Justin Crowe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152936
- eISBN:
- 9781400842575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152936.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the bureaucratization of the federal judiciary during the quarter century between the dawn of World War I in 1914 and the dawn of World War II in 1939. It shows how reformers ...
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This chapter examines the bureaucratization of the federal judiciary during the quarter century between the dawn of World War I in 1914 and the dawn of World War II in 1939. It shows how reformers during the interwar and New Deal periods insulated the judiciary from potentially dangerous (and increasingly unnecessary) relationships with the other branches of government and signaled the arrival of a more autonomous and self-governing branch. The chapter discusses the three stages in which judicial institution building occurred during the period in conjunction with the vast expansion of regulatory government. It also considers the role played by the political entrepreneurship of William Howard Taft and Homer Cummings in judicial institution building in the interwar and New Deal years.Less
This chapter examines the bureaucratization of the federal judiciary during the quarter century between the dawn of World War I in 1914 and the dawn of World War II in 1939. It shows how reformers during the interwar and New Deal periods insulated the judiciary from potentially dangerous (and increasingly unnecessary) relationships with the other branches of government and signaled the arrival of a more autonomous and self-governing branch. The chapter discusses the three stages in which judicial institution building occurred during the period in conjunction with the vast expansion of regulatory government. It also considers the role played by the political entrepreneurship of William Howard Taft and Homer Cummings in judicial institution building in the interwar and New Deal years.
Edward O. Frantz
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813036533
- eISBN:
- 9780813038452
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036533.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Between his nomination in 1908 and the end of his first national tour in 1909, William Howard Taft made three critical visits to southern states. In all, the president was on the road more than any ...
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Between his nomination in 1908 and the end of his first national tour in 1909, William Howard Taft made three critical visits to southern states. In all, the president was on the road more than any of his predecessors. He had been to the South a number of times before he was president and would also venture to the region after 1909, but the 1908–1909 period deserves the most attention. In that time period he not only shattered previous traditions of Republican travel, but also clearly delineated his policies regarding the interrelated issues of race and southern politics. Perhaps more significantly, he also managed to alienate African Americans even more than previous Republican Party presidents had done. The period between 1908 and 1910 was both the high water mark for Republican efforts to capture the whites in the South and—not coincidentally—the nadir in terms of its lack of care for African Americans.Less
Between his nomination in 1908 and the end of his first national tour in 1909, William Howard Taft made three critical visits to southern states. In all, the president was on the road more than any of his predecessors. He had been to the South a number of times before he was president and would also venture to the region after 1909, but the 1908–1909 period deserves the most attention. In that time period he not only shattered previous traditions of Republican travel, but also clearly delineated his policies regarding the interrelated issues of race and southern politics. Perhaps more significantly, he also managed to alienate African Americans even more than previous Republican Party presidents had done. The period between 1908 and 1910 was both the high water mark for Republican efforts to capture the whites in the South and—not coincidentally—the nadir in terms of its lack of care for African Americans.
Robert W. Righter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195149470
- eISBN:
- 9780199788934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149470.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The USGS study stated that San Francisco could meet its water needs for at least 50 years without touching the Hetch Hetchy Valley. Given the study and Secretary of Interior Richard Ballinger's own ...
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The USGS study stated that San Francisco could meet its water needs for at least 50 years without touching the Hetch Hetchy Valley. Given the study and Secretary of Interior Richard Ballinger's own sympathies, the new secretary altered the Garfield grant, requiring San Francisco to “show cause” why Hetch Hetchy should not be removed from the grant. It was a significant victory for the valley defenders, but San Francisco did not give up. The city hired John Freeman, perhaps the best known civil engineer in the nation, to design a Hetch Hetchy water system and also “show cause” why San Francisco needed the reservoir. The city also hired Michael O'Shaughnessy, an engineer of significant reputation, to build the system. President William Howard Taft toured Yosemite Valley and consulted with John Muir. His second Secretary of the Interior, Walter Fisher, visited Hetch Hetchy and then held six days of hearings in Washington, D. C. Fisher then turned over all of the information to an advisory board, made up of three high-ranking officers in the Army Corps of Engineers. In February 1913, the officials released the long-awaited report. They recommended development of the Hetch Hetchy Valley, but also suggested alternate sources of water. In making its recommendation, the officers did not consider tourism, scenic value, or national park invasion. Secretary Fisher hesitated and delayed, finally determining that Congress should decide the fate of the valley.Less
The USGS study stated that San Francisco could meet its water needs for at least 50 years without touching the Hetch Hetchy Valley. Given the study and Secretary of Interior Richard Ballinger's own sympathies, the new secretary altered the Garfield grant, requiring San Francisco to “show cause” why Hetch Hetchy should not be removed from the grant. It was a significant victory for the valley defenders, but San Francisco did not give up. The city hired John Freeman, perhaps the best known civil engineer in the nation, to design a Hetch Hetchy water system and also “show cause” why San Francisco needed the reservoir. The city also hired Michael O'Shaughnessy, an engineer of significant reputation, to build the system. President William Howard Taft toured Yosemite Valley and consulted with John Muir. His second Secretary of the Interior, Walter Fisher, visited Hetch Hetchy and then held six days of hearings in Washington, D. C. Fisher then turned over all of the information to an advisory board, made up of three high-ranking officers in the Army Corps of Engineers. In February 1913, the officials released the long-awaited report. They recommended development of the Hetch Hetchy Valley, but also suggested alternate sources of water. In making its recommendation, the officers did not consider tourism, scenic value, or national park invasion. Secretary Fisher hesitated and delayed, finally determining that Congress should decide the fate of the valley.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226075334
- eISBN:
- 9780226075303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226075303.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This concluding chapter returns to the United States and the scape of the decorative arts in the context of America's most famous domicile, the White House, specifically assessing President William ...
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This concluding chapter returns to the United States and the scape of the decorative arts in the context of America's most famous domicile, the White House, specifically assessing President William Howard Taft's redecoration of parts of the White House using Filipino furniture. Taft left an enormous record of his time in the Philippines, and the chapter begins by looking at several of the colonial themes that his writing touches upon. After this discussion of Taft's overt interest in empire, it ventures into the space of the White House and reads the presence of this Filipino furniture as both a symbolic manifestation of Taft's own nostalgia and his never-ending quest for order in the American colony.Less
This concluding chapter returns to the United States and the scape of the decorative arts in the context of America's most famous domicile, the White House, specifically assessing President William Howard Taft's redecoration of parts of the White House using Filipino furniture. Taft left an enormous record of his time in the Philippines, and the chapter begins by looking at several of the colonial themes that his writing touches upon. After this discussion of Taft's overt interest in empire, it ventures into the space of the White House and reads the presence of this Filipino furniture as both a symbolic manifestation of Taft's own nostalgia and his never-ending quest for order in the American colony.
Lewis L. Gould
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- February 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199936625
- eISBN:
- 9780190252700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199936625.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter details events leading up to the Republican National Convention in June 1912 when the party broke into competing factions supporting Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. Taft and ...
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This chapter details events leading up to the Republican National Convention in June 1912 when the party broke into competing factions supporting Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. Taft and Roosevelt represented the reforming energies of the Republicans during this period of change, which has been dubbed by historians as the Progressive Era. However, Roosevelt's efforts forced the party to deal with an issue that was a source of increasing concern: to what extent should the national government regulate the increasingly complex industrial society that the United States had become? The response to this question tested the resilience and cohesion of the Republican Party as it had not been tried since its beginnings in the 1850s. In the end, the GOP decided that it would not embrace government regulation of business and would seek to limit and control such a policy.Less
This chapter details events leading up to the Republican National Convention in June 1912 when the party broke into competing factions supporting Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. Taft and Roosevelt represented the reforming energies of the Republicans during this period of change, which has been dubbed by historians as the Progressive Era. However, Roosevelt's efforts forced the party to deal with an issue that was a source of increasing concern: to what extent should the national government regulate the increasingly complex industrial society that the United States had become? The response to this question tested the resilience and cohesion of the Republican Party as it had not been tried since its beginnings in the 1850s. In the end, the GOP decided that it would not embrace government regulation of business and would seek to limit and control such a policy.
Sidney Pash
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813144238
- eISBN:
- 9780813144320
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144238.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Chapter 1, The Foundations of Containment, examines the establishment of American containment, discussing the balance of power in Asia, military deterrence, diplomatic engagement, and economic ...
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Chapter 1, The Foundations of Containment, examines the establishment of American containment, discussing the balance of power in Asia, military deterrence, diplomatic engagement, and economic coercion. This chapter evaluates positively the containment strategy created during the Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson administrations and criticizes the Taft administration’s decision to abandon containment in an effort to reduce or roll back Japan’s sphere of influence in China. This chapter also traces the general decline in American-Japanese relations from 1905 to 1919 and posits that the decline came about largely because of economic competition in China and the emergence in both countries of statesmen with little memory of the remarkably cordial relations between Tokyo and Washington in the late-nineteenth century. This chapter also provides a unique examination of critical issues and events, including the politicization of Japanese-American relations and the 1917 Lansing-Ishii Agreement.Less
Chapter 1, The Foundations of Containment, examines the establishment of American containment, discussing the balance of power in Asia, military deterrence, diplomatic engagement, and economic coercion. This chapter evaluates positively the containment strategy created during the Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson administrations and criticizes the Taft administration’s decision to abandon containment in an effort to reduce or roll back Japan’s sphere of influence in China. This chapter also traces the general decline in American-Japanese relations from 1905 to 1919 and posits that the decline came about largely because of economic competition in China and the emergence in both countries of statesmen with little memory of the remarkably cordial relations between Tokyo and Washington in the late-nineteenth century. This chapter also provides a unique examination of critical issues and events, including the politicization of Japanese-American relations and the 1917 Lansing-Ishii Agreement.
Payam Ghalehdar
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780190695859
- eISBN:
- 9780190695897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190695859.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter contains the second case study of US regime change in the Western Hemisphere—the intervention in Nicaragua from 1909 to 1912 under US president William Howard Taft. The chapter explores ...
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This chapter contains the second case study of US regime change in the Western Hemisphere—the intervention in Nicaragua from 1909 to 1912 under US president William Howard Taft. The chapter explores the decision-making process within the Taft administration vis-à-vis Nicaragua and compares it to US-Nicaragua relations under Taft’s presidential predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt. Tracing emotional frustration in the Taft administration, the chapter shows how Taft extended US expectations toward Nicaragua, how his perceptions of Nicaraguan obstruction were more negative than Roosevelt’s, and how negative affect dominated his government’s decision-making. Emotional frustration outlived the presidency of Nicaraguan president José Zelaya, prompting Taft to target his successor, José Madriz, and a following insurrection led by Luis Mena. The chapter ends with a critical review of five alternative explanations for the Taft government’s intervention in Nicaragua.Less
This chapter contains the second case study of US regime change in the Western Hemisphere—the intervention in Nicaragua from 1909 to 1912 under US president William Howard Taft. The chapter explores the decision-making process within the Taft administration vis-à-vis Nicaragua and compares it to US-Nicaragua relations under Taft’s presidential predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt. Tracing emotional frustration in the Taft administration, the chapter shows how Taft extended US expectations toward Nicaragua, how his perceptions of Nicaraguan obstruction were more negative than Roosevelt’s, and how negative affect dominated his government’s decision-making. Emotional frustration outlived the presidency of Nicaraguan president José Zelaya, prompting Taft to target his successor, José Madriz, and a following insurrection led by Luis Mena. The chapter ends with a critical review of five alternative explanations for the Taft government’s intervention in Nicaragua.
Joshua David Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300120103
- eISBN:
- 9780300145144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300120103.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Political History
In the spring of 1910, Theodore Roosevelt returned to America from a year-long overseas sojourn. He received an invitation to speak at the dedication of the John Brown Memorial Park in Osawatomie, ...
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In the spring of 1910, Theodore Roosevelt returned to America from a year-long overseas sojourn. He received an invitation to speak at the dedication of the John Brown Memorial Park in Osawatomie, Kansas. Upon his return, Roosevelt found that the Republican Party was beset with intellectual strife and personal recriminations. William Howard Taft and the progressive insurgents were at odds, primarily over tariff reform—a knotty issue that Roosevelt had deliberately refused to address over his seven years in office. Roosevelt was planning to make himself the leader of the Republican insurgents and to unite the party by endorsing Taft. He wanted to portray himself as the party's indispensable man and perhaps run as a presidential candidate in 1916. As Roosevelt preached his new nationalism through the autumn of 1910, another would-be progressive leader tested a reform synthesis of his own: the Democrat Woodrow Wilson, who believed that the former president had mistaken the true promise of progressivism.Less
In the spring of 1910, Theodore Roosevelt returned to America from a year-long overseas sojourn. He received an invitation to speak at the dedication of the John Brown Memorial Park in Osawatomie, Kansas. Upon his return, Roosevelt found that the Republican Party was beset with intellectual strife and personal recriminations. William Howard Taft and the progressive insurgents were at odds, primarily over tariff reform—a knotty issue that Roosevelt had deliberately refused to address over his seven years in office. Roosevelt was planning to make himself the leader of the Republican insurgents and to unite the party by endorsing Taft. He wanted to portray himself as the party's indispensable man and perhaps run as a presidential candidate in 1916. As Roosevelt preached his new nationalism through the autumn of 1910, another would-be progressive leader tested a reform synthesis of his own: the Democrat Woodrow Wilson, who believed that the former president had mistaken the true promise of progressivism.
Ian Tyrrel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226197760
- eISBN:
- 9780226197937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226197937.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Environmental History
Examines the aftermath of Roosevelt’s presidential conservation measures; demonstrates continuity in conservation policies between Roosevelt and William Howard Taft; and documents disagreements over ...
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Examines the aftermath of Roosevelt’s presidential conservation measures; demonstrates continuity in conservation policies between Roosevelt and William Howard Taft; and documents disagreements over the Ballinger Affair which ultimately pulled the Progressive conservation movement into open opposition to Taft. While conservation moved to the center of Progressivism as it continued to develop, the decline of alarmism about resources is charted through changing assessments of resource availability, and the work of fuel expert Joseph Holmes to improve engine and boiler efficiencies and other fossil fuel conservation. The impact of Roosevelt’s schemes for efficiency continued internationally through the (British) Dominions Royal Commission on Natural Resources, and in the Fourth Pan-American Science Congress in 1915-16, where Roosevelt’s ideas influenced the proceedings through the work of Gifford Pinchot and his allies. Tropical forestry research in the United States and its dependencies expanded, while neo-mercantilist trading blocs sought to secure raw materials for long-term use for capitalist development, in the U.S. case centred on Latin America. The consummation of the Country Life campaign occurred through action in the U.S. Congress and internationally in David Lubin’s work for the International Institute of Agriculture.Less
Examines the aftermath of Roosevelt’s presidential conservation measures; demonstrates continuity in conservation policies between Roosevelt and William Howard Taft; and documents disagreements over the Ballinger Affair which ultimately pulled the Progressive conservation movement into open opposition to Taft. While conservation moved to the center of Progressivism as it continued to develop, the decline of alarmism about resources is charted through changing assessments of resource availability, and the work of fuel expert Joseph Holmes to improve engine and boiler efficiencies and other fossil fuel conservation. The impact of Roosevelt’s schemes for efficiency continued internationally through the (British) Dominions Royal Commission on Natural Resources, and in the Fourth Pan-American Science Congress in 1915-16, where Roosevelt’s ideas influenced the proceedings through the work of Gifford Pinchot and his allies. Tropical forestry research in the United States and its dependencies expanded, while neo-mercantilist trading blocs sought to secure raw materials for long-term use for capitalist development, in the U.S. case centred on Latin America. The consummation of the Country Life campaign occurred through action in the U.S. Congress and internationally in David Lubin’s work for the International Institute of Agriculture.
Joshua David Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300120103
- eISBN:
- 9780300145144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300120103.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Hoping to regain control of the Republican Party and, with it, the progressive moment, Theodore Roosevelt announced that he would challenge William Howard Taft for the Republican presidential ...
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Hoping to regain control of the Republican Party and, with it, the progressive moment, Theodore Roosevelt announced that he would challenge William Howard Taft for the Republican presidential nomination in 1912. He won 278 delegates through the party primaries, more than three-quarters of the total available, but Taft captured the great majority of the 700 votes chosen in districts and state party conventions. Roosevelt accused Taft of stealing the nomination and decided to form his own party, which he called the Progressive Party. In contrast to Roosevelt's republican, nationalist agenda, Woodrow Wilson, another candidate for the presidential election of 1912, was elaborating an alternative, distinctly liberal rationale for activist government. Wilson questioned the viability of Roosevelt's politics that endorsed a corporate morality as intrinsic to corporate freedom. Wilson would go on to win the election.Less
Hoping to regain control of the Republican Party and, with it, the progressive moment, Theodore Roosevelt announced that he would challenge William Howard Taft for the Republican presidential nomination in 1912. He won 278 delegates through the party primaries, more than three-quarters of the total available, but Taft captured the great majority of the 700 votes chosen in districts and state party conventions. Roosevelt accused Taft of stealing the nomination and decided to form his own party, which he called the Progressive Party. In contrast to Roosevelt's republican, nationalist agenda, Woodrow Wilson, another candidate for the presidential election of 1912, was elaborating an alternative, distinctly liberal rationale for activist government. Wilson questioned the viability of Roosevelt's politics that endorsed a corporate morality as intrinsic to corporate freedom. Wilson would go on to win the election.
Gordon B. McKinney
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813140872
- eISBN:
- 9780813141367
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813140872.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
During the final years of his life, Henry W. Blair remained active and interested in public affairs. He worked closely with African American leaders and remained a leading advocate for Prohibition. ...
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During the final years of his life, Henry W. Blair remained active and interested in public affairs. He worked closely with African American leaders and remained a leading advocate for Prohibition. He formed a legal partnership with his son who proved to be a successful lawyer and businessman. He enjoyed a working relationship with William Howard Taft which kept Blair involved in contemporary public affairs.Less
During the final years of his life, Henry W. Blair remained active and interested in public affairs. He worked closely with African American leaders and remained a leading advocate for Prohibition. He formed a legal partnership with his son who proved to be a successful lawyer and businessman. He enjoyed a working relationship with William Howard Taft which kept Blair involved in contemporary public affairs.
Lawrence S. Kaplan
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813160559
- eISBN:
- 9780813165493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160559.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses Vandenberg’s formative years. It details his childhood in Grand Rapids, Michigan, his time working at the Grand Rapids Herald, and his beginning in politics. His editorials at ...
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This chapter discusses Vandenberg’s formative years. It details his childhood in Grand Rapids, Michigan, his time working at the Grand Rapids Herald, and his beginning in politics. His editorials at the Herald and his oratory ability propelled him into the political arena, as did his relationship with congressman and Herald majority owner William Alden Smith. This chapter further outlines Vandenberg’s changing and evolving political stances, from supporting Roosevelt and the Progressive movement, to allying with William Howard Taft and the Republicans, and even to his ambivalent views on Woodrow Wilson. Vandenberg also had reservations about the United States joining the League of Nations. After the war and Red Scare, he developed a visceral fear of the Bolshevik threat to capitalism and American values, but continued to defend labor’s right to collective bargaining and encouraged the recognition of labor unions. Moreover, this chapter describes how Vandenberg found a hero in Alexander Hamilton, who embodied the best qualities of conservatism and progressivism, walking a middle path between isolationism and internationalism—characteristics Vandenberg strove to emulate.Less
This chapter discusses Vandenberg’s formative years. It details his childhood in Grand Rapids, Michigan, his time working at the Grand Rapids Herald, and his beginning in politics. His editorials at the Herald and his oratory ability propelled him into the political arena, as did his relationship with congressman and Herald majority owner William Alden Smith. This chapter further outlines Vandenberg’s changing and evolving political stances, from supporting Roosevelt and the Progressive movement, to allying with William Howard Taft and the Republicans, and even to his ambivalent views on Woodrow Wilson. Vandenberg also had reservations about the United States joining the League of Nations. After the war and Red Scare, he developed a visceral fear of the Bolshevik threat to capitalism and American values, but continued to defend labor’s right to collective bargaining and encouraged the recognition of labor unions. Moreover, this chapter describes how Vandenberg found a hero in Alexander Hamilton, who embodied the best qualities of conservatism and progressivism, walking a middle path between isolationism and internationalism—characteristics Vandenberg strove to emulate.
John M. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190859954
- eISBN:
- 9780190935351
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190859954.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Political History
Chapter 5 offers a fresh perspective on the Chinese boycott of US goods in 1905–1906. It argues that Roosevelt, who previously supported the exclusion of Chinese immigrants, came to view aspects of ...
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Chapter 5 offers a fresh perspective on the Chinese boycott of US goods in 1905–1906. It argues that Roosevelt, who previously supported the exclusion of Chinese immigrants, came to view aspects of the exclusion regime as detrimental to US interests in China. The chapter documents the president’s attempts to convince Congress to implement reforms by harnessing support among the business community, missionaries, and educators. These groups, others who opposed reform, such as organized labor—led by Samuel Gompers—and Chinese-Americans sought to influence Roosevelt as well as public opinion. The chapter explains how TR’s concern that the boycott was transforming into an antiforeigner movement, and his belief that Beijing was unwilling to suppress it, led the president to begin planning for a military intervention. In the end this was unnecessary, as the boycott dwindled, but TR suffered a rare foreign policy setback when he failed to convince Congress to embrace reforms.Less
Chapter 5 offers a fresh perspective on the Chinese boycott of US goods in 1905–1906. It argues that Roosevelt, who previously supported the exclusion of Chinese immigrants, came to view aspects of the exclusion regime as detrimental to US interests in China. The chapter documents the president’s attempts to convince Congress to implement reforms by harnessing support among the business community, missionaries, and educators. These groups, others who opposed reform, such as organized labor—led by Samuel Gompers—and Chinese-Americans sought to influence Roosevelt as well as public opinion. The chapter explains how TR’s concern that the boycott was transforming into an antiforeigner movement, and his belief that Beijing was unwilling to suppress it, led the president to begin planning for a military intervention. In the end this was unnecessary, as the boycott dwindled, but TR suffered a rare foreign policy setback when he failed to convince Congress to embrace reforms.
Michael Rosenthal
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231174213
- eISBN:
- 9780231539524
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231174213.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses Nicholas Murray Butler's friendship with United States President Theodore Roosevelt, who welcomed Butler's election as president of Columbia University with these words: “My ...
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This chapter discusses Nicholas Murray Butler's friendship with United States President Theodore Roosevelt, who welcomed Butler's election as president of Columbia University with these words: “My close friend, my valued advisor.” Butler had been in demand at the White House from the earliest days of Roosevelt's presidency. Butler and Roosevelt first met in early June 1884 at the Republican National Convention in Chicago, when the latter was still a state assemblyman from New York's twenty-first District. When Roosevelt became president in 1901, Butler plunged energetically into national politics. He also played a key role in Roosevelt's reelection in 1904 as Republican Party candidate. In 1908, Butler found himself abruptly cast out of Roosevelt's affection. Writing to his son Archie in February, Roosevelt explained that Archie's mother had become so angry with Butler that she had named the new mare she was riding “Nicoletta.” In 1912, when James S. Sherman, Vice President of William Howard Taft, died a few days before the presidential election, Butler was designated to accept the electoral votes that Sherman would have received.Less
This chapter discusses Nicholas Murray Butler's friendship with United States President Theodore Roosevelt, who welcomed Butler's election as president of Columbia University with these words: “My close friend, my valued advisor.” Butler had been in demand at the White House from the earliest days of Roosevelt's presidency. Butler and Roosevelt first met in early June 1884 at the Republican National Convention in Chicago, when the latter was still a state assemblyman from New York's twenty-first District. When Roosevelt became president in 1901, Butler plunged energetically into national politics. He also played a key role in Roosevelt's reelection in 1904 as Republican Party candidate. In 1908, Butler found himself abruptly cast out of Roosevelt's affection. Writing to his son Archie in February, Roosevelt explained that Archie's mother had become so angry with Butler that she had named the new mare she was riding “Nicoletta.” In 1912, when James S. Sherman, Vice President of William Howard Taft, died a few days before the presidential election, Butler was designated to accept the electoral votes that Sherman would have received.
Benjamin Allen Coates
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190495954
- eISBN:
- 9780190495985
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190495954.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Economic History
Chapter 4 shows how key US elites embraced the legalist project for world order. The US delegation to the 1907 Hague Peace Conference took the lead in supporting the creation of an international ...
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Chapter 4 shows how key US elites embraced the legalist project for world order. The US delegation to the 1907 Hague Peace Conference took the lead in supporting the creation of an international court. Meanwhile, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace targeted its vast wealth toward promoting the judicialist agenda and convincing legalists on both sides of the Atlantic to support it. Thus, in both public and private efforts the United States was a leading promoter of the international law project. However, close examination of these plans reveals their limitations and dependence on assumptions of advancing civilization and the power of elite publications to shape public opinion. A high-profile debate over treaties in 1911 revealed that while the US foreign policymaking establishment embraced a legalist vision, this did not always result in “legal” behavior.Less
Chapter 4 shows how key US elites embraced the legalist project for world order. The US delegation to the 1907 Hague Peace Conference took the lead in supporting the creation of an international court. Meanwhile, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace targeted its vast wealth toward promoting the judicialist agenda and convincing legalists on both sides of the Atlantic to support it. Thus, in both public and private efforts the United States was a leading promoter of the international law project. However, close examination of these plans reveals their limitations and dependence on assumptions of advancing civilization and the power of elite publications to shape public opinion. A high-profile debate over treaties in 1911 revealed that while the US foreign policymaking establishment embraced a legalist vision, this did not always result in “legal” behavior.
John Roy Lynch
John Hope Franklin (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781604731149
- eISBN:
- 9781496833624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0050
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter explores how, when John Roy Lynch came to Chicago, whether or not he should take an active part in politics was one of the first questions that occurred to him. He had no intention of ...
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This chapter explores how, when John Roy Lynch came to Chicago, whether or not he should take an active part in politics was one of the first questions that occurred to him. He had no intention of actively participating politically in local matters, but it occurred to him that like some other retired army officers, he could, with propriety, take an active part in national matters. But after going over the field very carefully, Lynch found that conditions nationally, as well as locally, were not such as would justify him in doing so. In fact, beginning with the unfortunate administration of President William Howard Taft, the colored American had no standing with either of the two major parties. The Democratic party, nationally, was still a white man's party and, beginning with the Taft administration, the Republican party was no longer a champion of human rights. In fact, the policy inaugurated by President Taft was equivalent to transforming the Republican party, as far as it was in the power of an administration to do so, into a race proscriptive party. In other words, racial identity regardless of merit was made a bar to official recognition.Less
This chapter explores how, when John Roy Lynch came to Chicago, whether or not he should take an active part in politics was one of the first questions that occurred to him. He had no intention of actively participating politically in local matters, but it occurred to him that like some other retired army officers, he could, with propriety, take an active part in national matters. But after going over the field very carefully, Lynch found that conditions nationally, as well as locally, were not such as would justify him in doing so. In fact, beginning with the unfortunate administration of President William Howard Taft, the colored American had no standing with either of the two major parties. The Democratic party, nationally, was still a white man's party and, beginning with the Taft administration, the Republican party was no longer a champion of human rights. In fact, the policy inaugurated by President Taft was equivalent to transforming the Republican party, as far as it was in the power of an administration to do so, into a race proscriptive party. In other words, racial identity regardless of merit was made a bar to official recognition.
Benjamin J. Wetzel
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198865803
- eISBN:
- 9780191898136
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198865803.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter analyses Roosevelt’s domestic policies and his personal family life as president. His 1901 dinner with black educator Booker T. Washington and his 1902 settling of a coal strike endeared ...
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This chapter analyses Roosevelt’s domestic policies and his personal family life as president. His 1901 dinner with black educator Booker T. Washington and his 1902 settling of a coal strike endeared him to reformers. In 1904 he won election in his own right. As a tolerant Protestant, Roosevelt appointed the first Jew to a cabinet position in 1906, supported the Mormon senator Reed Smoot, and defended the Unitarianism of his hand-picked successor William Howard Taft. At the same time he faced backlash for attempting to remove “In God We Trust” from the national coinage. Theodore and Edith Roosevelt also raised their children in the Christian faith and quietly encouraged their devotion.Less
This chapter analyses Roosevelt’s domestic policies and his personal family life as president. His 1901 dinner with black educator Booker T. Washington and his 1902 settling of a coal strike endeared him to reformers. In 1904 he won election in his own right. As a tolerant Protestant, Roosevelt appointed the first Jew to a cabinet position in 1906, supported the Mormon senator Reed Smoot, and defended the Unitarianism of his hand-picked successor William Howard Taft. At the same time he faced backlash for attempting to remove “In God We Trust” from the national coinage. Theodore and Edith Roosevelt also raised their children in the Christian faith and quietly encouraged their devotion.
Steven W. Usselman
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- October 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197576151
- eISBN:
- 9780197576199
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197576151.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
Based on statistical and textual analysis of the 148 patent cases heard by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals from its creation through 1925, this chapter suggests that the appeals judges created a ...
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Based on statistical and textual analysis of the 148 patent cases heard by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals from its creation through 1925, this chapter suggests that the appeals judges created a legal environment highly favorable to innovative West Coast enterprises. Their rulings consistently sided with local patent holders and alleged infringers over litigants from outside the circuit. Cases involving only local parties produced more mixed results, as judges sought to mediate disputes among competing regional suppliers, while insulating small proprietors from risks of infringement. Through these means, the appeals court actively shaped competition and influenced the course of innovation in such emergent fields as oil drilling and refining, hydraulic machinery, and food processing. The distinctiveness of Pacific Coast patent law diminished after 1915 under influence of a federal judiciary stacked with protégés of ex-President William Howard Taft, who became Chief Justice in 1921.Less
Based on statistical and textual analysis of the 148 patent cases heard by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals from its creation through 1925, this chapter suggests that the appeals judges created a legal environment highly favorable to innovative West Coast enterprises. Their rulings consistently sided with local patent holders and alleged infringers over litigants from outside the circuit. Cases involving only local parties produced more mixed results, as judges sought to mediate disputes among competing regional suppliers, while insulating small proprietors from risks of infringement. Through these means, the appeals court actively shaped competition and influenced the course of innovation in such emergent fields as oil drilling and refining, hydraulic machinery, and food processing. The distinctiveness of Pacific Coast patent law diminished after 1915 under influence of a federal judiciary stacked with protégés of ex-President William Howard Taft, who became Chief Justice in 1921.
ALLEN JONES and Mark Naison
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823231027
- eISBN:
- 9780823240821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823231027.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Social History
William Howard Taft High School was the beginning of the end of life as Allen Jones had known it. Jones was continuing where he left off in Clark Junior High, going to all his classes and playing ...
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William Howard Taft High School was the beginning of the end of life as Allen Jones had known it. Jones was continuing where he left off in Clark Junior High, going to all his classes and playing basketball. However, for the first time in his life, he was having problems with his game. Meanwhile, the situation on the streets was getting so bad that Steven Brown's mother sent him back home to the West Indies so he would stay out of trouble. Already an expert at leading a double life, Jones kept his undercover hustle when he first started dealing. This was the first time in his life he had money in his pocket, and he began to do some serious shopping, all at locations far from the Lester Patterson Houses. Jones encounters the Bitch Queen Heroin, and he would soon learn to render unto her the same respect his addicted brothers did.Less
William Howard Taft High School was the beginning of the end of life as Allen Jones had known it. Jones was continuing where he left off in Clark Junior High, going to all his classes and playing basketball. However, for the first time in his life, he was having problems with his game. Meanwhile, the situation on the streets was getting so bad that Steven Brown's mother sent him back home to the West Indies so he would stay out of trouble. Already an expert at leading a double life, Jones kept his undercover hustle when he first started dealing. This was the first time in his life he had money in his pocket, and he began to do some serious shopping, all at locations far from the Lester Patterson Houses. Jones encounters the Bitch Queen Heroin, and he would soon learn to render unto her the same respect his addicted brothers did.
Thomas Graham
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049373
- eISBN:
- 9780813050157
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049373.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
In January 1912, Flagler's railroad reached Key West, and Flagler arrived to a triumphant reception. President Taft visited St. Augustine. In March 1913, Flagler fell in Whitehall and was confined to ...
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In January 1912, Flagler's railroad reached Key West, and Flagler arrived to a triumphant reception. President Taft visited St. Augustine. In March 1913, Flagler fell in Whitehall and was confined to bed with a broken hip. Flagler died in May. William R. Kenan Jr. assumed leadership of the Flagler empire. Abbie M. Brooks, also known as Sylvia Sunshine, died soon thereafter. William Dean Howells made St. Augustine his winter home, as did Chauncey Depew. Mary Lily Kenan survived her husband by only four years. Harry Harkness Flagler became a patron of music in New York City. Andrew Anderson became the town's elder statesman, donating a pair of marble lions to decorate the new bridge over Matanzas Bay. Flagler's hotel buildings and churches survive as monuments to Flagler.Less
In January 1912, Flagler's railroad reached Key West, and Flagler arrived to a triumphant reception. President Taft visited St. Augustine. In March 1913, Flagler fell in Whitehall and was confined to bed with a broken hip. Flagler died in May. William R. Kenan Jr. assumed leadership of the Flagler empire. Abbie M. Brooks, also known as Sylvia Sunshine, died soon thereafter. William Dean Howells made St. Augustine his winter home, as did Chauncey Depew. Mary Lily Kenan survived her husband by only four years. Harry Harkness Flagler became a patron of music in New York City. Andrew Anderson became the town's elder statesman, donating a pair of marble lions to decorate the new bridge over Matanzas Bay. Flagler's hotel buildings and churches survive as monuments to Flagler.