Martha Joynt Kumar
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the Bush White House's communications operation, including its basic functions and the staff requirements of each. Special attention is given to the need for both long-term ...
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This chapter examines the Bush White House's communications operation, including its basic functions and the staff requirements of each. Special attention is given to the need for both long-term planning and coordination for offensive efforts and for an organization capable of quick-response defensive moves. In the first term, the White House was able to set priorities, plan ahead, coordinate among government units, and stick with the plan, making news on the president's terms. The administration has been less successful, however, in handling unanticipated situations and criticisms of the president, and in responding to what others wanted to talk about. At the same time, there were natural limits to what communications operations can do that depend upon the president himself, the difficulties in most administrations of admitting communications problems, and the troubles that come with promoting unpopular policies.Less
This chapter examines the Bush White House's communications operation, including its basic functions and the staff requirements of each. Special attention is given to the need for both long-term planning and coordination for offensive efforts and for an organization capable of quick-response defensive moves. In the first term, the White House was able to set priorities, plan ahead, coordinate among government units, and stick with the plan, making news on the president's terms. The administration has been less successful, however, in handling unanticipated situations and criticisms of the president, and in responding to what others wanted to talk about. At the same time, there were natural limits to what communications operations can do that depend upon the president himself, the difficulties in most administrations of admitting communications problems, and the troubles that come with promoting unpopular policies.
George C Edwards III and Desmond King (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and ...
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This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and electoral patterns — this presidency has proved to be (in a chapter by the editors). This is followed by chapters on the use of unilateral executive powers (by Louis Fisher and William Howell) and prerogative powers (by Richard Pious). Because the policy choices of the Bush presidency have had such fundamental effects both in domestic policy and in US foreign policy, three contributors (Thomas Langston, John Burke, James Pfiffner) then address the processes of decision making especially in respect to the war against Iraq. How the administration governs by a recurring process of campaigning is examined in chapters on public opinion and war (by Gary Jacobson), the promotional presidency (by Larry Jacobs), mobilizing congressional support for war (by Scott Blinder), and the White House communications system (by Martha Kumar). Finally, the way in which the Bush White House relates to congress and the process of building congressional coalitions to enact laws is the subject of chapters on ‘executive style’ of this administration (by Charles O. Jones) and the failure to reform social security (by Fiona Ross).Less
This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and electoral patterns — this presidency has proved to be (in a chapter by the editors). This is followed by chapters on the use of unilateral executive powers (by Louis Fisher and William Howell) and prerogative powers (by Richard Pious). Because the policy choices of the Bush presidency have had such fundamental effects both in domestic policy and in US foreign policy, three contributors (Thomas Langston, John Burke, James Pfiffner) then address the processes of decision making especially in respect to the war against Iraq. How the administration governs by a recurring process of campaigning is examined in chapters on public opinion and war (by Gary Jacobson), the promotional presidency (by Larry Jacobs), mobilizing congressional support for war (by Scott Blinder), and the White House communications system (by Martha Kumar). Finally, the way in which the Bush White House relates to congress and the process of building congressional coalitions to enact laws is the subject of chapters on ‘executive style’ of this administration (by Charles O. Jones) and the failure to reform social security (by Fiona Ross).
Elvin T. Lim
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195342642
- eISBN:
- 9780199851843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195342642.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the evolution of the White House speechwriting function to show how the institutionalization of speechwriting has altered its output. It also explores the developmental ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of the White House speechwriting function to show how the institutionalization of speechwriting has altered its output. It also explores the developmental trajectory of the White House speechwriting office from a one-man operation to a specialized and legitimate institution within the White House as a double-edged adaptation that partially ameliorated the demands of the rhetorical presidency but augmented the anti-intellectual presidency. Then, it covers the creation and expansion of the speechwriting function and office, the legitimization of delegated speechwriting, and President Nixon's separation of speechwriting from the policymaking function in 1969.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of the White House speechwriting function to show how the institutionalization of speechwriting has altered its output. It also explores the developmental trajectory of the White House speechwriting office from a one-man operation to a specialized and legitimate institution within the White House as a double-edged adaptation that partially ameliorated the demands of the rhetorical presidency but augmented the anti-intellectual presidency. Then, it covers the creation and expansion of the speechwriting function and office, the legitimization of delegated speechwriting, and President Nixon's separation of speechwriting from the policymaking function in 1969.
RICHARD W. PAINTER
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195378719
- eISBN:
- 9780199869619
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378719.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on political activity by government officials. It argues that concurrent political and official roles put people in a position that is difficult and untenable. Critics will blame ...
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This chapter focuses on political activity by government officials. It argues that concurrent political and official roles put people in a position that is difficult and untenable. Critics will blame Office of Political Affairs staff members and other officials who engage in political activity for poor ethical judgment when problems arise. These problems, however, may be inevitable if government officials continue to be asked to perform official and political roles concurrently. The public image of the White House and the rest of the government will suffer as a consequence. These and other problems would be mitigated if White House staff members were prohibited from, or voluntarily refrained from, engaging in personal capacity political activity. A strong argument can also be made for not allowing any political activity on government property, whether in the White House or anywhere else.Less
This chapter focuses on political activity by government officials. It argues that concurrent political and official roles put people in a position that is difficult and untenable. Critics will blame Office of Political Affairs staff members and other officials who engage in political activity for poor ethical judgment when problems arise. These problems, however, may be inevitable if government officials continue to be asked to perform official and political roles concurrently. The public image of the White House and the rest of the government will suffer as a consequence. These and other problems would be mitigated if White House staff members were prohibited from, or voluntarily refrained from, engaging in personal capacity political activity. A strong argument can also be made for not allowing any political activity on government property, whether in the White House or anywhere else.
Michael F. Holt
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195161045
- eISBN:
- 9780199849635
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195161045.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The political home of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Horace Greeley, and the young Abraham Lincoln, the American Whig Party was involved at every level of American politics—local, state, and federal—in ...
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The political home of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Horace Greeley, and the young Abraham Lincoln, the American Whig Party was involved at every level of American politics—local, state, and federal—in the years before the Civil War, and controlled the White House for eight of the twenty-two years that it existed. This book gives a comprehensive history of the Whigs—a history covering in rich detail the American political landscape from the Age of Jackson to impending disunion. The history of the Whig Party becomes a political history of the United States during the tumultuous Antebellum period. The book offers a panoramic account of a time when a welter of parties (Whig, Democratic, Anti-Mason, Know Nothing, Free Soil, Republican) and many extraordinary political statesmen (including Andrew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, William Seward, Daniel Webster, Martin Van Buren, and Henry Clay) struggled to control the national agenda as the United States inched towards secession. It was an era when Americans were passionately involved in politics, when local concerns drove national policy, and when momentous political events rocked the country, including the Nullification Controversy, the Panic of 1837, the Annexation of Texas, the Compromise of 1850, and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. This book captures all of this as it shows that, amid this contentious political activity, the Whig Party continuously strove to unite North and South, repeatedly trying to find a compromise position. Indeed, the Whig Party emerges as the nation's last great hope to prevent secession and civil war.Less
The political home of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Horace Greeley, and the young Abraham Lincoln, the American Whig Party was involved at every level of American politics—local, state, and federal—in the years before the Civil War, and controlled the White House for eight of the twenty-two years that it existed. This book gives a comprehensive history of the Whigs—a history covering in rich detail the American political landscape from the Age of Jackson to impending disunion. The history of the Whig Party becomes a political history of the United States during the tumultuous Antebellum period. The book offers a panoramic account of a time when a welter of parties (Whig, Democratic, Anti-Mason, Know Nothing, Free Soil, Republican) and many extraordinary political statesmen (including Andrew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, William Seward, Daniel Webster, Martin Van Buren, and Henry Clay) struggled to control the national agenda as the United States inched towards secession. It was an era when Americans were passionately involved in politics, when local concerns drove national policy, and when momentous political events rocked the country, including the Nullification Controversy, the Panic of 1837, the Annexation of Texas, the Compromise of 1850, and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. This book captures all of this as it shows that, amid this contentious political activity, the Whig Party continuously strove to unite North and South, repeatedly trying to find a compromise position. Indeed, the Whig Party emerges as the nation's last great hope to prevent secession and civil war.
Katherine Adams
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195336801
- eISBN:
- 9780199868360
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195336801.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 19th Century Literature
This chapter focuses on Elizabeth Keckley's Behind the Scenes: Thirty Years a Slave and Four Years in the White House (1868), the ...
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This chapter focuses on Elizabeth Keckley's Behind the Scenes: Thirty Years a Slave and Four Years in the White House (1868), the autobiography of a woman who earned her own freedom from chattel slavery and became seamstress and confidante to First Lady Mary Todd Lincoln. Analyzing Keckley's text and political writings on racial reconstruction, it traces a narrative in which privacy—representing the freedom and equality that are supposedly inherent entitlements of democratic individuality—is both threatened by racialized bodies and manifested by their elimination. The argument focuses on two interlocking privacy crises. The first of these, known as the old clothes scandal, concerns Lincoln's disastrous attempt to convert her own executive iconicity into personal profit by selling her White House wardrobe. The second arises with publication of Behind the Scenes in which, by detailing her role as producer of the executive spectacle, Keckley identifies the origins of national privacy—and the white freedoms it represents—with her own black labor. In public reactions to both of these crises, we witness how the threat of misappropriation enables the possession of democratic freedom.Less
This chapter focuses on Elizabeth Keckley's Behind the Scenes: Thirty Years a Slave and Four Years in the White House (1868), the autobiography of a woman who earned her own freedom from chattel slavery and became seamstress and confidante to First Lady Mary Todd Lincoln. Analyzing Keckley's text and political writings on racial reconstruction, it traces a narrative in which privacy—representing the freedom and equality that are supposedly inherent entitlements of democratic individuality—is both threatened by racialized bodies and manifested by their elimination. The argument focuses on two interlocking privacy crises. The first of these, known as the old clothes scandal, concerns Lincoln's disastrous attempt to convert her own executive iconicity into personal profit by selling her White House wardrobe. The second arises with publication of Behind the Scenes in which, by detailing her role as producer of the executive spectacle, Keckley identifies the origins of national privacy—and the white freedoms it represents—with her own black labor. In public reactions to both of these crises, we witness how the threat of misappropriation enables the possession of democratic freedom.
Maurice Peress
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195098228
- eISBN:
- 9780199869817
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195098228.003.0016
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
Meeting Ellington and Billy Strayhorn, at Lyndon Johnson's White House, marked the beginning of the author's close working relationship with one of America's most important composers. This chapter ...
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Meeting Ellington and Billy Strayhorn, at Lyndon Johnson's White House, marked the beginning of the author's close working relationship with one of America's most important composers. This chapter describes this meeting and the events that followed.Less
Meeting Ellington and Billy Strayhorn, at Lyndon Johnson's White House, marked the beginning of the author's close working relationship with one of America's most important composers. This chapter describes this meeting and the events that followed.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195382419
- eISBN:
- 9780199932641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382419.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been ...
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Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.Less
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.
Adrian Miller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469632537
- eISBN:
- 9781469632551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632537.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter itemizes and elaborates on four different component parts (described in the book as "ingredients") that make-up presidential foodways. The first ingredient relates to the president: his ...
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This chapter itemizes and elaborates on four different component parts (described in the book as "ingredients") that make-up presidential foodways. The first ingredient relates to the president: his or her palate, food philosophy, schedule, wealth and prerogative. The second ingredient involves the people who surround the president: the First Lady, the president's physician, and those who procure food for the White House. The third ingredient is White House culture: the workspace, kitchen equipment and technology, co-workers, perks, presidential pets, wildlife in and outside of the White House and racial attitudes. The fourth ingredient is the unexpected influences: the U.S. Congress, public perception, food gifts from the public, and the climate in Washington, D.C. The chapter includes recipes for roast ducks, popovers (a quick bread), and sweet potato cheesecake.Less
This chapter itemizes and elaborates on four different component parts (described in the book as "ingredients") that make-up presidential foodways. The first ingredient relates to the president: his or her palate, food philosophy, schedule, wealth and prerogative. The second ingredient involves the people who surround the president: the First Lady, the president's physician, and those who procure food for the White House. The third ingredient is White House culture: the workspace, kitchen equipment and technology, co-workers, perks, presidential pets, wildlife in and outside of the White House and racial attitudes. The fourth ingredient is the unexpected influences: the U.S. Congress, public perception, food gifts from the public, and the climate in Washington, D.C. The chapter includes recipes for roast ducks, popovers (a quick bread), and sweet potato cheesecake.
Madeline Y. Hsu
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691164021
- eISBN:
- 9781400866373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164021.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter discusses how the mandate for refugee relief and widespread publicity that magnified the merits of Chinese applied further pressures for U.S. immigration reform. Hong Kong's refugee ...
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This chapter discusses how the mandate for refugee relief and widespread publicity that magnified the merits of Chinese applied further pressures for U.S. immigration reform. Hong Kong's refugee crisis of 1962 provided opportunity to affirm the transformed image of Chinese with White House authorization of parole for over fifteen thousand with popular and congressional support. Committee hearings promoted the deserving traits of Chinese as refugees but also as immigrants, described culturally as highly employable and self-sufficient, politically conforming, and with family values that minimized social burdens on the public so that whether admitted on the basis of individual merit, family reunification, or refugee status, their likely success as Americans demanded more general immigration reform based on such criteria rather than race and national origin.Less
This chapter discusses how the mandate for refugee relief and widespread publicity that magnified the merits of Chinese applied further pressures for U.S. immigration reform. Hong Kong's refugee crisis of 1962 provided opportunity to affirm the transformed image of Chinese with White House authorization of parole for over fifteen thousand with popular and congressional support. Committee hearings promoted the deserving traits of Chinese as refugees but also as immigrants, described culturally as highly employable and self-sufficient, politically conforming, and with family values that minimized social burdens on the public so that whether admitted on the basis of individual merit, family reunification, or refugee status, their likely success as Americans demanded more general immigration reform based on such criteria rather than race and national origin.
Adrian Miller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469632537
- eISBN:
- 9781469632551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632537.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter explores the ways that presidents have used beverages as either subterfuge or a symbol for their presidency. This chapter shows how the power of the U.S. temperance movement in the ...
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This chapter explores the ways that presidents have used beverages as either subterfuge or a symbol for their presidency. This chapter shows how the power of the U.S. temperance movement in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries affected the public drinking habits of presidents and the presence of alcoholic drinks at White House functions. Such power also affected public acknowledgement of a wine cellar in the White House and to what extent such cellar was stocked with wine. This chapter chronologically profiles Arthur Brooks (White House wine cellar custodian), Charles Ficklin (White House wine steward), and Alonzo Fields. The chapter elaborates on presidential drinkways through a succession of beverages: wine, punch, eggnog, cocktails, and beer. The chapter ends with recipes for Inauguration punch, White House eggnog, and White House honey ale.Less
This chapter explores the ways that presidents have used beverages as either subterfuge or a symbol for their presidency. This chapter shows how the power of the U.S. temperance movement in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries affected the public drinking habits of presidents and the presence of alcoholic drinks at White House functions. Such power also affected public acknowledgement of a wine cellar in the White House and to what extent such cellar was stocked with wine. This chapter chronologically profiles Arthur Brooks (White House wine cellar custodian), Charles Ficklin (White House wine steward), and Alonzo Fields. The chapter elaborates on presidential drinkways through a succession of beverages: wine, punch, eggnog, cocktails, and beer. The chapter ends with recipes for Inauguration punch, White House eggnog, and White House honey ale.
John Acacia
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125510
- eISBN:
- 9780813135304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125510.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Relegated to a largely ceremonial role when he first arrived at the White House, Clark Clifford succeeded in parlaying proximity to power into an actual position of power. When President Harry S. ...
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Relegated to a largely ceremonial role when he first arrived at the White House, Clark Clifford succeeded in parlaying proximity to power into an actual position of power. When President Harry S. Truman was confronted with his first major crisis, the labor wars of 1946, Clifford's wise counsel enabled the president not only to weather the storm but also to emerge a stronger leader. Clifford helped Truman sidestep a political disaster brought on by a wayward cabinet member whom Truman had usurped as vice president and who believed that by rights the presidency should have been his. A master at synthesizing the ideas of others, Clifford served as a conduit for getting policy proposals to the president while burnishing his own reputation. Initially relegated to what he called the role of a “potted palm,” Clifford soon ascended to a position commensurate with his talent and ambition: special counsel to the president.Less
Relegated to a largely ceremonial role when he first arrived at the White House, Clark Clifford succeeded in parlaying proximity to power into an actual position of power. When President Harry S. Truman was confronted with his first major crisis, the labor wars of 1946, Clifford's wise counsel enabled the president not only to weather the storm but also to emerge a stronger leader. Clifford helped Truman sidestep a political disaster brought on by a wayward cabinet member whom Truman had usurped as vice president and who believed that by rights the presidency should have been his. A master at synthesizing the ideas of others, Clifford served as a conduit for getting policy proposals to the president while burnishing his own reputation. Initially relegated to what he called the role of a “potted palm,” Clifford soon ascended to a position commensurate with his talent and ambition: special counsel to the president.
Jennifer M. McBride
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199755684
- eISBN:
- 9780199932160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199755684.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Chapter seven examines a Washington D.C. inner city hospitality house that has intentionally made itself present in “the forgotten quadrant” of the nation's capital. As a local presence it is ...
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Chapter seven examines a Washington D.C. inner city hospitality house that has intentionally made itself present in “the forgotten quadrant” of the nation's capital. As a local presence it is consciously responding to, and taking responsibility for, society's neglect. This chapter argues that the ministry's very presence in the neighborhood stems from an initial act of repentance as the co-founders turned toward the forgotten quadrant and moved into the neighborhood in order to encounter the neighbor. Because the Southeast White House's existence is based on a desire to live for others, especially those on the margins of society, it manifests christological repentance. The chapter argues that the ministry's work may be viewed as an ongoing activity of repentance – a making right – as it fosters relationships and draws other people into its communal life, connecting people normally divided by race, religion, politics, economics, social standing, geography, and cultureLess
Chapter seven examines a Washington D.C. inner city hospitality house that has intentionally made itself present in “the forgotten quadrant” of the nation's capital. As a local presence it is consciously responding to, and taking responsibility for, society's neglect. This chapter argues that the ministry's very presence in the neighborhood stems from an initial act of repentance as the co-founders turned toward the forgotten quadrant and moved into the neighborhood in order to encounter the neighbor. Because the Southeast White House's existence is based on a desire to live for others, especially those on the margins of society, it manifests christological repentance. The chapter argues that the ministry's work may be viewed as an ongoing activity of repentance – a making right – as it fosters relationships and draws other people into its communal life, connecting people normally divided by race, religion, politics, economics, social standing, geography, and culture
Anthony King
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199576982
- eISBN:
- 9780191702235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576982.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter describes and explains what happened in the decades since Richard Neustadt wrote. Neustadt was an American academic who arrived in Britain in the autumn of 1961. He wrote a conference ...
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This chapter describes and explains what happened in the decades since Richard Neustadt wrote. Neustadt was an American academic who arrived in Britain in the autumn of 1961. He wrote a conference paper called ‘White House and Whitehall’ which he wrote to characterize the relationship between senior British civil servants and the political masters they served. Meanwhile, the 20 years or so after the end of the Second World War have been described as ‘a mandarin ’s paradise,’ and in many ways they were. Except in the field of colonial and defense policy, ministers seldom sought to take major policy initiatives and senior civil servants were left to get on with it.Less
This chapter describes and explains what happened in the decades since Richard Neustadt wrote. Neustadt was an American academic who arrived in Britain in the autumn of 1961. He wrote a conference paper called ‘White House and Whitehall’ which he wrote to characterize the relationship between senior British civil servants and the political masters they served. Meanwhile, the 20 years or so after the end of the Second World War have been described as ‘a mandarin ’s paradise,’ and in many ways they were. Except in the field of colonial and defense policy, ministers seldom sought to take major policy initiatives and senior civil servants were left to get on with it.
Adrian Miller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469632537
- eISBN:
- 9781469632551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632537.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter profiles several African Americans who supervised presidential food service operations as steward, maître d'hôtel, or chief usher. Their duties variably included hiring the kitchen ...
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This chapter profiles several African Americans who supervised presidential food service operations as steward, maître d'hôtel, or chief usher. Their duties variably included hiring the kitchen staff, procuring food, menu planning, and at times, food preparation. This chapter focuses (chronologically) on the experiences of the following people: Samuel Fraunces, William T. Crump, Henry Pinckney, Alonzo Fields, Rear Admiral Stephen W. Rochon and Angella Reid. Their experiences illuminate how White House operations have changed over time. The White House first was operated as a plantation big house. After the Civil War, it was operated as a wealthy person homes. With the changes implemented by First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy, the White House has been operated like a hotel since the 1960s. The chapter includes recipes for: minted green pea soup and bison meat Brazilian onions.Less
This chapter profiles several African Americans who supervised presidential food service operations as steward, maître d'hôtel, or chief usher. Their duties variably included hiring the kitchen staff, procuring food, menu planning, and at times, food preparation. This chapter focuses (chronologically) on the experiences of the following people: Samuel Fraunces, William T. Crump, Henry Pinckney, Alonzo Fields, Rear Admiral Stephen W. Rochon and Angella Reid. Their experiences illuminate how White House operations have changed over time. The White House first was operated as a plantation big house. After the Civil War, it was operated as a wealthy person homes. With the changes implemented by First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy, the White House has been operated like a hotel since the 1960s. The chapter includes recipes for: minted green pea soup and bison meat Brazilian onions.
Shaun A. Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374483
- eISBN:
- 9780199871896
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374483.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The 1960 presidential election, won ultimately by John F. Kennedy, was one of the closest and most contentious in American history. The country had never elected a Roman Catholic president, and the ...
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The 1960 presidential election, won ultimately by John F. Kennedy, was one of the closest and most contentious in American history. The country had never elected a Roman Catholic president, and the last time a Catholic had been nominated—New York Governor Al Smith in 1928—he was routed in the general election. From the outset, Kennedy saw the religion issue as the single most important obstacle on his road to the White House. He was acutely aware of, and deeply frustrated by, the possibility that his personal religious beliefs could keep him out of the White House. This book tells the fascinating story of how the Kennedy campaign transformed the “religion question” from a liability into an asset, making him the first (and still only) Catholic president. Drawing on archival research, including many never-before-seen documents, the book travels inside the campaign to show Kennedy's chief advisors—Ted Sorensen, John Kenneth Galbraith, Archibald Cox—grappling with the staunch opposition to the candidate's Catholicism. The book also reveals many of the Nixon campaign's efforts to tap in to anti-Catholic sentiment, with the aid of Billy Graham and the National Association of Evangelicals, among others. The alliance between conservative Protestants and the Nixon campaign, it shows, laid the groundwork for the rise of the Religious Right.Less
The 1960 presidential election, won ultimately by John F. Kennedy, was one of the closest and most contentious in American history. The country had never elected a Roman Catholic president, and the last time a Catholic had been nominated—New York Governor Al Smith in 1928—he was routed in the general election. From the outset, Kennedy saw the religion issue as the single most important obstacle on his road to the White House. He was acutely aware of, and deeply frustrated by, the possibility that his personal religious beliefs could keep him out of the White House. This book tells the fascinating story of how the Kennedy campaign transformed the “religion question” from a liability into an asset, making him the first (and still only) Catholic president. Drawing on archival research, including many never-before-seen documents, the book travels inside the campaign to show Kennedy's chief advisors—Ted Sorensen, John Kenneth Galbraith, Archibald Cox—grappling with the staunch opposition to the candidate's Catholicism. The book also reveals many of the Nixon campaign's efforts to tap in to anti-Catholic sentiment, with the aid of Billy Graham and the National Association of Evangelicals, among others. The alliance between conservative Protestants and the Nixon campaign, it shows, laid the groundwork for the rise of the Religious Right.
James A. Wooten
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520242739
- eISBN:
- 9780520931398
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520242739.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
H.R. 2, now christened the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), was among the first measures Gerald Ford signed after assuming the presidency. More than two months after the House ...
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H.R. 2, now christened the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), was among the first measures Gerald Ford signed after assuming the presidency. More than two months after the House passed H.R. 2, House and Senate staffers appeared still to be deadlocked on a number of issues. The first installment of the staff summary covered jurisdiction, vesting, funding, and portability. These four issues of conferees are addressed, together with termination insurance, effective dates for termination insurance, preemption, fiduciary standards, and taxation of retirement plans. The Steelworkers and Auto Workers pressed the conferees to phase in insurance coverage for benefit increases. They also urged the conferees to reconsider their earlier decision to phase in coverage for existing plans. On September 2, 1974, legislators and committee staff, officials from the executive branch, and representatives of labor and management gathered at the White House. The ERISA of 1974 was law.Less
H.R. 2, now christened the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), was among the first measures Gerald Ford signed after assuming the presidency. More than two months after the House passed H.R. 2, House and Senate staffers appeared still to be deadlocked on a number of issues. The first installment of the staff summary covered jurisdiction, vesting, funding, and portability. These four issues of conferees are addressed, together with termination insurance, effective dates for termination insurance, preemption, fiduciary standards, and taxation of retirement plans. The Steelworkers and Auto Workers pressed the conferees to phase in insurance coverage for benefit increases. They also urged the conferees to reconsider their earlier decision to phase in coverage for existing plans. On September 2, 1974, legislators and committee staff, officials from the executive branch, and representatives of labor and management gathered at the White House. The ERISA of 1974 was law.
James A. Wooten
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520242739
- eISBN:
- 9780520931398
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520242739.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The content of any legislation the Senate passed would be determined in negotiations between the Labor and Finance Committees. The business community’s desire for federal preemption greatly increased ...
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The content of any legislation the Senate passed would be determined in negotiations between the Labor and Finance Committees. The business community’s desire for federal preemption greatly increased the Labor Committee’s influence. Developments in the House strengthened the Democratic leadership and the party majority. Pension reform got off to a fast start in the House, but action there was likely to be slower. As the House and Senate moved forward on pension issues, the White House reassessed its own program. Richard Nixon’s pension program was more noteworthy for what it did not propose than for what it did. The need to preempt state laws raised an arcane but important issue of committee jurisdiction. The compromise shared enforcement authority for prohibited transactions. After years of work, Jacob Javits, Harrison Williams, and their staffs celebrated a legislative landmark: passage of the first comprehensive pension reform bill by one chamber of Congress.Less
The content of any legislation the Senate passed would be determined in negotiations between the Labor and Finance Committees. The business community’s desire for federal preemption greatly increased the Labor Committee’s influence. Developments in the House strengthened the Democratic leadership and the party majority. Pension reform got off to a fast start in the House, but action there was likely to be slower. As the House and Senate moved forward on pension issues, the White House reassessed its own program. Richard Nixon’s pension program was more noteworthy for what it did not propose than for what it did. The need to preempt state laws raised an arcane but important issue of committee jurisdiction. The compromise shared enforcement authority for prohibited transactions. After years of work, Jacob Javits, Harrison Williams, and their staffs celebrated a legislative landmark: passage of the first comprehensive pension reform bill by one chamber of Congress.
J. Elizabeth Clark
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619009
- eISBN:
- 9780748671168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619009.003.0015
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Television
NBC's The West Wing was a television serial drama that focused on the fictional American president Josiah Bartlet (played by Martin Sheen). A deeply intellectual president, Bartlet eschewed the ...
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NBC's The West Wing was a television serial drama that focused on the fictional American president Josiah Bartlet (played by Martin Sheen). A deeply intellectual president, Bartlet eschewed the naivety of a Capraesque populism represented by Jefferson Smith in Mr Smith Goes to Washington. Through Bartlet and his industrious staff, The West Wing presented a tangible, populist depiction of an imaginary government working for the people to uphold the principles of democracy. The programme offered audiences the opportunity to engage with a different version of American democracy, one in which serious social problems received the kind of personal attention a populist vision of the United States fervently desires. The West Wing was an opportunity to explore a different facet of White House politics by examining the role of the president's staff who are charged with carrying out the president's ideas, objectives and policies. In comparison to early episodes featuring Bartlet's angry responses to Christian conservatives, The West Wing creator Aaron Sorkin presented a fairly standard approach to liberalist perspectives on terrorism.Less
NBC's The West Wing was a television serial drama that focused on the fictional American president Josiah Bartlet (played by Martin Sheen). A deeply intellectual president, Bartlet eschewed the naivety of a Capraesque populism represented by Jefferson Smith in Mr Smith Goes to Washington. Through Bartlet and his industrious staff, The West Wing presented a tangible, populist depiction of an imaginary government working for the people to uphold the principles of democracy. The programme offered audiences the opportunity to engage with a different version of American democracy, one in which serious social problems received the kind of personal attention a populist vision of the United States fervently desires. The West Wing was an opportunity to explore a different facet of White House politics by examining the role of the president's staff who are charged with carrying out the president's ideas, objectives and policies. In comparison to early episodes featuring Bartlet's angry responses to Christian conservatives, The West Wing creator Aaron Sorkin presented a fairly standard approach to liberalist perspectives on terrorism.
Michael F. Holt
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195161045
- eISBN:
- 9780199849635
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195161045.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
John M. Clayton outlined the central agenda of Zachary Taylor's presidency, a term that can best be understood in two phases. The sixty-four-year-old president and his men attempted to transform the ...
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John M. Clayton outlined the central agenda of Zachary Taylor's presidency, a term that can best be understood in two phases. The sixty-four-year-old president and his men attempted to transform the Whig party into a broader and more inclusive organization. From its inception, this foolish and utopian initiative provoked angry resistance from most Whigs. The administration's inept patronage policies bitterly divided Whigs against each other and contributed to a truly dismal performance in the crucial state and congressional elections of 1849, thereby neutralizing the solid successes of 1848. By the time Congress assembled in December, the new party initiative had utterly failed, thereby jeopardizing the administration's far more sensible policy proposals. For the remainder of his presidency, therefore, Taylor and the Whig party suffered the consequences of this abortive, fractious, and misguided foray into party building. The party itself never fully recovered from Zachary Taylor's first nine months in the White House.Less
John M. Clayton outlined the central agenda of Zachary Taylor's presidency, a term that can best be understood in two phases. The sixty-four-year-old president and his men attempted to transform the Whig party into a broader and more inclusive organization. From its inception, this foolish and utopian initiative provoked angry resistance from most Whigs. The administration's inept patronage policies bitterly divided Whigs against each other and contributed to a truly dismal performance in the crucial state and congressional elections of 1849, thereby neutralizing the solid successes of 1848. By the time Congress assembled in December, the new party initiative had utterly failed, thereby jeopardizing the administration's far more sensible policy proposals. For the remainder of his presidency, therefore, Taylor and the Whig party suffered the consequences of this abortive, fractious, and misguided foray into party building. The party itself never fully recovered from Zachary Taylor's first nine months in the White House.
