Marc Lynch
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244904
- eISBN:
- 9780191600050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244901.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan ...
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Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.Less
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.
Luca Ricolfi
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199276998
- eISBN:
- 9780191707735
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276998.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the suicide missions (SMs) related to the Arab-Israeli conflict that took place from 1981 to December 2003. SMs are a relatively recent phenomenon in the Middle East, with only ...
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This chapter examines the suicide missions (SMs) related to the Arab-Israeli conflict that took place from 1981 to December 2003. SMs are a relatively recent phenomenon in the Middle East, with only sporadic cases before 1981. In the two decades under examination, the great majority of the SMs related to the Arab-Israeli conflict took place in three geographic areas: Israel, the Occupied Territories (Gaza Strip and the West Bank), and Lebanon (primarily in the south). This concentration is largely due to the outcome of the 1967 war, the so-called Six Day War. Israel managed to sign effective peace agreements with its neighbours in the south (Egypt) and in the east (Jordan), but not in the north (Syria). Hence, a shift in the conflict towards the Occupied Territories and Lebanon, the latter squeezed between the Israeli army in the south and Syrian influence in the north.Less
This chapter examines the suicide missions (SMs) related to the Arab-Israeli conflict that took place from 1981 to December 2003. SMs are a relatively recent phenomenon in the Middle East, with only sporadic cases before 1981. In the two decades under examination, the great majority of the SMs related to the Arab-Israeli conflict took place in three geographic areas: Israel, the Occupied Territories (Gaza Strip and the West Bank), and Lebanon (primarily in the south). This concentration is largely due to the outcome of the 1967 war, the so-called Six Day War. Israel managed to sign effective peace agreements with its neighbours in the south (Egypt) and in the east (Jordan), but not in the north (Syria). Hence, a shift in the conflict towards the Occupied Territories and Lebanon, the latter squeezed between the Israeli army in the south and Syrian influence in the north.
Maher Anawati Bitar
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. ...
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Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. It created ‘internally stuck persons’ (ISPs) who were no longer able to flee conflict areas to safer grounds. For the ISPs, the Gaza Strip has become a prison which is controlled by outside force. Within the context of open-air prison, the ISPs have become ‘internally displaced persons’ because they are compelled to remain within this circumscribed boundary. IDPs receive less assistance and protection than refugees. This chapter discusses the scope, extent and repercussions of the involuntary migratory movements within the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It focuses on the physical barrier created by the Government of Israel (GoI) within the oPt. Although the displacement in Gaza, the East Jerusalem, and the West Bank is often triggered by similar and indirect factors, the latter two areas face a distinct set of triggers. A review of the preliminary displacement patterns have shown that forced displacement is both a result of and a means by which the GoI has expanded its hold of East Jerusalem and the prime areas of the West Bank. This review thus asserts that displacement cannot be simply viewed as a humanitarian crisis or a consequence of conflict or Israel’s security needs.Less
Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. It created ‘internally stuck persons’ (ISPs) who were no longer able to flee conflict areas to safer grounds. For the ISPs, the Gaza Strip has become a prison which is controlled by outside force. Within the context of open-air prison, the ISPs have become ‘internally displaced persons’ because they are compelled to remain within this circumscribed boundary. IDPs receive less assistance and protection than refugees. This chapter discusses the scope, extent and repercussions of the involuntary migratory movements within the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It focuses on the physical barrier created by the Government of Israel (GoI) within the oPt. Although the displacement in Gaza, the East Jerusalem, and the West Bank is often triggered by similar and indirect factors, the latter two areas face a distinct set of triggers. A review of the preliminary displacement patterns have shown that forced displacement is both a result of and a means by which the GoI has expanded its hold of East Jerusalem and the prime areas of the West Bank. This review thus asserts that displacement cannot be simply viewed as a humanitarian crisis or a consequence of conflict or Israel’s security needs.
Anne Marie Oliver and Paul F. Steinberg
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195305593
- eISBN:
- 9780199850815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305593.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Despite its swift rise to power in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Hamas did not become a topic of debate outside Palestine until the early 1990s. There were two basic schools of thought, both ...
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Despite its swift rise to power in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Hamas did not become a topic of debate outside Palestine until the early 1990s. There were two basic schools of thought, both obstinately ideological. According to the first, Hamas was a pragmatic political organization that followed its interests like any other political organization. Toward that end, it built schools, libraries, orphanages, and infirmaries, and provided much-needed services to the people of Gaza and West Bank — services that other political bodies of Palestine ignored or left to the United Nations. Proponents of the second school, on the other hand, argued that Hamas was antipolitical to the hilt, the very id of the Palestinian body politic. Through its various pedagogic institutions, it indoctrinated children with visceral hatred.Less
Despite its swift rise to power in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Hamas did not become a topic of debate outside Palestine until the early 1990s. There were two basic schools of thought, both obstinately ideological. According to the first, Hamas was a pragmatic political organization that followed its interests like any other political organization. Toward that end, it built schools, libraries, orphanages, and infirmaries, and provided much-needed services to the people of Gaza and West Bank — services that other political bodies of Palestine ignored or left to the United Nations. Proponents of the second school, on the other hand, argued that Hamas was antipolitical to the hilt, the very id of the Palestinian body politic. Through its various pedagogic institutions, it indoctrinated children with visceral hatred.
Neve Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255302
- eISBN:
- 9780520942363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255302.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Palestinian national identification slowly but consistently strengthened following the 1967 War despite Israel's ongoing effort to undermine it. Not unlike Zionism, which, as some scholars claim, ...
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Palestinian national identification slowly but consistently strengthened following the 1967 War despite Israel's ongoing effort to undermine it. Not unlike Zionism, which, as some scholars claim, precipitated the appearance and development of Palestinian national identity at the turn of the twentieth century, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip helped generate the reemergence of Palestinian nationalism. This chapter argues that many of the controlling apparatuses employed to manage the inhabitants affected the Palestinian population as a whole, thus highlighting the similarities among the residents of the two regions rather than their differences. Thus, while Israel deployed several controlling practices to repress Palestinian nationalism and to encourage other forms of identification, the contradictions and excesses of its controlling apparatuses actually reinforced the sense of a shared predicament, which strengthened national identification. In hindsight, it is not surprising that Israel failed to suppress the rise of national identity. But in order to better understand how Palestinian nationalism reemerged and how it, in turn, led Israel to emphasize sovereign power and de-emphasize disciplinary and biopower, it is useful to look back at one of the sites where the struggle over national identification manifested itself most forcefully: the municipal elections in the West Bank.Less
Palestinian national identification slowly but consistently strengthened following the 1967 War despite Israel's ongoing effort to undermine it. Not unlike Zionism, which, as some scholars claim, precipitated the appearance and development of Palestinian national identity at the turn of the twentieth century, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip helped generate the reemergence of Palestinian nationalism. This chapter argues that many of the controlling apparatuses employed to manage the inhabitants affected the Palestinian population as a whole, thus highlighting the similarities among the residents of the two regions rather than their differences. Thus, while Israel deployed several controlling practices to repress Palestinian nationalism and to encourage other forms of identification, the contradictions and excesses of its controlling apparatuses actually reinforced the sense of a shared predicament, which strengthened national identification. In hindsight, it is not surprising that Israel failed to suppress the rise of national identity. But in order to better understand how Palestinian nationalism reemerged and how it, in turn, led Israel to emphasize sovereign power and de-emphasize disciplinary and biopower, it is useful to look back at one of the sites where the struggle over national identification manifested itself most forcefully: the municipal elections in the West Bank.
Mehran Kamrava
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300215625
- eISBN:
- 9780300220858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300215625.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter chronicles the processes and consequences of Palestine's territorial dismemberment and its subjugation by Israel. It begins with a discussion of the means and methods by which the ...
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This chapter chronicles the processes and consequences of Palestine's territorial dismemberment and its subjugation by Israel. It begins with a discussion of the means and methods by which the Israeli state has confiscated or otherwise divided Palestinian territories. Israel's occupation has been multipronged and multifaceted, involving not just military, economic, political, and administrative means but, most potently, hundreds of thousands of settlers motivated by religious and ideological or economic reasons. The chapter then moves to a discussion of the settler phenomenon, highlighting the encirclement of Palestinian population areas and their isolation from one another. It concludes with a snapshot examination of living conditions in Gaza and the West Bank.Less
This chapter chronicles the processes and consequences of Palestine's territorial dismemberment and its subjugation by Israel. It begins with a discussion of the means and methods by which the Israeli state has confiscated or otherwise divided Palestinian territories. Israel's occupation has been multipronged and multifaceted, involving not just military, economic, political, and administrative means but, most potently, hundreds of thousands of settlers motivated by religious and ideological or economic reasons. The chapter then moves to a discussion of the settler phenomenon, highlighting the encirclement of Palestinian population areas and their isolation from one another. It concludes with a snapshot examination of living conditions in Gaza and the West Bank.
Neve Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255302
- eISBN:
- 9780520942363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255302.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
By the turn of the new millennium, Israel had almost totally abandoned forms of control whose goal was to manage the lives of the Palestinian inhabitants residing in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and ...
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By the turn of the new millennium, Israel had almost totally abandoned forms of control whose goal was to manage the lives of the Palestinian inhabitants residing in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and was also reluctant to allow the Palestinian Authority to continue administering the occupied population. The difference between Israel's decision to distribute clubs and Rabin's “break their bones” policy from the first intifada and the firing of a million bullets during the second uprising's first month signifies a change in the primary principle informing Israel's occupation, that is, a shift from the principle of colonization to the principle of separation. This chapter describes these two principles and emphasizes that they actually contaminate each other so that there is always a trace of one in the other.Less
By the turn of the new millennium, Israel had almost totally abandoned forms of control whose goal was to manage the lives of the Palestinian inhabitants residing in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and was also reluctant to allow the Palestinian Authority to continue administering the occupied population. The difference between Israel's decision to distribute clubs and Rabin's “break their bones” policy from the first intifada and the firing of a million bullets during the second uprising's first month signifies a change in the primary principle informing Israel's occupation, that is, a shift from the principle of colonization to the principle of separation. This chapter describes these two principles and emphasizes that they actually contaminate each other so that there is always a trace of one in the other.
Neve Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255302
- eISBN:
- 9780520942363
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255302.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This history of Israel's occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip allows us to see beyond the smoke screen of politics in order to make sense of the dramatic changes that have developed on the ...
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This history of Israel's occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip allows us to see beyond the smoke screen of politics in order to make sense of the dramatic changes that have developed on the ground. Looking at a wide range of topics, from control of water and electricity to health care and education, as well as surveillance and torture, it reveals a fundamental shift from a politics of life—when, for instance, Israel helped Palestinians plant more than six-hundred thousand trees in Gaza and provided farmers with improved varieties of seeds—to a macabre politics characterized by an increasing number of deaths. Drawing attention to the interactions, excesses, and contradictions created by the forms of control used in the Occupied Territories, the author argues that the occupation's very structure, rather than the policy choices of the Israeli government or the actions of various Palestinian political factions, has led to this radical shift.Less
This history of Israel's occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip allows us to see beyond the smoke screen of politics in order to make sense of the dramatic changes that have developed on the ground. Looking at a wide range of topics, from control of water and electricity to health care and education, as well as surveillance and torture, it reveals a fundamental shift from a politics of life—when, for instance, Israel helped Palestinians plant more than six-hundred thousand trees in Gaza and provided farmers with improved varieties of seeds—to a macabre politics characterized by an increasing number of deaths. Drawing attention to the interactions, excesses, and contradictions created by the forms of control used in the Occupied Territories, the author argues that the occupation's very structure, rather than the policy choices of the Israeli government or the actions of various Palestinian political factions, has led to this radical shift.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter describes the development of legal doctrines and debates about the legality of Israeli rule in the West Bank and Gaza, including a discussion of the development of human rights activism ...
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This chapter describes the development of legal doctrines and debates about the legality of Israeli rule in the West Bank and Gaza, including a discussion of the development of human rights activism in this area. It also reviews the subsequent development of a counterdiscourse that criticizes and challenges the state's interpretations and uses of law and the claims of legality of state policies and practices that harm the interests or infringe on the rights of Palestinians. The legal debates, policy developments, and litigation relating specifically to interrogation and torture are considered. The High Court of Justice has played an important role in supporting and sanctioning military and administrative policies that have negatively affected Palestinians. The outbreak of the Palestinian intifada in December 1987 had dramatic effects on all aspects of Israeli-Palestinian relations.Less
This chapter describes the development of legal doctrines and debates about the legality of Israeli rule in the West Bank and Gaza, including a discussion of the development of human rights activism in this area. It also reviews the subsequent development of a counterdiscourse that criticizes and challenges the state's interpretations and uses of law and the claims of legality of state policies and practices that harm the interests or infringe on the rights of Palestinians. The legal debates, policy developments, and litigation relating specifically to interrogation and torture are considered. The High Court of Justice has played an important role in supporting and sanctioning military and administrative policies that have negatively affected Palestinians. The outbreak of the Palestinian intifada in December 1987 had dramatic effects on all aspects of Israeli-Palestinian relations.
GEOFFREY R. WATSON
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198298915
- eISBN:
- 9780191705243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198298915.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter examines Israel's compliance with its obligations to redeploy Israeli troops from the West Bank. It begins by analyzing the relevant provisions of the Accords. It then considers Israel's ...
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This chapter examines Israel's compliance with its obligations to redeploy Israeli troops from the West Bank. It begins by analyzing the relevant provisions of the Accords. It then considers Israel's argument that Palestinian violations of the Accords justify Israel's suspension of its obligations to withdraw. The chapter concludes by analyzing the parties' disagreement over the meaning of ‘specified military locations’.Less
This chapter examines Israel's compliance with its obligations to redeploy Israeli troops from the West Bank. It begins by analyzing the relevant provisions of the Accords. It then considers Israel's argument that Palestinian violations of the Accords justify Israel's suspension of its obligations to withdraw. The chapter concludes by analyzing the parties' disagreement over the meaning of ‘specified military locations’.
GEOFFREY R. WATSON
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198298915
- eISBN:
- 9780191705243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198298915.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter analyzes Israeli compliance with its obligations on safe passage for Palestinians between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, on the establishment and operation of a seaport and airport in ...
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This chapter analyzes Israeli compliance with its obligations on safe passage for Palestinians between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, on the establishment and operation of a seaport and airport in the Gaza Strip, on economic questions, and on other related questions of infrastructure and civil affairs. It argues that most of the so-called ‘Israeli responsibilities’ on ports, passages, and economics are really joint obligations of negotiation and implementation. In particular, Israel and Palestinian Authority are both obliged to negotiate and implement in good faith.Less
This chapter analyzes Israeli compliance with its obligations on safe passage for Palestinians between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, on the establishment and operation of a seaport and airport in the Gaza Strip, on economic questions, and on other related questions of infrastructure and civil affairs. It argues that most of the so-called ‘Israeli responsibilities’ on ports, passages, and economics are really joint obligations of negotiation and implementation. In particular, Israel and Palestinian Authority are both obliged to negotiate and implement in good faith.
Neve Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255302
- eISBN:
- 9780520942363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255302.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This introductory chapter offers a historical overview of the occupation that draws attention to the way in which the Palestinian inhabitants have been managed. In so doing, it exposes how Israel's ...
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This introductory chapter offers a historical overview of the occupation that draws attention to the way in which the Palestinian inhabitants have been managed. In so doing, it exposes how Israel's means of control have actually helped to mold the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Thus, Israel's Occupation fills a lacuna in the existing literature not only because it offers an overview of the occupation, but also because it is the first attempt to make sense of Israel's policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip by means of a detailed analysis of the controlling apparatuses and practices. Finally, an interrogation of this kind is advantageous because it helps us see beyond the smoke screen of political proclamations and statements, and sheds new light on the way power, people, and place have been shaped in this bitter, ongoing conflict. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter offers a historical overview of the occupation that draws attention to the way in which the Palestinian inhabitants have been managed. In so doing, it exposes how Israel's means of control have actually helped to mold the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Thus, Israel's Occupation fills a lacuna in the existing literature not only because it offers an overview of the occupation, but also because it is the first attempt to make sense of Israel's policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip by means of a detailed analysis of the controlling apparatuses and practices. Finally, an interrogation of this kind is advantageous because it helps us see beyond the smoke screen of political proclamations and statements, and sheds new light on the way power, people, and place have been shaped in this bitter, ongoing conflict. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Nathan J. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520237629
- eISBN:
- 9780520937789
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520237629.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The centrality of Palestinian education resembled the situation in other Arab countries that had grabbed their independence in prolonged struggles. Nationalist leaders throughout the Arab world have ...
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The centrality of Palestinian education resembled the situation in other Arab countries that had grabbed their independence in prolonged struggles. Nationalist leaders throughout the Arab world have claimed that their unwanted rulers starved the educational system of the resources it needed. Palestinian education resembled neighboring Arab systems in method and substance; indeed, the curriculum was a direct copy of the Jordanian (for the West Bank) and the Egyptian (for Gaza). Palestinians fought with the mandatory government in the education arena on several fronts. Many of the features of the Palestinian educational system lay firmly established by the time the mandate ended in 1948. The control of the system was politically sensitive, and the public system was supplemented by an extensive private system.Less
The centrality of Palestinian education resembled the situation in other Arab countries that had grabbed their independence in prolonged struggles. Nationalist leaders throughout the Arab world have claimed that their unwanted rulers starved the educational system of the resources it needed. Palestinian education resembled neighboring Arab systems in method and substance; indeed, the curriculum was a direct copy of the Jordanian (for the West Bank) and the Egyptian (for Gaza). Palestinians fought with the mandatory government in the education arena on several fronts. Many of the features of the Palestinian educational system lay firmly established by the time the mandate ended in 1948. The control of the system was politically sensitive, and the public system was supplemented by an extensive private system.
Mehran Kamrava
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300215625
- eISBN:
- 9780300220858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300215625.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on Palestinian efforts at state-building, beginning in earnest with the signing of the Oslo Accords. States are not created out of thin air. They have institutional antecedents, ...
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This chapter focuses on Palestinian efforts at state-building, beginning in earnest with the signing of the Oslo Accords. States are not created out of thin air. They have institutional antecedents, social roots and progeny, and, at times, even founding fathers. The state-like apparatus that grew out of the Oslo process had all these ingredients, none of which boded well for its evolution into a full state. But it also operated within a highly constrained framework of territorial, legal and political, and economic restrictions. What has emerged as a consequence is a form of Palestinian “self-rule” that hardly extends beyond municipal government, of which, for now at least, there is a Palestinian National Authority variety in the West Bank and a Hamas version in Gaza. After more than two decades, the state-building process has brought the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza only added separation and apartness, increased confinement into ever-smaller pieces of land, and no closer to meaningful statehood.Less
This chapter focuses on Palestinian efforts at state-building, beginning in earnest with the signing of the Oslo Accords. States are not created out of thin air. They have institutional antecedents, social roots and progeny, and, at times, even founding fathers. The state-like apparatus that grew out of the Oslo process had all these ingredients, none of which boded well for its evolution into a full state. But it also operated within a highly constrained framework of territorial, legal and political, and economic restrictions. What has emerged as a consequence is a form of Palestinian “self-rule” that hardly extends beyond municipal government, of which, for now at least, there is a Palestinian National Authority variety in the West Bank and a Hamas version in Gaza. After more than two decades, the state-building process has brought the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza only added separation and apartness, increased confinement into ever-smaller pieces of land, and no closer to meaningful statehood.
Jess Bier
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780262036153
- eISBN:
- 9780262339957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262036153.003.0004
- Subject:
- Earth Sciences and Geography, Cartography
Chapter 4, “The Colonizer in the Computer”, is an examination of how the colonial past and present can affect maps. The Palestinian Authority (PA), the provisional Palestinian government, was founded ...
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Chapter 4, “The Colonizer in the Computer”, is an examination of how the colonial past and present can affect maps. The Palestinian Authority (PA), the provisional Palestinian government, was founded in the mid-1990s, and they were immediately charged with making their own maps. Their efforts roughly coincided with the second Intifada, or Palestinian uprising against the Israeli occupation. As such it was part of the broader political practice of sumud, or steadfastness, an effort to further the ongoing presence of Palestinians in the local landscape. Throughout their early years, however, the PA experienced constant challenges to its stability, including military raids on its offices and data infrastructure. These affected its ability to build stasis, which is here defined as the ability to ‘stay put’. Furthermore, the only existing maps they had to work with were from 60 year-old British colonial sources. These two factors, the Israeli raids and the British colonial maps, fundamentally shaped the state maps made by the PA. As a result, their maps were less useful for purposes of daily governance like elections, utilities, and infrastructure. PA cartography therefore illustrates the both the challenges and innovations of establishing material sovereignty over knowledge in colonial and postcolonial landscapes.Less
Chapter 4, “The Colonizer in the Computer”, is an examination of how the colonial past and present can affect maps. The Palestinian Authority (PA), the provisional Palestinian government, was founded in the mid-1990s, and they were immediately charged with making their own maps. Their efforts roughly coincided with the second Intifada, or Palestinian uprising against the Israeli occupation. As such it was part of the broader political practice of sumud, or steadfastness, an effort to further the ongoing presence of Palestinians in the local landscape. Throughout their early years, however, the PA experienced constant challenges to its stability, including military raids on its offices and data infrastructure. These affected its ability to build stasis, which is here defined as the ability to ‘stay put’. Furthermore, the only existing maps they had to work with were from 60 year-old British colonial sources. These two factors, the Israeli raids and the British colonial maps, fundamentally shaped the state maps made by the PA. As a result, their maps were less useful for purposes of daily governance like elections, utilities, and infrastructure. PA cartography therefore illustrates the both the challenges and innovations of establishing material sovereignty over knowledge in colonial and postcolonial landscapes.
Stephen Spector
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195368024
- eISBN:
- 9780199867646
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368024.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Judaism
Most observers attribute evangelical Christians’ bedrock support for Israel to the apocalyptic belief that the Jews must return to Israel as a precondition for Christ’s Second Coming. But the actual ...
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Most observers attribute evangelical Christians’ bedrock support for Israel to the apocalyptic belief that the Jews must return to Israel as a precondition for Christ’s Second Coming. But the actual reasons, this book argues, are far more complicated. In Evangelicals and Israel, the book delves deeply into the Christian Zionist movement, mining information from original interviews, websites, evangelical publications, survey research, news reports, worship services, and interfaith conferences to provide a surprising look at the sources of evangelicals’ alliance with Israel. He finds a complex set of motivations. In addition to end-times theology, these include gratitude to the Jews for providing the theological foundation for Christianity; remorse for the Church’s past anti-Semitism; the belief that God will bless those who bless Israel and curse him who curses Israel; fear that He will judge the nations at the end of time based on how they treated the Jewish people; appreciation of Israel as a friendly democracy; and reliance on the Jewish state as the West’s only firewall against Islamist terrorism. This book explores many Christian Zionists’ hostility toward Islam, but also their unexpected pragmatism and flexibility concerning Israel’s occupation of the West Bank. The book looks as well at George W. Bush’s beliefs about the Bible and the evangelical influence on his Middle East policies.Less
Most observers attribute evangelical Christians’ bedrock support for Israel to the apocalyptic belief that the Jews must return to Israel as a precondition for Christ’s Second Coming. But the actual reasons, this book argues, are far more complicated. In Evangelicals and Israel, the book delves deeply into the Christian Zionist movement, mining information from original interviews, websites, evangelical publications, survey research, news reports, worship services, and interfaith conferences to provide a surprising look at the sources of evangelicals’ alliance with Israel. He finds a complex set of motivations. In addition to end-times theology, these include gratitude to the Jews for providing the theological foundation for Christianity; remorse for the Church’s past anti-Semitism; the belief that God will bless those who bless Israel and curse him who curses Israel; fear that He will judge the nations at the end of time based on how they treated the Jewish people; appreciation of Israel as a friendly democracy; and reliance on the Jewish state as the West’s only firewall against Islamist terrorism. This book explores many Christian Zionists’ hostility toward Islam, but also their unexpected pragmatism and flexibility concerning Israel’s occupation of the West Bank. The book looks as well at George W. Bush’s beliefs about the Bible and the evangelical influence on his Middle East policies.
Craig E. Colten
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604732382
- eISBN:
- 9781604733457
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604732382.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The communities along the narrow band of natural levee that follows the lower Mississippi River are the most vulnerable and most frequently impacted by storms. For that exposed location, Corps ...
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The communities along the narrow band of natural levee that follows the lower Mississippi River are the most vulnerable and most frequently impacted by storms. For that exposed location, Corps engineers built “back levees” that would loop around the slightly higher ground and connect to the existing Mississippi River levees. On the West Bank of the river across from New Orleans, storm surge was a major concern. At the southernmost extent of Jefferson Parish, the resort community of Grand Isle was virtually impossible to protect with levees; Corps planners sought to minimize destruction to the residences on this eroding barrier island by other means. This chapter examines the four components that addressed these distinct locations, and shows the variations in local cooperation and timely progress in completing these components of the regional plan.Less
The communities along the narrow band of natural levee that follows the lower Mississippi River are the most vulnerable and most frequently impacted by storms. For that exposed location, Corps engineers built “back levees” that would loop around the slightly higher ground and connect to the existing Mississippi River levees. On the West Bank of the river across from New Orleans, storm surge was a major concern. At the southernmost extent of Jefferson Parish, the resort community of Grand Isle was virtually impossible to protect with levees; Corps planners sought to minimize destruction to the residences on this eroding barrier island by other means. This chapter examines the four components that addressed these distinct locations, and shows the variations in local cooperation and timely progress in completing these components of the regional plan.
Daniel Bar-Tal and Izhak Schnell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199862184
- eISBN:
- 9780199979950
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199862184.003.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
The introduction chapter presents a new conceptual general framework that analyses the relationship between the occupier and the occupied society. It suggests that an occupation cannot operate in ...
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The introduction chapter presents a new conceptual general framework that analyses the relationship between the occupier and the occupied society. It suggests that an occupation cannot operate in separation from the occupying society, especially when the occupier settles in spaces which are the perceived as a continuation of the homeland territory, as in the Israeli case. Following the occupation by the military forces the boundaries expand, albeit mainly for the occupiers; and a continuous process of interaction between occupiers and occupied begins. These processes touch upon every aspect of the collective life of the occupied and occupying societies, including in the military, political, societal, economic and cultural domains. The chapter then presents the legal considerations regarding the nature of occupation in general and prolonged occupation in particular. This is followed by a brief outline of the physical costs of the occupation on the Palestinian society, as well on the Israeli society.Less
The introduction chapter presents a new conceptual general framework that analyses the relationship between the occupier and the occupied society. It suggests that an occupation cannot operate in separation from the occupying society, especially when the occupier settles in spaces which are the perceived as a continuation of the homeland territory, as in the Israeli case. Following the occupation by the military forces the boundaries expand, albeit mainly for the occupiers; and a continuous process of interaction between occupiers and occupied begins. These processes touch upon every aspect of the collective life of the occupied and occupying societies, including in the military, political, societal, economic and cultural domains. The chapter then presents the legal considerations regarding the nature of occupation in general and prolonged occupation in particular. This is followed by a brief outline of the physical costs of the occupation on the Palestinian society, as well on the Israeli society.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter concentrates on military court judges and prosecutors. It specifically investigates their legal roles and practices and explores variations in their perspectives on the functioning of ...
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This chapter concentrates on military court judges and prosecutors. It specifically investigates their legal roles and practices and explores variations in their perspectives on the functioning of the military court system and the legitimacy of Israeli military rule over Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. The issue of the judge's anger provided another narrative device to reflect on the influence of emotion in individuals' relations with others in the military court system. The intifada raised long-simmering concerns about the negative consequences of protracted military occupation on Israeli society. The tendency of judges to prefer prosecution evidence is openly acknowledged. Israel's continuing ability to prosecute and punish Palestinians took on new meanings under the changed political arrangements. There is a possibility that those Jewish Israelis who have been critical of the occupation in the past will be critical if it continues into the future.Less
This chapter concentrates on military court judges and prosecutors. It specifically investigates their legal roles and practices and explores variations in their perspectives on the functioning of the military court system and the legitimacy of Israeli military rule over Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. The issue of the judge's anger provided another narrative device to reflect on the influence of emotion in individuals' relations with others in the military court system. The intifada raised long-simmering concerns about the negative consequences of protracted military occupation on Israeli society. The tendency of judges to prefer prosecution evidence is openly acknowledged. Israel's continuing ability to prosecute and punish Palestinians took on new meanings under the changed political arrangements. There is a possibility that those Jewish Israelis who have been critical of the occupation in the past will be critical if it continues into the future.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects ...
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This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects and is perceived by Palestinians who are prosecuted in the military court system. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at the root of structural violence and social suffering in the West Bank and Gaza. The institutionally passive role of the defendant begins to take shape from the point after the interrogation is finished. Arrest and interrogation are two complementary and coordinated means for a state to exercise its law enforcement powers. Prison release poses another set of problems as ex-prisoners reintegrate with their families and society. Carceralism is premised on presumptions of Palestinian criminality and guilt.Less
This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects and is perceived by Palestinians who are prosecuted in the military court system. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at the root of structural violence and social suffering in the West Bank and Gaza. The institutionally passive role of the defendant begins to take shape from the point after the interrogation is finished. Arrest and interrogation are two complementary and coordinated means for a state to exercise its law enforcement powers. Prison release poses another set of problems as ex-prisoners reintegrate with their families and society. Carceralism is premised on presumptions of Palestinian criminality and guilt.
