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This chapter addresses the question of why Buddhism is one of the fastest growing religions in the West. Much of the new Buddhism's appeal in the postmodern era can be attributed to the unique multilevel response it offers to this crisis of self. On one level, Buddhism, like other religions, offers support for an unstable identity and reinforcements to build our self-esteem. Buddhist seekers may easily come to identify themselves as wiser, more spiritual, and even more hip than their less enlightened brethren. On another level, Buddhism, like the psychotherapies that have shown such an explosive growth in popularity in the postmodern era, can offer considerable help with the reflexive regulation of the self.

This chapter begins by discussing Buddhist tradition, Buddhism in the West, and Buddhism in postmodern society. It argues that all forms of Buddhism—whether it is the new Western Buddhism, the ethnic Buddhism of the migrant enclaves, or traditional Asian Buddhism—share a common quest: liberation from greed, hatred, and delusion and the suffering they cause. Their paths to that goal, however, often take markedly different directions. In most forms of traditional Buddhism there is sharp distinction between the lay people and the monks, nuns, and priests. In the new Buddhism, this fundamental distinction between monk and layperson is almost wiped away.

This chapter examines the issues of sex and power in Western Buddhism. Buddhism entered the West during a time of growing spiritual thirst, but Western society lacked the cultural matrix necessary to evaluate the claims and the behavior of the teachers working to quench that thirst. In Asia, everyone knows how Buddhist teachers are supposed to behave, and someone who violates those expectations is likely to be viewed with a skeptical eye. Many of the problems that have surfaced in the West can be traced to the lack of the cultural background necessary to provide Buddhist centers and their students and teachers a framework to guide and evaluate their endeavors. But the spread of Buddhism and other forms of spirituality new to the West are inevitably laying the foundation for a cultural matrix that may eventually turn these kind of difficulties into self-limiting problems. The most important transformation Buddhism has undergone, and the one that seems most likely to be a permanent fixture in the West, has been the growing power of women and the trend toward full gender equality.

This chapter discusses the differences among the three major branches of Western Buddhism and then turns to the common ground they share. These include Zen, Vajrayana, and Vipassana Buddhism. Zen was the first style of Asian Buddhism to take root in North America and, not surprisingly, it is has the largest influence there. Vajrayana groups practice many complex and intricate rituals, but in contrast to the formality of most Zen practice their approach seems far more casual. The Vipassana movement's roots are in the Theravada Buddhism of Southern Asia, which is by far the world's most conservative branch of Buddhism—in both its steadfast adherence to the Buddha's original teachings and its strong emphasis on the importance of celibate monasticism. Yet Vipassana is more westernized and less traditional than either Zen or Vajrayana.

When Buddhism first spread beyond its ancestral home in India, it took centuries to adapt to each new country and each new culture. Many of the leaders of Western Buddhism see the same kind of slow evolutionary development occurring in the West. It is often said that we will not know what shape Western Buddhism will take for generations to come. But, whether we like it or not, the frenetic pace of postmodern society has rewritten the equations of change. The story of Western Buddhism is told in decades, not centuries, but Buddhism has already made some of the most radical changes in its history. It would certainly be wrong to say that Buddhism has entered its final form in the West. What living religion has a final form? This chapter charts the trajectory of change along which this new Buddhism is moving.

This introduction describes the histories of the centers, some of the background of the main teachers and a description of the meditation classes and other events each offers. Descriptive detail of the shrine rooms of each center sets the scene for later descriptions of the classes and events. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the means of outreach each center engages in as it tries to attract new members and participants.

This chapter introduces the interview participants and follows the stories of six who were introductory meditation students at Friends of the Heart and Chandrakirti Centre. It focuses on their answers to questions such as: how did you become interested in Buddhist practice or in meditation? Why did you enrol in a meditation class? The stories express some of the very first encounters with Buddhist teachings and practices that participants had, describing some of their earliest learning about the tradition. The chapter also explores respondents' perspectives on religion, and on participating in a religious or spiritual community. Through these stories, the chapter establishes participants' motivations for attending the classes and thus their earliest learning objectives.

This chapter presents an overview of the two centers involved in this study: Friends of the Heart and Chandrakirti Centre. It describes the histories of the centers, some of the background of the main teachers and a description of the meditation classes and other events each offers. Descriptive detail of the shrine rooms of each center sets the scene for later descriptions of the classes and events. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the means of outreach each center engages in as it tries to attract new members and participants.

For Western Buddhists, there is a palpable, practical tension between the perceived ideal of the celibate virtuoso and the demands of contemporary lay life. On a deeper “spiritual” level something structural is at work as well – the tension between the agency involved with the individualized, self-focused cultivation that is Western Buddhist practice, and the sense that it is a child’s right to encounter and choose to follow his or her own path in due time. What models are there for first generation Buddhists to follow or consider when raising their own children? What are some of the sources to which Western Buddhists have turned to help them navigate the complexities and challenges balancing their personal pursuits and perceived parenting responsibilities? How might the story of the Buddha’s own disbursement of his inheritance to his son Rahula resonate with Western Buddhists?

Chapter Six traces the changes that took place through students' participation at Buddhist meditation classes. It does so first by comparing the reflections of experienced members with those of newcomers. The key difference was a greater acceptance of ritual among the experienced members interviewed. The chapter also assesses the changes that had taken place between the first and second round interviews of the six principle participants. Teachers' objectives for their meditation students are explored as well. Long-term membership or increased membership numbers are not considered primary goals: teachers essentially see their activities as spreading the seed of Buddhist teaching, with the hope that it will inspire lasting change in students' lives. While some students left the centers and did not keep up any involvement with Buddhist teachings or practices, others may have experienced long-term changes in attitude and behaviour initiated by the practices they had learned.

The chapter starts by recounting the story of ‘George’, who travelled to India and found a faith. Some historical contextualisation is given: the decline of Christian beliefs and practices in the UK and USA after 1945 is considered. There were precedents to spiritual searches in the East: in the nineteenth century both Egypt and Tibet were seen as lands which held mystical truths. The rise of new forms of religion in the West, such as Buddhism, is considered. It is argued that these religions had a particular force in the USA. The appeal of Buddhism, Hinduism and Sufism is considered. On the other hand, there was a groundswell of religious scepticism among some travellers. In conclusion, it is argued that the hippy trail should be considered as a form of secular, possibly spiritual, pilgrimage.

The histories of the centers, some of the background of the main teachers, and a description of the meditation classes and other events each offers. Descriptive detail of the shrine rooms of each center sets the scene for later descriptions of the classes and events. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the means of outreach each center engages in as it tries to attract new members and participants.

This concluding chapter discusses Theravada Buddhism in the globalized world of today. It particularly examines Western Theravada Buddhism, socially engaged Buddhism, and the movement of Theravada nuns. Each of the three subjects discussed in this chapter represents a situation in which tradition is challenged by modernity. Consequently, Theravada emerges as a religious example of attempts to avoid change. However, according to the teaching of the Buddha himself, change is one of the three characteristics of reality. All constructed phenomena are subject to it. It is very unlikely that the leaders of Theravada are unaware of this truth. Therefore, their insistence on perpetuating tradition has to be seen as resulting from other considerations.