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This chapter examines the sacramental vision of J.F. Powers, Alfred Alcorn, and Louise Erdrich related to priests and priests' clothing. In his 1988 novel Wheat That Springeth Green, Powers highlights the movement restriction caused by the chasuble worn by the protagonist Father Joe Hackett. Alcorn, in his 1988 novel Vestments, dramatizes the encounter between self and the other in the context of the Catholic understanding of sacrament and sacramentality. In The Last Report on the Miracles at Little No Horse, Erdrich focuses on the correlation of an abstract sense of otherness with the tangible realities of an institutional church, from clothing to crucifix.

Initiatives to make gardens and parks at factories were a part of the wider public health and urban planning reforms taking place in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In landscaping their factories and providing recreation space, industrialists contributed significantly to driving forward and funding environmental reform, although being privately owned and managed, they were subject to specific design considerations and rules of use. The First World War and its aftermath catalysed the importance of healthy and high-quality environments to industrial stability and progress, and the ‘Factory Garden Movement’ accelerated in the 1920s, inspired by a need to attract and to satisfy a more independent and demanding workforce. The key case studies are the Cadbury Chocolate factory in Bournville, UK; the National Cash Register Company factory, ‘The Cash’, in Dayton, Ohio, USA and Shredded Wheat and Spirella Corsets, companies that had factories in both nations.

This chapter describes the design of new wheat breeds by the Italian geneticist Nazareno Strampelli and their role in the Battle of Wheat, the first mass mobilization of Mussolini’s fascist regime. The combination in Strampelli’s most successful breed – Ardito – of immunity to rust and resistance to lodging leading to increased use of chemical fertilizers, an early version of the Green Revolution, made seem plausible fascist dreams of the national soil feeding the national community. More than that, Strampelli’s Ardito performed the fascist permanent mobilization of the nation, blurring peace and war, transforming every Italian involved in the campaign for wheat autarky into a defender of the Fatherland, a human Ardito, the name of the Italian storm troopers of First World War and the basis of Mussolini’s paramilitary black shirts.

This chapter follows the historical trajectory of Strampelli’s Ardito wheat into Portugal to participate in the Wheat Campaign of Salazar’s fascist regime. When examining the Portuguese case, the narrative explores how new standardized forms of wheat contributed to the development of all embracing corporatist state agencies, a critical subject in the new fascist social order: corporatism promised a society built on organic units and “economic solidarities” in contrast to the alleged artificiality of liberal ideology based on individuals as well as to the Bolshevik obsession with social classes. The technoscientific organisms produced at the National Agricultural Experiment Station (EAN) led by the geneticist António Sousa da Câmara, the executive head of the Wheat Campaign, promised to sustain the futurism of the past announced by the propaganda of the Portuguese corporatist New State.

Boyd is best known for his debut novel, Through the Wheat, which is typically thought of as an anti-war modernist work. However, I argue, Boyd’s novel is, in fact, a more ambiguous take on World War I experience. Moreover, his war writing evolved in relation to his career trajectory, as reflected in Boyd’s need to write World War I magazine fiction and his attempt at Hollywood screenwriting on a World War I project. Toward the end of his life, Boyd turned to communism, which influenced his commentary on the war in In Time of Peace, his proletarian bildungsroman sequel to Through the Wheat.

Slavery existed in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, just north of the Maryland line, but it was spotty and restricted to a small number of families. The relatively few slaves put a cap on Pennsylvania’s wealth. There were no vast estates like the great southern plantations and wealth per capita was much less. But Pennsylvania was more prosperous than New England. Wealth per capita was substantially higher. It stood in the middle between the South and New England. Wheat with its thriving markets in the West Indies and Europe buoyed all aspects of the Pennsylvania economy. There were far more shops and tradesmen in Lancaster borough, for example, than in comparable towns in New England like Springfield, Massachusetts, or Hartford, Connecticut. It was a prosperous society but rent with conflict. The most telling division in Pennsylvania society was not between rich and poor but between frontier farmers exposed to Indian attacks and more protected areas. Stories of atrocities formed a distinctive mentality. Frontier towns were outraged by the failure of the government to protect them and took affairs into their own hands by slaughtering the Indians. Crèvecouer, who observed both the prosperity of Pennsylvania and its bitter conflicts, marveled that a society with so much promise endured so many miseries.

In the first years of the twentieth century geneticists promised a revolution in plant breeding that would bring new forms of agriculture. This chapter tracks the successes and failures of the first geneticists’ plans for agriculture. Specifically we follow Rowland Biffen, based at University of Cambridge's Department of Agriculture, and his plan for an All-English loaf, produced without imported flour. The All-English loaf was a failure in Biffen’s lifetime but his varieties were a huge success. Farmers – especially in the south east of England – enthusiastically adopted the new wheat varieties for their own purposes rather than Biffen’s. Little Joss and Yeoman, the most successful varieties to emerge from Biffen’s scientific breeding program, were the leading edge of a large-scale technological intervention in English farming, in which science was to play a guiding role and backing came from the British Government. However, by the end of the 1920s, when it became obvious the All-English loaf was still a far-off dream, it was Biffen and the Ministry of Agriculture who had changed their views on how to farm wheat, as yields rather than bread-making quality became the leitmotif of intensive arable production.

This chapter gives a case study of Booker T. Washington’s turn of the twentieth-century attempts to transform the African American diet. He micromanaged the dining plan for students and teachers at the Tuskegee Institute, advocating for their right to consume beef and wheat, high-status food items that served as symbols of Americanization. Washington also encouraged the cultivation of performatively middle-class food practices both for the benefit of observers intent on gauging the status of black acculturation as well as for the private benefit of his students, whose bodies he hoped these foods would benefit. Washington drew inspiration from white domestic scientists and the latest nutritional information of his day, but he subsumed the importance of following conventional dietary wisdom to the importance of black self-sufficiency.

This chapter demonstrates that the push for voluntary rationing during World War I rendered foods like beef and wheat, which were once of enormous symbolic significance to black food reformers, as unpatriotic. Black food reformers had to choose between performing a U.S. patriotic food identity that demanded conservation and sacrifice and continuing to shun foods like pork and corn that were associated with the plantation South and thus with the history of slavery. Assimilationist eaters generally chose U.S. patriotism, a choice that inevitably muted some of the earlier antagonism that members of the middle class had shown toward the iconic southern foods they associated with the history of slavery. Ultimately, the economic pressures of the Great Depression worked to mute the machinations of even the most ardent food reformers as the community’s emphasis shifted from what to eat to the even more dire problem of having enough to eat.

This chapter aims to delineate a timeline of events in order to provide an accurate account of the movement of third class passengers during the sinking. The timeline is broken down into 5 phases ranging between 11:40pm on the 14th April 1912 and 2:20am on the 15th. It explores these first two phases in detail, spanning 11:40pm and 1:00am, covering the initial impact and the evacuation attempts that followed. It includes tables detailing survival rates by class, gender, and region; survival by class, gender and age; survival of third class members by location of their quarters; figures detailing both the area of impact and damage; and the escape routes taken by third class passengers. By examining testimonies from the British Inquiry, it concludes that third class passengers took a difficult route the top deck due to misdirection from the ship’s authorities.

Chapter 2 shows that Madrid faced serious risks when integration threatened agriculture. A West-European agricultural trade bloc threatened Spain’s economy and political system. Fortunately for Franco Spain, the governments promoting agricultural integration soon deserted supranational features and moved into trade talks to offer other west European countries the surpluses they had generated after 1947. Spain concluded a purchasing contract for wheat with France. This and the prospects of wheat from the International Wheat Agreement and the United States, allowed Madrid to avoid bread rationing after the spring of 1952. By the end of the Green Pool episode, Spain had been granted de facto OEEC treatment in agricultural trade. Thus, the proposed European Agricultural Community provided the Franco regime with the opportunity to improve food consumption and overcome a critical threat to its survival.

In this chapter, I offer critique of development diplomacy in Bin Tepe, the cemetery of Lydian kings and Turkey’s largest tumulus burial zone. The programs of the TVA, Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan, and USAID promoted individual identity and sovereignty through private landownership that eventually led to entrepreneurship in organic agriculture. These organic fields are located in Bin Tepe. I juxtapose heritage policies and international recognition of cultural and natural heritage for Bin Tepe and the Marmara Lake Basin with those of the EU and the robust organic agricultural lobby in Turkey. This analysis shows that tacit approval for organic olives, building on the legacies of US water diplomacy, directly contributed to the erasure of archaeological data. Today the quagmire of organic agriculture versus cultural heritage presents a nexus of tensions that demonstrate the need for long-term planning and harmonization of regional, national, and international policies of development and management.

During the past half century, atmospheric concentrations of important greenhouse gases including carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4), and nitrous oxide (N2O) have been increasing at unprecedented rates ( I PCC, 1996, 2007). Trace gases such as methane (CH4), nitric oxide (NO), and nitrous oxide (N2O) are exchanged regularly between the soil and atmosphere, playing important roles in the greenhouse effect, in atmospheric chemistry, and in the redistribution of ecosystem nitrogen (N). Soils can be important sources of greenhouse gases, commonly contributing up to two thirds of atmospheric N2O and more than one third of atmospheric CH4 (Monson and Holland, 2001; Smith et al., 2003). Recent extensive changes in land management and in cultivation, which can stimulate N2O production and/or decrease CH4 uptake, could be contributing to the observed increases of both CH4 and N2O in the atmosphere (IPCC, 2007). Although the absolute amount of trace gases (such as CH4, NO, and N2O) released into the atmosphere from soils may be small, these gases are extremely effective at absorbing infrared radiation (Smith et al., 2003). Methane, for example, is 20 to 30 times more effcient than CO2 as a greenhouse gas (LeMer and Roger, 2001). As a result, even small changes in the production or consumption of these gases by soils could dramatically influence climate change. Of the gases exchanged between the soil and atmosphere, the major reactive ones are oxides of N (NO and NO2, collectively referred to as NOx). Combustion is a major source of NOx, but native and N-fertilized soils also contribute signi3 - cant amounts of NOx to the atmosphere (Williams et al., 1992). Nitric and nitrous oxide play a complex role in atmospheric chemistry. At low concentrations, it catalyzes the breakdown of ozone. At higher concentrations it can interact with carbon monoxide (CO), hydroxyl radicals (OH.), and hydrocarbons to produce ozone. Atmospheric NOx is converted within days to nitric acid, which is an important component (30% to 50%) of acidity in precipitation (Williams et al., 1992).

Earlier chapters in this book have dealt with the various components of the soil –root system. In this chapter we aim to synthesize them into a unified treatment of a single whole plant growing in soil. Solute movement and root system uptake models are still the central subject, but we must also deal with the growth of the whole plant, which provides the growing sink for the absorbed solutes, and the expanding root system through which they enter. Here we deal only with homogeneous soils and constant growing conditions, usually in pot culture, and call this ‘simplified conditions’. This is necessary in dealing with such complicated systems, so that essential principles shall not be obscured. In Chapter 11 we apply these ideas, so far as it is possible, to crops and natural vegetation. Models are often referred to in this book, because the ideas and concepts are most easily and precisely formulated in this way (Nye 1992a). Here, we outline the different types of models that will be dealt with, and their relationships with each other. Readers may consult Rengel (1993) and Silberbush (1996) for recent reviews of the modelling of nutrient uptake, and Penning de Vries & Rabbinge (1995) for general crop modelling concepts. There are three basic situations: (1) Models of single or few plants growing in pots under simplified conditions in greenhouse or growth chambers, in homogeneous soils, with ample supplies of water, constant temperature, etc. (2) Models of monoculture crops. If a unit cell can be defined, only the vertical dimension need be considered, except possibly for light interception, and for radial transport around roots. These models are normally used for field situations. (3) Vegetation models with mixed species. Separation of the uptakes by the different species can be extremely difficult. If the geometrical arrangement of the species is regular, it is possible to determine a recurring unit cell, which simplifies treatment. Within each situation there is a hierarchy of complexity in the number of processes covered. All models may include water uptake as well as nutrient uptake.