Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In ...
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This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.Less
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP ...
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This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP for a devolved territory become involved in devolved matters in England, but not in his own constituency? It has been said that ‘the WLQ is not really a question: every time it is answered, Tam just waits for a bit and then asks it again’. But that merely shows what a persistently nagging question it has been since long before Tam Dalyell. In fact, it was sufficient (although not necessary) to bring down both of Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills (1886 and 1893). The chapter shows how problematic all the proposed solutions are, especially when dealing with divided government where one UK-wide party controls a territory and the other controls the UK government. However, if devolution is to be stable, the governments and parties will have to live with the WLQ. New conventions for cohabitation will arise, and the UK and devolved party systems may diverge, even if party labels do not. The UK electorate treats everything except UK General Elections as second-order.Less
This chapter analyses what is now called the West Lothian Question (WLQ) after its persistent poser Tam Dalyell MP (formerly for West Lothian). The WLQ asks: Given partial devolution, why can an MP for a devolved territory become involved in devolved matters in England, but not in his own constituency? It has been said that ‘the WLQ is not really a question: every time it is answered, Tam just waits for a bit and then asks it again’. But that merely shows what a persistently nagging question it has been since long before Tam Dalyell. In fact, it was sufficient (although not necessary) to bring down both of Gladstone’s Home Rule Bills (1886 and 1893). The chapter shows how problematic all the proposed solutions are, especially when dealing with divided government where one UK-wide party controls a territory and the other controls the UK government. However, if devolution is to be stable, the governments and parties will have to live with the WLQ. New conventions for cohabitation will arise, and the UK and devolved party systems may diverge, even if party labels do not. The UK electorate treats everything except UK General Elections as second-order.
Daniel Gover and Michael Kenny
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780197266465
- eISBN:
- 9780191879609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266465.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
In October 2015, the Conservative Government introduced a reform to the procedures of the House of Commons known as ‘English votes for English laws’ (or EVEL). This chapter examines how the ...
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In October 2015, the Conservative Government introduced a reform to the procedures of the House of Commons known as ‘English votes for English laws’ (or EVEL). This chapter examines how the Conservative Party, which has historically been closely identified with unionism, became the architect of such a scheme. It documents how this topic emerged in political debate, following the implementation of devolution and, again, in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. And it analyses EVEL’s operation at Westminster in 2015–17, uncovering tensions within it that point to deeper strains within Conservative Party thinking. It concludes that EVEL needs to be understood not only as a response to the ‘West Lothian Question’, but also in relation to a longer-term disjuncture in the Conservative psyche arising from two competing conceptions of the nature and purpose of union.Less
In October 2015, the Conservative Government introduced a reform to the procedures of the House of Commons known as ‘English votes for English laws’ (or EVEL). This chapter examines how the Conservative Party, which has historically been closely identified with unionism, became the architect of such a scheme. It documents how this topic emerged in political debate, following the implementation of devolution and, again, in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. And it analyses EVEL’s operation at Westminster in 2015–17, uncovering tensions within it that point to deeper strains within Conservative Party thinking. It concludes that EVEL needs to be understood not only as a response to the ‘West Lothian Question’, but also in relation to a longer-term disjuncture in the Conservative psyche arising from two competing conceptions of the nature and purpose of union.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now ...
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This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.Less
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Devolution to Scotland since 1707. Church patronage 1707–1874. The Disruption 1843. The Jacobite risings. The Scottish Enlightenment. Revival of devolution since the 1960s. The shotgun conversion of ...
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Devolution to Scotland since 1707. Church patronage 1707–1874. The Disruption 1843. The Jacobite risings. The Scottish Enlightenment. Revival of devolution since the 1960s. The shotgun conversion of Scottish Labour 1974. Failure 1974–9; success 1989–99. The Claim of Right (1689 and) 1989. Devolution to Northern Ireland since 1920. A Protestant Parliament in a Protestant state. The Troubles. The Good Friday Agreement. Constitutional framework. Devolution to Wales since 1964. ‘And to a lesser extent Wales.’ The weakest territorial department: Aberfan. Constitutional issues arising out of devolution. The Barnett Formula. The West Lothian Question, true and false. ‘English votes on English laws.’ Authority of subordinate parliaments. Formal (but empty) Diceyanism of the devolution statues. The Sewel Convention.Less
Devolution to Scotland since 1707. Church patronage 1707–1874. The Disruption 1843. The Jacobite risings. The Scottish Enlightenment. Revival of devolution since the 1960s. The shotgun conversion of Scottish Labour 1974. Failure 1974–9; success 1989–99. The Claim of Right (1689 and) 1989. Devolution to Northern Ireland since 1920. A Protestant Parliament in a Protestant state. The Troubles. The Good Friday Agreement. Constitutional framework. Devolution to Wales since 1964. ‘And to a lesser extent Wales.’ The weakest territorial department: Aberfan. Constitutional issues arising out of devolution. The Barnett Formula. The West Lothian Question, true and false. ‘English votes on English laws.’ Authority of subordinate parliaments. Formal (but empty) Diceyanism of the devolution statues. The Sewel Convention.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545957
- eISBN:
- 9780191719967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545957.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Short of independence, Scotland's constitutional position might evolve gradually, with a slow accretion of powers. Fiscal powers are an important element although fiscal equalization poses major ...
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Short of independence, Scotland's constitutional position might evolve gradually, with a slow accretion of powers. Fiscal powers are an important element although fiscal equalization poses major problems. There are strong arguments for devolving welfare matters in order to strengthen the Scottish political arena, although this divides neo-nationalists and neo-unionists. The West Lothian Question can be resolved by excluding Scottish MPs from voting on English matters. Neo-unionists have argued for a written constitution and a British bill of rights, but these are nation-building measures unacceptable to neo-nationalists. The main difficulty in stronger Scottish self-government is the need for common institutions to manage common issues. English political and public opinion remains unitary in its thinking and would want to retain a unitary English polity and resist federalizing measures.Less
Short of independence, Scotland's constitutional position might evolve gradually, with a slow accretion of powers. Fiscal powers are an important element although fiscal equalization poses major problems. There are strong arguments for devolving welfare matters in order to strengthen the Scottish political arena, although this divides neo-nationalists and neo-unionists. The West Lothian Question can be resolved by excluding Scottish MPs from voting on English matters. Neo-unionists have argued for a written constitution and a British bill of rights, but these are nation-building measures unacceptable to neo-nationalists. The main difficulty in stronger Scottish self-government is the need for common institutions to manage common issues. English political and public opinion remains unitary in its thinking and would want to retain a unitary English polity and resist federalizing measures.
Jim Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780197266465
- eISBN:
- 9780191879609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266465.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The asymmetry of the UK as a union means that England, unlike Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, not only has no domestic legislature but no executive of its own either. Westminster is England’s ...
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The asymmetry of the UK as a union means that England, unlike Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, not only has no domestic legislature but no executive of its own either. Westminster is England’s Parliament and the UK Government is England’s Government. Much attention has been devoted to the (parliamentary) anomaly of the West Lothian Question, but there has been little discussion of England’s Government. This chapter asks whether the UK Government contains a ghost in the machine: an embryonic English Government, perhaps in English departments or cabinet committees, or shown in social or economic policy or in taxation and spending. It notes how deeply entangled UK and English economic and fiscal policy are, notably via the Barnett formula, and considers the options for more explicit English governance such as a ‘Minister for England’, but questions how politically salient this would be when the main issue is England’s relations with Europe.Less
The asymmetry of the UK as a union means that England, unlike Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, not only has no domestic legislature but no executive of its own either. Westminster is England’s Parliament and the UK Government is England’s Government. Much attention has been devoted to the (parliamentary) anomaly of the West Lothian Question, but there has been little discussion of England’s Government. This chapter asks whether the UK Government contains a ghost in the machine: an embryonic English Government, perhaps in English departments or cabinet committees, or shown in social or economic policy or in taxation and spending. It notes how deeply entangled UK and English economic and fiscal policy are, notably via the Barnett formula, and considers the options for more explicit English governance such as a ‘Minister for England’, but questions how politically salient this would be when the main issue is England’s relations with Europe.
John Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263310
- eISBN:
- 9780191734144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter illustrates that the ‘West Lothian Question’ is not an issue between the Scottish and English public. It explains how the attitudes of those living on both sides of the border have ...
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This chapter illustrates that the ‘West Lothian Question’ is not an issue between the Scottish and English public. It explains how the attitudes of those living on both sides of the border have developed in the immediate wake of the creation of the Scottish Parliament. It specifically highlights the three sets of attitudes that might be thought to be central to the relationship between two countries that share the same state: constitutional preferences, policy preferences and identities. The extent to which people in the two countries have similar or different constitutional preferences is investigated. The chapter then explores how far people in England and Scotland do or do not share similar policy preferences. It further looks at how far people in England and Scotland do or do not have a set of identities and symbols in common. Devolution has so far not helped to drive England and Scotland apart from each other. They lack on strong common commitment to a shared set of identities and symbols, but even they appear to have enough in common for them to be capable of sharing the same multinational state.Less
This chapter illustrates that the ‘West Lothian Question’ is not an issue between the Scottish and English public. It explains how the attitudes of those living on both sides of the border have developed in the immediate wake of the creation of the Scottish Parliament. It specifically highlights the three sets of attitudes that might be thought to be central to the relationship between two countries that share the same state: constitutional preferences, policy preferences and identities. The extent to which people in the two countries have similar or different constitutional preferences is investigated. The chapter then explores how far people in England and Scotland do or do not share similar policy preferences. It further looks at how far people in England and Scotland do or do not have a set of identities and symbols in common. Devolution has so far not helped to drive England and Scotland apart from each other. They lack on strong common commitment to a shared set of identities and symbols, but even they appear to have enough in common for them to be capable of sharing the same multinational state.
Arthur Aughey
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719083402
- eISBN:
- 9781781704899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719083402.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This Chapter considers what Hazell once called the ‘gaping hole’ in the devolution settlement, England. It could be said that the English question has become the damnable question in British ...
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This Chapter considers what Hazell once called the ‘gaping hole’ in the devolution settlement, England. It could be said that the English question has become the damnable question in British politics. Current expressions of Englishness have a particular context: the new complexity of United Kingdom governance and the uncertainty of how England fits into it. Most of the proposals for accommodating a distinctive political voice for England within the United Kingdom pose great difficulties for coherent governance and potential dangers for the Union. The chapter argues that the time has not yet arrived for dealing with this question. And when or if it does, it is likely to be the consequence of changes elsewhere in the United Kingdom rather than because of any serious press of English public opinion.Less
This Chapter considers what Hazell once called the ‘gaping hole’ in the devolution settlement, England. It could be said that the English question has become the damnable question in British politics. Current expressions of Englishness have a particular context: the new complexity of United Kingdom governance and the uncertainty of how England fits into it. Most of the proposals for accommodating a distinctive political voice for England within the United Kingdom pose great difficulties for coherent governance and potential dangers for the Union. The chapter argues that the time has not yet arrived for dealing with this question. And when or if it does, it is likely to be the consequence of changes elsewhere in the United Kingdom rather than because of any serious press of English public opinion.
James Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199688654
- eISBN:
- 9780191783173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199688654.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The state’s means of catering for Scottish distinctiveness developed alongside the growth in its role in society and the economy. This created numerous ad hoc arrangements at a Scottish and local ...
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The state’s means of catering for Scottish distinctiveness developed alongside the growth in its role in society and the economy. This created numerous ad hoc arrangements at a Scottish and local level. Parallel developments occurred in how Parliament handled Scottish business. The implications of special Scottish parliamentary procedures became apparent. Arthur Balfour warned of the dangers of treating Scotland as a distinct entity in Parliament, presaging much later debates on what became known as the West Lothian Question. Paralleling developments aimed at consolidating central administration were efforts to create a more coherent and rational structure of local governance within Scotland. These twin developments diminished what had made public administration distinct in Scotland though the trends never eradicated all that made Scotland a distinct polity. These developments and the periodic efforts to consolidate and rationalize these developments are discussed in this chapter.Less
The state’s means of catering for Scottish distinctiveness developed alongside the growth in its role in society and the economy. This created numerous ad hoc arrangements at a Scottish and local level. Parallel developments occurred in how Parliament handled Scottish business. The implications of special Scottish parliamentary procedures became apparent. Arthur Balfour warned of the dangers of treating Scotland as a distinct entity in Parliament, presaging much later debates on what became known as the West Lothian Question. Paralleling developments aimed at consolidating central administration were efforts to create a more coherent and rational structure of local governance within Scotland. These twin developments diminished what had made public administration distinct in Scotland though the trends never eradicated all that made Scotland a distinct polity. These developments and the periodic efforts to consolidate and rationalize these developments are discussed in this chapter.
