Michael F. Holt
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195161045
- eISBN:
- 9780199849635
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195161045.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The political home of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Horace Greeley, and the young Abraham Lincoln, the American Whig Party was involved at every level of American politics—local, state, and federal—in ...
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The political home of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Horace Greeley, and the young Abraham Lincoln, the American Whig Party was involved at every level of American politics—local, state, and federal—in the years before the Civil War, and controlled the White House for eight of the twenty-two years that it existed. This book gives a comprehensive history of the Whigs—a history covering in rich detail the American political landscape from the Age of Jackson to impending disunion. The history of the Whig Party becomes a political history of the United States during the tumultuous Antebellum period. The book offers a panoramic account of a time when a welter of parties (Whig, Democratic, Anti-Mason, Know Nothing, Free Soil, Republican) and many extraordinary political statesmen (including Andrew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, William Seward, Daniel Webster, Martin Van Buren, and Henry Clay) struggled to control the national agenda as the United States inched towards secession. It was an era when Americans were passionately involved in politics, when local concerns drove national policy, and when momentous political events rocked the country, including the Nullification Controversy, the Panic of 1837, the Annexation of Texas, the Compromise of 1850, and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. This book captures all of this as it shows that, amid this contentious political activity, the Whig Party continuously strove to unite North and South, repeatedly trying to find a compromise position. Indeed, the Whig Party emerges as the nation's last great hope to prevent secession and civil war.Less
The political home of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Horace Greeley, and the young Abraham Lincoln, the American Whig Party was involved at every level of American politics—local, state, and federal—in the years before the Civil War, and controlled the White House for eight of the twenty-two years that it existed. This book gives a comprehensive history of the Whigs—a history covering in rich detail the American political landscape from the Age of Jackson to impending disunion. The history of the Whig Party becomes a political history of the United States during the tumultuous Antebellum period. The book offers a panoramic account of a time when a welter of parties (Whig, Democratic, Anti-Mason, Know Nothing, Free Soil, Republican) and many extraordinary political statesmen (including Andrew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, William Seward, Daniel Webster, Martin Van Buren, and Henry Clay) struggled to control the national agenda as the United States inched towards secession. It was an era when Americans were passionately involved in politics, when local concerns drove national policy, and when momentous political events rocked the country, including the Nullification Controversy, the Panic of 1837, the Annexation of Texas, the Compromise of 1850, and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. This book captures all of this as it shows that, amid this contentious political activity, the Whig Party continuously strove to unite North and South, repeatedly trying to find a compromise position. Indeed, the Whig Party emerges as the nation's last great hope to prevent secession and civil war.
Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1849 and 1855–1856, the most chaotic instances of officer selection in the history of the House of Representatives. It considers how the Second ...
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This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1849 and 1855–1856, the most chaotic instances of officer selection in the history of the House of Representatives. It considers how the Second Party System weakened and eventually collapsed as the slavery issue overwhelmed the interregional partisanship that had been in place for two decades. It also discusses the emergence of new political parties, such as the Free-Soil Party, the American Party, and the Republican Party, that created new avenues for coalitional organization. In particular, it looks at the rise of the Republican Party as the primary opposition party to the Democrats. Finally, it describes how the rising popularity of the new parties in congressional elections affected politicians in both the Whig Party and the Democratic Party.Less
This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1849 and 1855–1856, the most chaotic instances of officer selection in the history of the House of Representatives. It considers how the Second Party System weakened and eventually collapsed as the slavery issue overwhelmed the interregional partisanship that had been in place for two decades. It also discusses the emergence of new political parties, such as the Free-Soil Party, the American Party, and the Republican Party, that created new avenues for coalitional organization. In particular, it looks at the rise of the Republican Party as the primary opposition party to the Democrats. Finally, it describes how the rising popularity of the new parties in congressional elections affected politicians in both the Whig Party and the Democratic Party.
Cornelia Pearsall
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195150544
- eISBN:
- 9780199871124
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195150544.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
Pearsall argues against the prevailing critical conception of dramatic monologists as inadvertent in their revelations and ignorant of the consequences of their speech, suggesting instead that ...
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Pearsall argues against the prevailing critical conception of dramatic monologists as inadvertent in their revelations and ignorant of the consequences of their speech, suggesting instead that dramatic monologists are highly purposeful in their speech, employing sophisticated rhetorical strategies in order to effect political and personal transformation, or “rapture.” The author divides Chapter One into two major sections. The first section, “Poetics: Persuasive Similitude,” offers a new approach to reading all Victorian dramatic monologues, identifying the trope of simile as a defining element of the genre, and arguing that monologists seek to perform a range of acts by way of their speech. The second section, “Politics: Whig Poetics,” details the relevance of Britain’s Whig Party and the furor surrounding the passage of the 1832 Reform Bill to Tennyson’s poetic development. Pearsall illuminates the ways in which Tennyson’s Whig political views were influenced by Arthur Henry Hallam, and helped shape his poetry both thematically and formally.Less
Pearsall argues against the prevailing critical conception of dramatic monologists as inadvertent in their revelations and ignorant of the consequences of their speech, suggesting instead that dramatic monologists are highly purposeful in their speech, employing sophisticated rhetorical strategies in order to effect political and personal transformation, or “rapture.” The author divides Chapter One into two major sections. The first section, “Poetics: Persuasive Similitude,” offers a new approach to reading all Victorian dramatic monologues, identifying the trope of simile as a defining element of the genre, and arguing that monologists seek to perform a range of acts by way of their speech. The second section, “Politics: Whig Poetics,” details the relevance of Britain’s Whig Party and the furor surrounding the passage of the 1832 Reform Bill to Tennyson’s poetic development. Pearsall illuminates the ways in which Tennyson’s Whig political views were influenced by Arthur Henry Hallam, and helped shape his poetry both thematically and formally.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the failed attempts of Grey and Grenville to bring the Whig Party into office. George III relapsed into mental illness in the autumn of 1810. Grey still hoped that the Prince ...
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This chapter discusses the failed attempts of Grey and Grenville to bring the Whig Party into office. George III relapsed into mental illness in the autumn of 1810. Grey still hoped that the Prince of Wales would honour his old connections with the Whigs and that he would use his prerogative as Regent to bring them into office, as they had hoped in 1788. Before that could happen, however, the Regency had to be established and the question of procedure immediately presented itself. The Whig leaders had to consider how to advise the Prince to reply to the Regency resolutions agreed by the Parliament; however, they had some difficulty in reconciling their opinions. The Regency Bill was formally assented to on 5 February and the Prince was sworn in as Regent on the 6th. Perceval's government was confirmed in office, and the Whigs remained in opposition.Less
This chapter discusses the failed attempts of Grey and Grenville to bring the Whig Party into office. George III relapsed into mental illness in the autumn of 1810. Grey still hoped that the Prince of Wales would honour his old connections with the Whigs and that he would use his prerogative as Regent to bring them into office, as they had hoped in 1788. Before that could happen, however, the Regency had to be established and the question of procedure immediately presented itself. The Whig leaders had to consider how to advise the Prince to reply to the Regency resolutions agreed by the Parliament; however, they had some difficulty in reconciling their opinions. The Regency Bill was formally assented to on 5 February and the Prince was sworn in as Regent on the 6th. Perceval's government was confirmed in office, and the Whigs remained in opposition.
WILLIAM DUSINBERRE
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195326031
- eISBN:
- 9780199868308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326031.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The South's response to the growth of an antislavery movement in the North proved disastrous to Southern white people. James Polk — the most powerful Southern politician in the late 1840s — imposed ...
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The South's response to the growth of an antislavery movement in the North proved disastrous to Southern white people. James Polk — the most powerful Southern politician in the late 1840s — imposed his will upon Mexicans and upon the Whig Party, but he failed to develop alternatives to the self-destructive tendencies of Southern Democrats. Instead of acknowledging that most Northern antislavery leaders respected the constitutional right of each Southern state to reach its own decisions about the future of slavery, Polk smeared every such leader with the “abolitionist” label. Instead of resolutely opposing Southern disunionism, he declared that disunionism was the natural response to the growth of an antislavery movement. The ultimate triumph of a secessionist policy arguably owed much to the suicidal policies pursued by influential Southern Democrats like James Polk.Less
The South's response to the growth of an antislavery movement in the North proved disastrous to Southern white people. James Polk — the most powerful Southern politician in the late 1840s — imposed his will upon Mexicans and upon the Whig Party, but he failed to develop alternatives to the self-destructive tendencies of Southern Democrats. Instead of acknowledging that most Northern antislavery leaders respected the constitutional right of each Southern state to reach its own decisions about the future of slavery, Polk smeared every such leader with the “abolitionist” label. Instead of resolutely opposing Southern disunionism, he declared that disunionism was the natural response to the growth of an antislavery movement. The ultimate triumph of a secessionist policy arguably owed much to the suicidal policies pursued by influential Southern Democrats like James Polk.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the formation of the Friends of the People and Grey's commitment to parliamentary reform. The Friends of the People was a society formed primarily to save the Whig Party from ...
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This chapter discusses the formation of the Friends of the People and Grey's commitment to parliamentary reform. The Friends of the People was a society formed primarily to save the Whig Party from Burkean extremism and to further its political objective of destroying Pitt's administration, and to provide a check to the wilder radicalism of Paine and the popular societies. Though the Friends of the People failed in its primary objectives, it raised Grey into greater public prominence and put him in touch with many of the local leaders of reform. Between 1792 and 1802, Grey supported liberal causes in Parliament. He spoke in March 1796 in favour of Curwen's Bill to repeal the Game Laws, voted for the abolition of the slave trade in 1796, and condemned the penal laws against the Irish Catholics in 1797.Less
This chapter discusses the formation of the Friends of the People and Grey's commitment to parliamentary reform. The Friends of the People was a society formed primarily to save the Whig Party from Burkean extremism and to further its political objective of destroying Pitt's administration, and to provide a check to the wilder radicalism of Paine and the popular societies. Though the Friends of the People failed in its primary objectives, it raised Grey into greater public prominence and put him in touch with many of the local leaders of reform. Between 1792 and 1802, Grey supported liberal causes in Parliament. He spoke in March 1796 in favour of Curwen's Bill to repeal the Game Laws, voted for the abolition of the slave trade in 1796, and condemned the penal laws against the Irish Catholics in 1797.
Billy Coleman
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781469658872
- eISBN:
- 9781469658896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469658872.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
Using the famously musical presidential election of 1840 as a centerpiece, this chapter traces how the American Whig Party drew from evangelical religion and reform to cast their campaign music as a ...
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Using the famously musical presidential election of 1840 as a centerpiece, this chapter traces how the American Whig Party drew from evangelical religion and reform to cast their campaign music as a respectable and refining influence over an otherwise unruly process of popular democracy. Indeed, for Whigs, the use of campaign songs was less about attracting voters to the polls than it was about reining in the dangers attendant to those who had already shown their willingness to participate. Accordingly, when Democrats criticized Whig campaign singing they were not criticizing the idea of music in elections so much as they were highlighting the supposed hypocrisy of a party whose use of campaign songs betrayed, as Democrats saw it, a preference for improving the people rather than submitting to their will.Less
Using the famously musical presidential election of 1840 as a centerpiece, this chapter traces how the American Whig Party drew from evangelical religion and reform to cast their campaign music as a respectable and refining influence over an otherwise unruly process of popular democracy. Indeed, for Whigs, the use of campaign songs was less about attracting voters to the polls than it was about reining in the dangers attendant to those who had already shown their willingness to participate. Accordingly, when Democrats criticized Whig campaign singing they were not criticizing the idea of music in elections so much as they were highlighting the supposed hypocrisy of a party whose use of campaign songs betrayed, as Democrats saw it, a preference for improving the people rather than submitting to their will.
WILLIAM DUSINBERRE
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195326031
- eISBN:
- 9780199868308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326031.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Although during the 1840s James Polk cultivated the image of a Southern moderate on the slavery question, his early career contradicted this impression. In 1832 he had provoked a furious debate in ...
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Although during the 1840s James Polk cultivated the image of a Southern moderate on the slavery question, his early career contradicted this impression. In 1832 he had provoked a furious debate in the U.S. House of Representatives, aimed at discouraging any criticism there of slavery, which foreshadowed later debates over the “gag rule.” In October 1839, as governor of Tennessee, he publicly adopted the Calhounite view that it would be unconstitutional for the federal government to take any antislavery action, even in the District of Columbia or in the federal territories. Both publicly and behind the scenes, Polk promoted the view that disunionism would be an inevitable consequence of the enactment of the (allegedly) abolitionist-tainted slavery policies of the Whig Party. Polk acted from political conviction, but also in accordance with his own economic interest, as he doubled his Mississippi plantation investment during the twelve months before October 1839.Less
Although during the 1840s James Polk cultivated the image of a Southern moderate on the slavery question, his early career contradicted this impression. In 1832 he had provoked a furious debate in the U.S. House of Representatives, aimed at discouraging any criticism there of slavery, which foreshadowed later debates over the “gag rule.” In October 1839, as governor of Tennessee, he publicly adopted the Calhounite view that it would be unconstitutional for the federal government to take any antislavery action, even in the District of Columbia or in the federal territories. Both publicly and behind the scenes, Polk promoted the view that disunionism would be an inevitable consequence of the enactment of the (allegedly) abolitionist-tainted slavery policies of the Whig Party. Polk acted from political conviction, but also in accordance with his own economic interest, as he doubled his Mississippi plantation investment during the twelve months before October 1839.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0048
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter forty-eight examines Hodge’s politics and his tripartite commitment to God’s sovereignty, property rights and the need for religion to be tied to political action for the good of the nation. ...
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Chapter forty-eight examines Hodge’s politics and his tripartite commitment to God’s sovereignty, property rights and the need for religion to be tied to political action for the good of the nation. Through an examination of Hodge’s Repertory review of Moses Stuart’s Conscience and the Constitution, one finds that Hodge had a firm commitment to believing that humanity’s common moral sense would bind the nation together. This belief was unsettled by the Civil War. Hodge also shifted political party allegiances during this life from the Whig party to the Republican party, but he always considered himself a Federalist at heart.Less
Chapter forty-eight examines Hodge’s politics and his tripartite commitment to God’s sovereignty, property rights and the need for religion to be tied to political action for the good of the nation. Through an examination of Hodge’s Repertory review of Moses Stuart’s Conscience and the Constitution, one finds that Hodge had a firm commitment to believing that humanity’s common moral sense would bind the nation together. This belief was unsettled by the Civil War. Hodge also shifted political party allegiances during this life from the Whig party to the Republican party, but he always considered himself a Federalist at heart.
F.P. Lock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199541539
- eISBN:
- 9780191701238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541539.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter examines British politician Edmund Burke's relations with his Whig Party in 1791–92. His Reflections on the Revolution in France was well received across a wide spectrum of political ...
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This chapter examines British politician Edmund Burke's relations with his Whig Party in 1791–92. His Reflections on the Revolution in France was well received across a wide spectrum of political opinion, including many members of his party. However, when Prime Minister Charles James Fox declared he was against the book, no-one from the opposition benches came to Burke's defence. Burke retaliated and started attacking Fox with the help of William Fitzwilliam in the hope of unifying the Whig Party.Less
This chapter examines British politician Edmund Burke's relations with his Whig Party in 1791–92. His Reflections on the Revolution in France was well received across a wide spectrum of political opinion, including many members of his party. However, when Prime Minister Charles James Fox declared he was against the book, no-one from the opposition benches came to Burke's defence. Burke retaliated and started attacking Fox with the help of William Fitzwilliam in the hope of unifying the Whig Party.
Drew Maciag
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801448959
- eISBN:
- 9780801467875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801448959.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter details the lives of three prominent men who professed Whig conservative principles with a Burkean twist, as well as the overall politics of the mid-antebellum Whig Party, particularly ...
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This chapter details the lives of three prominent men who professed Whig conservative principles with a Burkean twist, as well as the overall politics of the mid-antebellum Whig Party, particularly in contrast to their Democratic rivals. The Whigs discussed in this chapter are Edward Everett (1794–1865), Rufus Choate (1799–1859), and Joseph Story (1779–1845). The careers of all three climaxed during the decades when Edmund Burke's reputation in America had lost most of the ideological valence that had been its signature in the 1790s and had settled into a comparatively nonpartisan legacy of thoughtful statesmanship and masterly rhetoric. None of them, however, is a household name in America today.Less
This chapter details the lives of three prominent men who professed Whig conservative principles with a Burkean twist, as well as the overall politics of the mid-antebellum Whig Party, particularly in contrast to their Democratic rivals. The Whigs discussed in this chapter are Edward Everett (1794–1865), Rufus Choate (1799–1859), and Joseph Story (1779–1845). The careers of all three climaxed during the decades when Edmund Burke's reputation in America had lost most of the ideological valence that had been its signature in the 1790s and had settled into a comparatively nonpartisan legacy of thoughtful statesmanship and masterly rhetoric. None of them, however, is a household name in America today.
Lindsey Apple
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813134109
- eISBN:
- 9780813135908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813134109.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Dying of tuberculosis, Henry Clay sought again in 1850 to save the Union from dissolution. Friends and enemies recognized the depth of his patriotism only when life itself left no room for his ...
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Dying of tuberculosis, Henry Clay sought again in 1850 to save the Union from dissolution. Friends and enemies recognized the depth of his patriotism only when life itself left no room for his ambition, and family members absorbed his sacrifice and sense of service. His death on June 29, 1852, left the nation and his sons standing alone. When the nation found no architect of compromise Civil War consumed it. His sons fared better but the patriarch's shadow hung heavily over them. Surviving sons tried to restore the Whig Party, served in national and state legislatures, and sought to avoid war, but they constantly asked what Henry Clay would have wanted. No son filled the father's shoes, but Thomas, James, and John were settled in “meaningful work” and making a contribution as their father had so fervently hoped they would.Less
Dying of tuberculosis, Henry Clay sought again in 1850 to save the Union from dissolution. Friends and enemies recognized the depth of his patriotism only when life itself left no room for his ambition, and family members absorbed his sacrifice and sense of service. His death on June 29, 1852, left the nation and his sons standing alone. When the nation found no architect of compromise Civil War consumed it. His sons fared better but the patriarch's shadow hung heavily over them. Surviving sons tried to restore the Whig Party, served in national and state legislatures, and sought to avoid war, but they constantly asked what Henry Clay would have wanted. No son filled the father's shoes, but Thomas, James, and John were settled in “meaningful work” and making a contribution as their father had so fervently hoped they would.
Daniel W. Crofts
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627311
- eISBN:
- 9781469627335
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627311.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Chapter Two traces the rise of the political antislavery movement. It shows how three pioneering leaders—Joshua Giddings, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner—continued the struggle to “denationalize” ...
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Chapter Two traces the rise of the political antislavery movement. It shows how three pioneering leaders—Joshua Giddings, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner—continued the struggle to “denationalize” slavery. They would abolish it in the District of Columbia, prevent its spread to new territories, exempt the federal government from responsibility for fugitive slaves, limit the interstate slave trade, and bar new slave states from entering the Union. But the quest for electoral success created pressures to pull back from a broad-focus antislavery agenda. The rise of the Republican Party in the mid-1850s widened the appeal of antislavery politics, but Republicans toned down the antislavery stances taken by the Liberty Party and the Free Soil Party in the 1840s and early 1850s.Less
Chapter Two traces the rise of the political antislavery movement. It shows how three pioneering leaders—Joshua Giddings, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner—continued the struggle to “denationalize” slavery. They would abolish it in the District of Columbia, prevent its spread to new territories, exempt the federal government from responsibility for fugitive slaves, limit the interstate slave trade, and bar new slave states from entering the Union. But the quest for electoral success created pressures to pull back from a broad-focus antislavery agenda. The rise of the Republican Party in the mid-1850s widened the appeal of antislavery politics, but Republicans toned down the antislavery stances taken by the Liberty Party and the Free Soil Party in the 1840s and early 1850s.
F.P. Lock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199541539
- eISBN:
- 9780191701238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199541539.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter examines the career and activities of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1792 to 1794. During this period, Burke's relationship with the Whig Party did not improve. ...
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This chapter examines the career and activities of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1792 to 1794. During this period, Burke's relationship with the Whig Party did not improve. The Whig leaders still refused to break ties with Prime Minister Charles James Fox despite the recognition of a national emergency requiring a united front against the dangers from abroad. During this time, Burke also attempted to revive the process of impeachment but he failed.Less
This chapter examines the career and activities of British politician Edmund Burke during the period from 1792 to 1794. During this period, Burke's relationship with the Whig Party did not improve. The Whig leaders still refused to break ties with Prime Minister Charles James Fox despite the recognition of a national emergency requiring a united front against the dangers from abroad. During this time, Burke also attempted to revive the process of impeachment but he failed.
Michael Todd Landis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453267
- eISBN:
- 9780801454837
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453267.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines the consequences of the Kansas–Nebraska Act for the Northern Democratic Party. The passage of the Kansas–Nebraska Act produced dramatic shifts in Northern public opinion and ...
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This chapter examines the consequences of the Kansas–Nebraska Act for the Northern Democratic Party. The passage of the Kansas–Nebraska Act produced dramatic shifts in Northern public opinion and adversely affected Northern Democrats. Free state voters were appalled at the bravado of the Slave Power and the blatant disregard by Democrats for Northern antislavery sentiment. A majority of Northerners suddenly became “anti-Nebraska,” that is, opposed to the repeal of the 1820 Line and the spread of slavery into Kansas. This chapter discusses the Northern backlash caused by the Kansas–Nebraska Act, including the emergence of two new antislavery, anti-Democratic political parties: the Know-Nothings, or American Party, and the Republican Party. It considers how the Whig Party, Know-Nothings, and Republicans often worked together to defeat Democrats in the 1854 and 1855 elections. It also explores the crisis in Kansas and how it further strengthened the Republicans and concludes by looking at the 1856 Democratic nomination.Less
This chapter examines the consequences of the Kansas–Nebraska Act for the Northern Democratic Party. The passage of the Kansas–Nebraska Act produced dramatic shifts in Northern public opinion and adversely affected Northern Democrats. Free state voters were appalled at the bravado of the Slave Power and the blatant disregard by Democrats for Northern antislavery sentiment. A majority of Northerners suddenly became “anti-Nebraska,” that is, opposed to the repeal of the 1820 Line and the spread of slavery into Kansas. This chapter discusses the Northern backlash caused by the Kansas–Nebraska Act, including the emergence of two new antislavery, anti-Democratic political parties: the Know-Nothings, or American Party, and the Republican Party. It considers how the Whig Party, Know-Nothings, and Republicans often worked together to defeat Democrats in the 1854 and 1855 elections. It also explores the crisis in Kansas and how it further strengthened the Republicans and concludes by looking at the 1856 Democratic nomination.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the ...
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This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the time and for two years after the Bill was passed. As Prime Minister, Grey guided his country through a process of reform that strengthened those traditional values and institutions which he always respected and revered. The Great Reform Act remains Grey's supreme achievement. His succession to the Premiership in 1830 had shown that he still enjoyed general respect and authority as leader of the Whig party and of reformist opinion, and his handling of the long crisis on 1831–2 entitled him to the great reputation his name was to enjoy for the rest of the century and beyond.Less
This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the time and for two years after the Bill was passed. As Prime Minister, Grey guided his country through a process of reform that strengthened those traditional values and institutions which he always respected and revered. The Great Reform Act remains Grey's supreme achievement. His succession to the Premiership in 1830 had shown that he still enjoyed general respect and authority as leader of the Whig party and of reformist opinion, and his handling of the long crisis on 1831–2 entitled him to the great reputation his name was to enjoy for the rest of the century and beyond.
Rachel A. Shelden
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469610856
- eISBN:
- 9781469612683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469610856.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter describes John Jordan Crittenden as part of a dying breed. The seventy-year old senator from Kentucky had been one of the earliest supporters of the Whig Party from its inception in the ...
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This chapter describes John Jordan Crittenden as part of a dying breed. The seventy-year old senator from Kentucky had been one of the earliest supporters of the Whig Party from its inception in the mid-1830s. Many of his old Whig colleagues, such as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, had passed away. Others had left the party to join the fledgling Republican organization in the North, or switched over to the Democrats in the South. The Whig Party was so depleted that Crittenden himself would have to find a new political organization. Unlike some Southern Whigs, the Kentucky senator had no intention of switching allegiances to the Democrats. Crittenden had long opposed that party's ideological tenets, and recent events had strengthened his disapproval.Less
This chapter describes John Jordan Crittenden as part of a dying breed. The seventy-year old senator from Kentucky had been one of the earliest supporters of the Whig Party from its inception in the mid-1830s. Many of his old Whig colleagues, such as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, had passed away. Others had left the party to join the fledgling Republican organization in the North, or switched over to the Democrats in the South. The Whig Party was so depleted that Crittenden himself would have to find a new political organization. Unlike some Southern Whigs, the Kentucky senator had no intention of switching allegiances to the Democrats. Crittenden had long opposed that party's ideological tenets, and recent events had strengthened his disapproval.
Van Gosse
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781469660103
- eISBN:
- 9781469660127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660103.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Black politics matured early in Maine, led by activists like Reuben Ruby, a fixture in Portland’s politics from the 1830s to the 1860s. He worked closely with General Samuel Fessenden, who had been a ...
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Black politics matured early in Maine, led by activists like Reuben Ruby, a fixture in Portland’s politics from the 1830s to the 1860s. He worked closely with General Samuel Fessenden, who had been a leading Federalist. The latter became Maine’s leading abolitionist in the 1830s, working with Ruby in the National Republican and then Whig parties (they were both delegates at the latter’s 1834 founding convention). Although they tried to bring black voters into the Liberty Party in the 1840s, Portland’s black electorate remained strong. Whigs, led by Abram W. Niles, who held low-level city jobs and party positions. Repeatedly, these voters garnered national attention, as when the younger William Fessenden defeated Portland’s Democratic congressmen with their votes in 1840; in 1848, efforts to bring them over to the Free Soil Party were also widely publicized. By the later 1850s, the black electorate was incorporated into the Republican Party, with Ruby holding a federal patronage position.Less
Black politics matured early in Maine, led by activists like Reuben Ruby, a fixture in Portland’s politics from the 1830s to the 1860s. He worked closely with General Samuel Fessenden, who had been a leading Federalist. The latter became Maine’s leading abolitionist in the 1830s, working with Ruby in the National Republican and then Whig parties (they were both delegates at the latter’s 1834 founding convention). Although they tried to bring black voters into the Liberty Party in the 1840s, Portland’s black electorate remained strong. Whigs, led by Abram W. Niles, who held low-level city jobs and party positions. Repeatedly, these voters garnered national attention, as when the younger William Fessenden defeated Portland’s Democratic congressmen with their votes in 1840; in 1848, efforts to bring them over to the Free Soil Party were also widely publicized. By the later 1850s, the black electorate was incorporated into the Republican Party, with Ruby holding a federal patronage position.
Rachel A. Shelden
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469610856
- eISBN:
- 9781469612683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469610856.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter shows how the Whig Party both in and outside of Congress strongly opposed the war, often accusing President James K. Polk of provoking Mexican retaliation. Yet Democrats were generally ...
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This chapter shows how the Whig Party both in and outside of Congress strongly opposed the war, often accusing President James K. Polk of provoking Mexican retaliation. Yet Democrats were generally behind the president. Northeastern merchants, northwestern farmers, and Southern slaveholders, in particular, advocated expansion westward. Thus, as the conflict opened in 1846, Polk hoped that a speedy decisive victory would result in negotiations to end the war and cede Mexican territory to the United States. On August 8, he expected the overwhelmingly Democratic Congress to push through the $2 million war appropriation bill in the waning hours of the congressional session. Yet Polk did not account for the actions of a small group of antislavery Democrats, all of whom belonged to a wing of the party headed by former president Martin Van Buren. This group was inordinately frustrated by the lack of power it held in the Polk administration.Less
This chapter shows how the Whig Party both in and outside of Congress strongly opposed the war, often accusing President James K. Polk of provoking Mexican retaliation. Yet Democrats were generally behind the president. Northeastern merchants, northwestern farmers, and Southern slaveholders, in particular, advocated expansion westward. Thus, as the conflict opened in 1846, Polk hoped that a speedy decisive victory would result in negotiations to end the war and cede Mexican territory to the United States. On August 8, he expected the overwhelmingly Democratic Congress to push through the $2 million war appropriation bill in the waning hours of the congressional session. Yet Polk did not account for the actions of a small group of antislavery Democrats, all of whom belonged to a wing of the party headed by former president Martin Van Buren. This group was inordinately frustrated by the lack of power it held in the Polk administration.
Christopher Phillips
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780195187236
- eISBN:
- 9780199378180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195187236.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The economic, political, and racial environment in the middle border region sustained the western white consensus. Even as these states modernized between 1820 and 1850, resultant demographic and ...
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The economic, political, and racial environment in the middle border region sustained the western white consensus. Even as these states modernized between 1820 and 1850, resultant demographic and economic expansion and diversity, not slavery politics, irrevocably divided western white populations. To various degrees, political parties in the region (Democrats and National Republicans, or “Whigs”) adopted nationalist positions and eschewed the federal government’s involvement in the issue of slavery, considering it a states’ rights issue. As the debate over abolitionism influenced the West, racialized (or “conservative”) antislavery strategies and movements such as colonization and gradual emancipation emerged among white residents to harmonize the region. Abolition, the most strident of the various antislavery activisms, had a conservative western variant. Consistent with the West as slavery’s borderland, African Americans there collectively experienced a continuum of racial distinctions, statuses, and circumstances rather than a sharp division among them.Less
The economic, political, and racial environment in the middle border region sustained the western white consensus. Even as these states modernized between 1820 and 1850, resultant demographic and economic expansion and diversity, not slavery politics, irrevocably divided western white populations. To various degrees, political parties in the region (Democrats and National Republicans, or “Whigs”) adopted nationalist positions and eschewed the federal government’s involvement in the issue of slavery, considering it a states’ rights issue. As the debate over abolitionism influenced the West, racialized (or “conservative”) antislavery strategies and movements such as colonization and gradual emancipation emerged among white residents to harmonize the region. Abolition, the most strident of the various antislavery activisms, had a conservative western variant. Consistent with the West as slavery’s borderland, African Americans there collectively experienced a continuum of racial distinctions, statuses, and circumstances rather than a sharp division among them.