaden the gap between popular political culture. From about the time of British politician William Pitt's death in 1806, a resurgent popular radical movement revived the traditional indictment of parasitism at the centre. It is stated that it was chiefly the Pitt ministry's wartime financial innovations that threatened the social hierarchy. While total wealth may well have increased, the artificial prosperity of wartime had led to dreadful social innovations. Inflation had brought about the almost entire extinction of the ancient country gentry, whose estates were being wallowed up by loan-jobbers, contractors, and others who had grown fat from playing the funds.Less
An onerous tax burden, a mounting debt, a seemingly endless military struggle, and further evidence of malfeasance in high places combined to stimulate the critique of ‘Old Corruption’ and to broaden the gap between popular political culture. From about the time of British politician William Pitt's death in 1806, a resurgent popular radical movement revived the traditional indictment of parasitism at the centre. It is stated that it was chiefly the Pitt ministry's wartime financial innovations that threatened the social hierarchy. While total wealth may well have increased, the artificial prosperity of wartime had led to dreadful social innovations. Inflation had brought about the almost entire extinction of the ancient country gentry, whose estates were being wallowed up by loan-jobbers, contractors, and others who had grown fat from playing the funds.
F.P. Lock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199541539
- eISBN:
- 9780191701238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541539.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter discusses the retirement of British politician Edmund Burke in 1794. There are two reasons that likely influenced Burke's retirement. One is that the occasion of the vote of thanks ...
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This chapter discusses the retirement of British politician Edmund Burke in 1794. There are two reasons that likely influenced Burke's retirement. One is that the occasion of the vote of thanks itself had been purgatorial and humiliating, and that Burke was alienated from his former associates and uneasy with his new ones. He was also marginalized in an arena dominated by the personal rivalry between William Pitt and Charles James Fox.Less
This chapter discusses the retirement of British politician Edmund Burke in 1794. There are two reasons that likely influenced Burke's retirement. One is that the occasion of the vote of thanks itself had been purgatorial and humiliating, and that Burke was alienated from his former associates and uneasy with his new ones. He was also marginalized in an arena dominated by the personal rivalry between William Pitt and Charles James Fox.
F.P. Lock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199541539
- eISBN:
- 9780191701238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541539.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter examines the activities and career of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1787 to 1788. In the summer of 1787, Burke spent his time writing letters in his estate in ...
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This chapter examines the activities and career of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1787 to 1788. In the summer of 1787, Burke spent his time writing letters in his estate in Beaconsfield and his attention was mostly on the Dutch crisis. During this period, Burke also participated in the impeachment proceedings against Judge Elijah Impey. Analyses of Burke's letters and writings during this period reveal that he had heated arguments with William Pitt on the Impey impeachment issue.Less
This chapter examines the activities and career of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1787 to 1788. In the summer of 1787, Burke spent his time writing letters in his estate in Beaconsfield and his attention was mostly on the Dutch crisis. During this period, Burke also participated in the impeachment proceedings against Judge Elijah Impey. Analyses of Burke's letters and writings during this period reveal that he had heated arguments with William Pitt on the Impey impeachment issue.
Paul Bew
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561261
- eISBN:
- 9780191701832
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561261.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book is an innovative interpretation of the history of Anglo–Irish relations from 1789 right to the present day. The French Revolution had an electrifying impact on Irish society, with the 1790s ...
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This book is an innovative interpretation of the history of Anglo–Irish relations from 1789 right to the present day. The French Revolution had an electrifying impact on Irish society, with the 1790s seeing the birth of modern Irish republicanism and Orangeism. This decade also saw the political integration between Ireland and the British elite, such as with Pitt and Castlereagh. The Irish, who were strongly influenced by Edmund Burke's freedom philosophies, argued that Britain's strategic interests were best served by a policy of Catholic emancipation. Britain's failure to achieve this objective — dramatised by the horrifying and tragic Irish famine of 1846–50 — set the context for the emergence of a popular mass nationalism. Eventually, the Fenian, Parnell, and Sinn Fein movements expelled the British from most of the island. This book reassesses all the key leaders of Irish nationalism, alongside key British political leaders — from Tone, Parnell and de Valera, to Haughey, Peel and Blair. It evaluates the changing ideological passions of the modern Irish question, while examining the changing economical and social worlds in London, Dublin and Belfast, all in one coherent analysis.Less
This book is an innovative interpretation of the history of Anglo–Irish relations from 1789 right to the present day. The French Revolution had an electrifying impact on Irish society, with the 1790s seeing the birth of modern Irish republicanism and Orangeism. This decade also saw the political integration between Ireland and the British elite, such as with Pitt and Castlereagh. The Irish, who were strongly influenced by Edmund Burke's freedom philosophies, argued that Britain's strategic interests were best served by a policy of Catholic emancipation. Britain's failure to achieve this objective — dramatised by the horrifying and tragic Irish famine of 1846–50 — set the context for the emergence of a popular mass nationalism. Eventually, the Fenian, Parnell, and Sinn Fein movements expelled the British from most of the island. This book reassesses all the key leaders of Irish nationalism, alongside key British political leaders — from Tone, Parnell and de Valera, to Haughey, Peel and Blair. It evaluates the changing ideological passions of the modern Irish question, while examining the changing economical and social worlds in London, Dublin and Belfast, all in one coherent analysis.
Emma Major
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199699377
- eISBN:
- 9780191738029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199699377.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature, Women's Literature
This chapter discusses responses to the French Revolution, when British Liberty is repeatedly contrasted with French Liberty. Montagu, Scott, Carter, and Piozzi become addicted to newspaper reports ...
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This chapter discusses responses to the French Revolution, when British Liberty is repeatedly contrasted with French Liberty. Montagu, Scott, Carter, and Piozzi become addicted to newspaper reports and fascinated by the working-class fishwives who stormed Versailles. Their correspondence becomes filled with references to Biblical texts and the Book of Common Prayer, and the poor crops and weather of the 1790s lead some of them to read events in terms of prophecy: Piozzi adds up the numbers of Napoleon’s name to 666, the number of the beast. Prophecy and eschatology are evident in graphic satire of the period, which draws extensively on Biblical imagery to give shape to the nation’s fears. Serpents often appear and the French are repeatedly depicted as demonic, for the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars are for these commentators a battle between good and evil.Less
This chapter discusses responses to the French Revolution, when British Liberty is repeatedly contrasted with French Liberty. Montagu, Scott, Carter, and Piozzi become addicted to newspaper reports and fascinated by the working-class fishwives who stormed Versailles. Their correspondence becomes filled with references to Biblical texts and the Book of Common Prayer, and the poor crops and weather of the 1790s lead some of them to read events in terms of prophecy: Piozzi adds up the numbers of Napoleon’s name to 666, the number of the beast. Prophecy and eschatology are evident in graphic satire of the period, which draws extensively on Biblical imagery to give shape to the nation’s fears. Serpents often appear and the French are repeatedly depicted as demonic, for the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars are for these commentators a battle between good and evil.
Janet Semple
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273875
- eISBN:
- 9780191684074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273875.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the first phase of Jeremy Bentham's attempts to build the panopticon. The political arena in which Bentham fought for his panopticon was dominated by Prime Minister William ...
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This chapter discusses the first phase of Jeremy Bentham's attempts to build the panopticon. The political arena in which Bentham fought for his panopticon was dominated by Prime Minister William Pitt and his allies, which included Henry Dundas, Evan Nepean, and George Rose. In December 1786, Bentham first sent his panopticon ‘Letters’ to London but failed to receive a positive response. He was then able to send it again to the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer in August 1790 with the help of Lord Landsdowne. The start of Bentham's campaign for the panopticon started in the summer of 1793 when Pitt indicated his approval and asked Bentham to go ahead with his arrangements.Less
This chapter discusses the first phase of Jeremy Bentham's attempts to build the panopticon. The political arena in which Bentham fought for his panopticon was dominated by Prime Minister William Pitt and his allies, which included Henry Dundas, Evan Nepean, and George Rose. In December 1786, Bentham first sent his panopticon ‘Letters’ to London but failed to receive a positive response. He was then able to send it again to the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer in August 1790 with the help of Lord Landsdowne. The start of Bentham's campaign for the panopticon started in the summer of 1793 when Pitt indicated his approval and asked Bentham to go ahead with his arrangements.
Peter D. G. Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719064289
- eISBN:
- 9781781700310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719064289.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter focuses on the actions of George III in relation to the Seven Years' War. It discusses George III's suggestion that the Earl of Bute should take ministerial office, and William Pitt's ...
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This chapter focuses on the actions of George III in relation to the Seven Years' War. It discusses George III's suggestion that the Earl of Bute should take ministerial office, and William Pitt's objection to the appointment of Bute as Head of the Treasury and his threat to resign if there was any change in war policy. The chapter also considers the financial expenditure of the Seven Years' War.Less
This chapter focuses on the actions of George III in relation to the Seven Years' War. It discusses George III's suggestion that the Earl of Bute should take ministerial office, and William Pitt's objection to the appointment of Bute as Head of the Treasury and his threat to resign if there was any change in war policy. The chapter also considers the financial expenditure of the Seven Years' War.
J. E. Cookson
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206583
- eISBN:
- 9780191677236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206583.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter investigates the tension set up between a huge volunteer force and governments which successively sought a militarily more effective and ...
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This chapter investigates the tension set up between a huge volunteer force and governments which successively sought a militarily more effective and politically more reliable alternative. Castlereagh's local militia of 1808 is seen to represent the triumph of the militia model, which provided for firmer county and army control, over William Windham's model of an ‘armed peasantry’ and William Pitt's model of a nation-in-arms. The addition of mass to war had the further effect of establishing national manpower as a matter of concern to the state. However, the state's recruitment of military manpower continued to be tightly constrained by pre-bureaucratic localism, social privilege, economic interest, and popular anti-militarism. The failure of the volunteer system, then, does not have an obvious explanation: it was cheap, popular, based on local communities, and appeared to strike the right balance between the military service the state required and that which society was prepared to offer.Less
This chapter investigates the tension set up between a huge volunteer force and governments which successively sought a militarily more effective and politically more reliable alternative. Castlereagh's local militia of 1808 is seen to represent the triumph of the militia model, which provided for firmer county and army control, over William Windham's model of an ‘armed peasantry’ and William Pitt's model of a nation-in-arms. The addition of mass to war had the further effect of establishing national manpower as a matter of concern to the state. However, the state's recruitment of military manpower continued to be tightly constrained by pre-bureaucratic localism, social privilege, economic interest, and popular anti-militarism. The failure of the volunteer system, then, does not have an obvious explanation: it was cheap, popular, based on local communities, and appeared to strike the right balance between the military service the state required and that which society was prepared to offer.
J. E. Cookson
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206583
- eISBN:
- 9780191677236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206583.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter examines the very different response Pittite ‘military politics’ generated on the other side of the Irish Sea. Catholic military service, ...
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This chapter examines the very different response Pittite ‘military politics’ generated on the other side of the Irish Sea. Catholic military service, particularly in the Irish militia, did much to provoke Protestant self-defence and nationalism, and after William Pitt the British government moved away from the idea that Ireland could be made secure by a policy of Catholic conciliation and inclusion. The raising of Irish home forces raised the question of who it was safe to arm in an acute form, part of the immensely divisive effect the war had on Irish society. Appearances, however, can be deceptive; the integration of Irish military forces into a British-imperial strategic system was not as complete as their service might suggest. To keep desertion rates down and generally to avoid problems with the civilian population, regular regiments with large numbers of Irish recruits were removed from Ireland as soon as possible.Less
This chapter examines the very different response Pittite ‘military politics’ generated on the other side of the Irish Sea. Catholic military service, particularly in the Irish militia, did much to provoke Protestant self-defence and nationalism, and after William Pitt the British government moved away from the idea that Ireland could be made secure by a policy of Catholic conciliation and inclusion. The raising of Irish home forces raised the question of who it was safe to arm in an acute form, part of the immensely divisive effect the war had on Irish society. Appearances, however, can be deceptive; the integration of Irish military forces into a British-imperial strategic system was not as complete as their service might suggest. To keep desertion rates down and generally to avoid problems with the civilian population, regular regiments with large numbers of Irish recruits were removed from Ireland as soon as possible.
Anne Stott
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199699391
- eISBN:
- 9780191739132
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199699391.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter begins with an account of Wilberforce’s Practical View (1797). It then describes his precipitate engagement in Bath to Barbara Spooner. The couple’s honeymoon was spent visiting Hannah ...
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This chapter begins with an account of Wilberforce’s Practical View (1797). It then describes his precipitate engagement in Bath to Barbara Spooner. The couple’s honeymoon was spent visiting Hannah More’s Sunday schools in the Mendips. On their marriage they moved to Broomfield on Clapham Common. Much of Wilberforce’s time was taken up with his female relatives. His sister, Sally Clarke, was widowed in 1797 and his mother died in the following year. In 1798, following William Pitt’s duel Wilberforce put down a parliamentary motion (later withdrawn) against duelling. In July 1798 his son, William Wilberforce junior was born, attended by a male accoucheur in accordance with childbirth practices in affluent families. In keeping with the predominant ideologies of motherhood and domesticity he greatly approved of his wife’s decision to breastfeed the child.Less
This chapter begins with an account of Wilberforce’s Practical View (1797). It then describes his precipitate engagement in Bath to Barbara Spooner. The couple’s honeymoon was spent visiting Hannah More’s Sunday schools in the Mendips. On their marriage they moved to Broomfield on Clapham Common. Much of Wilberforce’s time was taken up with his female relatives. His sister, Sally Clarke, was widowed in 1797 and his mother died in the following year. In 1798, following William Pitt’s duel Wilberforce put down a parliamentary motion (later withdrawn) against duelling. In July 1798 his son, William Wilberforce junior was born, attended by a male accoucheur in accordance with childbirth practices in affluent families. In keeping with the predominant ideologies of motherhood and domesticity he greatly approved of his wife’s decision to breastfeed the child.
Jeremy Black
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859898072
- eISBN:
- 9781781380543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859898072.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
In 1754, George II was already old by the standard of contemporary European monarchs, particularly Louis XV of France. Yet he continued to play an active role in ceremonial and social events and ...
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In 1754, George II was already old by the standard of contemporary European monarchs, particularly Louis XV of France. Yet he continued to play an active role in ceremonial and social events and terms. In the meantime, the political situation in Britain seemed to be stable under the Pelhams. Moreover, when Henry Pelham, the First Lord of the Treasury, died, George's views on ministerial choice prevailed. William Pitt, whom George did not want, failed to win the Secretaryship of State vacated by Newcastle's replacement of Pelham at the Treasury. Instead, the decision for the successive promotions of Robert Holdernesse in 1751 and Sir Thomas Robinson in 1754 to Secretaryships was a reflection of the king's preference for ministers with whom he could deal easily, and for courtiers and men with diplomatic experience, over managers of the Commons. The relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy would prove to be a key issue throughout George's reign as king of Britain. George II died on October 25, 1760 at Kensington Palace.Less
In 1754, George II was already old by the standard of contemporary European monarchs, particularly Louis XV of France. Yet he continued to play an active role in ceremonial and social events and terms. In the meantime, the political situation in Britain seemed to be stable under the Pelhams. Moreover, when Henry Pelham, the First Lord of the Treasury, died, George's views on ministerial choice prevailed. William Pitt, whom George did not want, failed to win the Secretaryship of State vacated by Newcastle's replacement of Pelham at the Treasury. Instead, the decision for the successive promotions of Robert Holdernesse in 1751 and Sir Thomas Robinson in 1754 to Secretaryships was a reflection of the king's preference for ministers with whom he could deal easily, and for courtiers and men with diplomatic experience, over managers of the Commons. The relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy would prove to be a key issue throughout George's reign as king of Britain. George II died on October 25, 1760 at Kensington Palace.
Justin du Rivage
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300214246
- eISBN:
- 9780300227659
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300214246.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter offers an account of the British debate over the war. Although establishment Whigs were initially reluctant to commit money and men to rebuff French encroachments in North America, ...
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This chapter offers an account of the British debate over the war. Although establishment Whigs were initially reluctant to commit money and men to rebuff French encroachments in North America, military defeats and angry denunciations from radical Whigs on both sides of the Atlantic eventually led to an alliance with radical Whig leader William Pitt. Pitt's strategy of colonial reimbursement and global warfare helped make the Seven Years' War one of the most expensive in Britain's history, and it led politicians to accuse him of warmongering and demagoguery. Although authoritarian reformers were initially a voice in the wilderness, the accession of George Grenville and the fall of the Pitt–Newcastle ministry gave them the opportunity they needed to enact a sweeping program of reform and austerity. They cut back the war effort, negotiated peace with France, and stifled dissent—even as radical and establishment Whigs cried out against them.Less
This chapter offers an account of the British debate over the war. Although establishment Whigs were initially reluctant to commit money and men to rebuff French encroachments in North America, military defeats and angry denunciations from radical Whigs on both sides of the Atlantic eventually led to an alliance with radical Whig leader William Pitt. Pitt's strategy of colonial reimbursement and global warfare helped make the Seven Years' War one of the most expensive in Britain's history, and it led politicians to accuse him of warmongering and demagoguery. Although authoritarian reformers were initially a voice in the wilderness, the accession of George Grenville and the fall of the Pitt–Newcastle ministry gave them the opportunity they needed to enact a sweeping program of reform and austerity. They cut back the war effort, negotiated peace with France, and stifled dissent—even as radical and establishment Whigs cried out against them.
Jeremy Black
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859898072
- eISBN:
- 9781781380543
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859898072.0001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This book is a biography of George II. This book sets out to demonstrate the unfairness of charges that George II was a puppet king overshadowed by towering politicians such as Robert Walpole, and ...
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This book is a biography of George II. This book sets out to demonstrate the unfairness of charges that George II was a puppet king overshadowed by towering politicians such as Robert Walpole, and later, William Pitt. For a king who ruled for so long (1727–1760), the neglect shown by historians to George II is surprising. He was the last British king to lead an army into battle, at Dettingen in 1743, and his rule included the drama of Culloden in 1746 — the culmination of the war over British succession. The neglect is due chiefly to the lack of easily accessible source material: George II left no diaries, and was not a great letter writer. The book has instead exploited rich archival resources to piece together a figure who was the pivot in an often finely balanced — and sometimes dangerously unbalanced — fledgling political system. In the process of revealing George II to us, it goes further than biography, telling us much about the society and system within which the King functioned. In an era of successive wars between European states – in which George, as Elector of Hanover, was keen to ensure that Britain played a part — there is much here also relating to Britain's role within Europe.Less
This book is a biography of George II. This book sets out to demonstrate the unfairness of charges that George II was a puppet king overshadowed by towering politicians such as Robert Walpole, and later, William Pitt. For a king who ruled for so long (1727–1760), the neglect shown by historians to George II is surprising. He was the last British king to lead an army into battle, at Dettingen in 1743, and his rule included the drama of Culloden in 1746 — the culmination of the war over British succession. The neglect is due chiefly to the lack of easily accessible source material: George II left no diaries, and was not a great letter writer. The book has instead exploited rich archival resources to piece together a figure who was the pivot in an often finely balanced — and sometimes dangerously unbalanced — fledgling political system. In the process of revealing George II to us, it goes further than biography, telling us much about the society and system within which the King functioned. In an era of successive wars between European states – in which George, as Elector of Hanover, was keen to ensure that Britain played a part — there is much here also relating to Britain's role within Europe.
Peter D. G. Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719064289
- eISBN:
- 9781781700310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719064289.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter focuses on the regime of William Pitt as British prime minister, who was designated by George III as the First Earl of Chatham. Pitt was disposed to retain those office-holders who ...
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This chapter focuses on the regime of William Pitt as British prime minister, who was designated by George III as the First Earl of Chatham. Pitt was disposed to retain those office-holders who wished to stay because he lacked sufficient followers to form an administration. He made appointments without regard for connections but perceived merit. Some of Pitt's key appointments include Charles Townshend as Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Second Earl of Shelburne as Secretary of State for the Home Department.Less
This chapter focuses on the regime of William Pitt as British prime minister, who was designated by George III as the First Earl of Chatham. Pitt was disposed to retain those office-holders who wished to stay because he lacked sufficient followers to form an administration. He made appointments without regard for connections but perceived merit. Some of Pitt's key appointments include Charles Townshend as Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Second Earl of Shelburne as Secretary of State for the Home Department.
H. M. Scott
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201953
- eISBN:
- 9780191675096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201953.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Although Britain initially appeared to have attained supremacy during 1763, the situation took a huge turn about two decades later, and was perceived to have been brought about by the American War. ...
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Although Britain initially appeared to have attained supremacy during 1763, the situation took a huge turn about two decades later, and was perceived to have been brought about by the American War. While the king opted to put the blame on his domestic opponents rather than his foreign opponents, the instability experienced by the ministry again challenged the diplomacy of Britain after the Seven Years War. Although political problems such as the survival of William Pitt as Prime Minister were a growing issue, a greater problem was posed by the attempt of French forces at achieving revenge. This concluding chapter includes a summary of the fundamental and noteworthy events that caused the various developments in Britain's foreign policy.Less
Although Britain initially appeared to have attained supremacy during 1763, the situation took a huge turn about two decades later, and was perceived to have been brought about by the American War. While the king opted to put the blame on his domestic opponents rather than his foreign opponents, the instability experienced by the ministry again challenged the diplomacy of Britain after the Seven Years War. Although political problems such as the survival of William Pitt as Prime Minister were a growing issue, a greater problem was posed by the attempt of French forces at achieving revenge. This concluding chapter includes a summary of the fundamental and noteworthy events that caused the various developments in Britain's foreign policy.
J. E. Cookson
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206583
- eISBN:
- 9780191677236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206583.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter explains the success of military recruitment in Scotland, including the popularity of volunteering, and considers the impact of military ...
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This chapter explains the success of military recruitment in Scotland, including the popularity of volunteering, and considers the impact of military service on Scotland's national identity. William Pitt and Henry Dundas's promotion of Highland service looks much like their promotion of Catholic service in Ireland,. It is not difficult to formulate a generalized social explanation for the success of military recruitment in Scotland — though any such explanation may be more a comment on the lack of authoritative work on the local and regional texture of Scottish history than the opposite. The key factor would have to be the increasing mobility of the Scottish population in the eighteenth century, which itself was fuelled by many other factors, all of which tended to strengthen from the middle of the century.Less
This chapter explains the success of military recruitment in Scotland, including the popularity of volunteering, and considers the impact of military service on Scotland's national identity. William Pitt and Henry Dundas's promotion of Highland service looks much like their promotion of Catholic service in Ireland,. It is not difficult to formulate a generalized social explanation for the success of military recruitment in Scotland — though any such explanation may be more a comment on the lack of authoritative work on the local and regional texture of Scottish history than the opposite. The key factor would have to be the increasing mobility of the Scottish population in the eighteenth century, which itself was fuelled by many other factors, all of which tended to strengthen from the middle of the century.
