Thomas A. Tweed
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199782987
- eISBN:
- 9780199897384
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782987.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
In the years between the Shrine's approval and dedication, the clergy believed there was “grand work” to do. At the Shrine and beyond its threshold, the clergy hoped their efforts would secure ...
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In the years between the Shrine's approval and dedication, the clergy believed there was “grand work” to do. At the Shrine and beyond its threshold, the clergy hoped their efforts would secure Catholicism's public presence. Ecclesiastical leaders not only hoped to contest Protestant interpretations of their faith, but—in a related effort—they also tried to claim civic space. They did so by working locally, regionally, and nationally to assert influence on American politics, culture, society, and economy. A few who ventured into the public arena had direct or indirect links with the Shrine. More important, in this chapter—which focuses on the building's geographical location, exterior design, and cultural function—it is argued that its clerical promoters helped to create the American tradition of making religious claims on civic space in the nation's capital, an important but overlooked pattern of public religious practice in the United States. Like the leaders of Protestant, Eastern Orthodox, and Jewish groups, Roman Catholic advocates increasingly focused their attention on Washington, where they asserted their presence through rituals (vigils, processions, pilgrimages, and parades) and architecture (war memorials, the Vatican's embassy, churches, and shrines).Less
In the years between the Shrine's approval and dedication, the clergy believed there was “grand work” to do. At the Shrine and beyond its threshold, the clergy hoped their efforts would secure Catholicism's public presence. Ecclesiastical leaders not only hoped to contest Protestant interpretations of their faith, but—in a related effort—they also tried to claim civic space. They did so by working locally, regionally, and nationally to assert influence on American politics, culture, society, and economy. A few who ventured into the public arena had direct or indirect links with the Shrine. More important, in this chapter—which focuses on the building's geographical location, exterior design, and cultural function—it is argued that its clerical promoters helped to create the American tradition of making religious claims on civic space in the nation's capital, an important but overlooked pattern of public religious practice in the United States. Like the leaders of Protestant, Eastern Orthodox, and Jewish groups, Roman Catholic advocates increasingly focused their attention on Washington, where they asserted their presence through rituals (vigils, processions, pilgrimages, and parades) and architecture (war memorials, the Vatican's embassy, churches, and shrines).
Jessica Ziparo
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635972
- eISBN:
- 9781469635989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635972.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Chapter 4 describes the challenges and opportunities of life for women in the nation’s capital during the 1860s. During the Civil War, Washington, D.C., was on the front lines of the conflict. After ...
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Chapter 4 describes the challenges and opportunities of life for women in the nation’s capital during the 1860s. During the Civil War, Washington, D.C., was on the front lines of the conflict. After the war, annual reports of the Board of Metropolitan Police to Congress make clear that Washingtonians continued to endure overcrowding, housing shortages, crime, and disease. Women not only survived in this chaotic context; many—including Patent Office clerk Julia Wilbur, whose diary offers an intriguing window into the everyday life of a female federal employee—thrived in this tough city, enjoying independence, filling their leisure time, and changing the demographics of Washington. For those who chose to do so, female federal employees’ salaries, newly acquired political knowledge, and personal associations provided them with the financial and practical wherewithal to participate in philanthropy and political movements, including the suffrage movement. Female federal employees were visible all over the city, helping to normalize the presence of middle-class women in the streets of Washington. In forming this new, conspicuous community of independent women in full view of the nation’s politicians, female federal employees became a part of the struggle for women’s rights, whether they intended to or not.Less
Chapter 4 describes the challenges and opportunities of life for women in the nation’s capital during the 1860s. During the Civil War, Washington, D.C., was on the front lines of the conflict. After the war, annual reports of the Board of Metropolitan Police to Congress make clear that Washingtonians continued to endure overcrowding, housing shortages, crime, and disease. Women not only survived in this chaotic context; many—including Patent Office clerk Julia Wilbur, whose diary offers an intriguing window into the everyday life of a female federal employee—thrived in this tough city, enjoying independence, filling their leisure time, and changing the demographics of Washington. For those who chose to do so, female federal employees’ salaries, newly acquired political knowledge, and personal associations provided them with the financial and practical wherewithal to participate in philanthropy and political movements, including the suffrage movement. Female federal employees were visible all over the city, helping to normalize the presence of middle-class women in the streets of Washington. In forming this new, conspicuous community of independent women in full view of the nation’s politicians, female federal employees became a part of the struggle for women’s rights, whether they intended to or not.
Jennifer M. McBride
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199755684
- eISBN:
- 9780199932160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199755684.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Chapter seven examines a Washington D.C. inner city hospitality house that has intentionally made itself present in “the forgotten quadrant” of the nation's capital. As a local presence it is ...
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Chapter seven examines a Washington D.C. inner city hospitality house that has intentionally made itself present in “the forgotten quadrant” of the nation's capital. As a local presence it is consciously responding to, and taking responsibility for, society's neglect. This chapter argues that the ministry's very presence in the neighborhood stems from an initial act of repentance as the co-founders turned toward the forgotten quadrant and moved into the neighborhood in order to encounter the neighbor. Because the Southeast White House's existence is based on a desire to live for others, especially those on the margins of society, it manifests christological repentance. The chapter argues that the ministry's work may be viewed as an ongoing activity of repentance – a making right – as it fosters relationships and draws other people into its communal life, connecting people normally divided by race, religion, politics, economics, social standing, geography, and cultureLess
Chapter seven examines a Washington D.C. inner city hospitality house that has intentionally made itself present in “the forgotten quadrant” of the nation's capital. As a local presence it is consciously responding to, and taking responsibility for, society's neglect. This chapter argues that the ministry's very presence in the neighborhood stems from an initial act of repentance as the co-founders turned toward the forgotten quadrant and moved into the neighborhood in order to encounter the neighbor. Because the Southeast White House's existence is based on a desire to live for others, especially those on the margins of society, it manifests christological repentance. The chapter argues that the ministry's work may be viewed as an ongoing activity of repentance – a making right – as it fosters relationships and draws other people into its communal life, connecting people normally divided by race, religion, politics, economics, social standing, geography, and culture
Eric S. Yellin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469607207
- eISBN:
- 9781469608020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469607207.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes Washington, D.C. as the nation's most important city for African Americans at the turn of the twentieth century. Black Washingtonians' cultural and educational institutions, ...
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This chapter describes Washington, D.C. as the nation's most important city for African Americans at the turn of the twentieth century. Black Washingtonians' cultural and educational institutions, political connections, and prospects for stable employment stood out against the penury, terror, and segregation that plagued black lives elsewhere in the United States. Four decades of decent employment in federal offices had made Washington a city of opportunity and relative freedom for black men and women, a place where respectability and status could be earned by work in the nation's service. The salaries paid to black federal clerks fueled a growing black middle class, and its power and prestige limited racial discrimination in the city. Life in the District was hardly free of racism or struggle. But for ambitious African Americans, the social as well as economic value of federal positions was incalculable.Less
This chapter describes Washington, D.C. as the nation's most important city for African Americans at the turn of the twentieth century. Black Washingtonians' cultural and educational institutions, political connections, and prospects for stable employment stood out against the penury, terror, and segregation that plagued black lives elsewhere in the United States. Four decades of decent employment in federal offices had made Washington a city of opportunity and relative freedom for black men and women, a place where respectability and status could be earned by work in the nation's service. The salaries paid to black federal clerks fueled a growing black middle class, and its power and prestige limited racial discrimination in the city. Life in the District was hardly free of racism or struggle. But for ambitious African Americans, the social as well as economic value of federal positions was incalculable.
Treva B. Lindsey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252041020
- eISBN:
- 9780252099571
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252041020.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
Colored No More: Reinventing Black Womanhood in Washington, D.C. examines the expressive culture of African American women in Washington, D.C. during the early twentieth century. Honing in on the ...
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Colored No More: Reinventing Black Womanhood in Washington, D.C. examines the expressive culture of African American women in Washington, D.C. during the early twentieth century. Honing in on the intellectual and cultural strivings of African American women communities in New Negro era Washington, I unveil a city in which African American women sought to configure themselves as authorial subjects. Between 1860 and 1930, the population of black women in Washington increased from 8.402 to 69,843. Over the course of seventy years of African American women’s migration to the nation’s capital, numerous institutions, organizations, and political, social, and cultural arenas emerged in Washington that catered to the specific needs, desires, and interests of a rapidly growing population of black women. African American women established spaces for contesting political, social and cultural currents and conventions that limited black women’s participation in the public sphere. Many of these women defiantly entered into public cultures such as higher education, literary activism, and local and interstate commerce. New Negro women challenged racial, gender, and sexual ideologies and norms that often relegated African American women to subordinate political, social, and cultural statuses. Colored No More reveals the significance of Washington, D.C. as a New Negro city. The African American women who inhabited the nation’s capital were integral to African American freedom and equality struggles of the early twentieth century.Less
Colored No More: Reinventing Black Womanhood in Washington, D.C. examines the expressive culture of African American women in Washington, D.C. during the early twentieth century. Honing in on the intellectual and cultural strivings of African American women communities in New Negro era Washington, I unveil a city in which African American women sought to configure themselves as authorial subjects. Between 1860 and 1930, the population of black women in Washington increased from 8.402 to 69,843. Over the course of seventy years of African American women’s migration to the nation’s capital, numerous institutions, organizations, and political, social, and cultural arenas emerged in Washington that catered to the specific needs, desires, and interests of a rapidly growing population of black women. African American women established spaces for contesting political, social and cultural currents and conventions that limited black women’s participation in the public sphere. Many of these women defiantly entered into public cultures such as higher education, literary activism, and local and interstate commerce. New Negro women challenged racial, gender, and sexual ideologies and norms that often relegated African American women to subordinate political, social, and cultural statuses. Colored No More reveals the significance of Washington, D.C. as a New Negro city. The African American women who inhabited the nation’s capital were integral to African American freedom and equality struggles of the early twentieth century.
James A. Percoco
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823228959
- eISBN:
- 9780823234981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823228959.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. remains the greatest public space in America, the ultimate destination monument. It is unlikely that the two men most responsible for ...
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The Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. remains the greatest public space in America, the ultimate destination monument. It is unlikely that the two men most responsible for the memorial's design imagined that, like the man whose memory they honored, the Lincoln Memorial would become a place of historical significance. Seated there in his flag-draped chair of state, protected by architect Henry Bacon's magnificent neoclassical temple, Daniel Chester French's Lincoln has witnessed history: civil rights rallies, protests against the Vietnam War, prayer vigils for a host of causes, assorted concerts, and celebrations for both Republican and Democratic Party presidential inaugurals. There is an affinity for Abraham Lincoln among not only Americans but also people all across the globe precisely because he was “one of us”, yet literally made it to the top. Deep down, people like Lincoln because they can relate to him in some way and at some level.Less
The Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. remains the greatest public space in America, the ultimate destination monument. It is unlikely that the two men most responsible for the memorial's design imagined that, like the man whose memory they honored, the Lincoln Memorial would become a place of historical significance. Seated there in his flag-draped chair of state, protected by architect Henry Bacon's magnificent neoclassical temple, Daniel Chester French's Lincoln has witnessed history: civil rights rallies, protests against the Vietnam War, prayer vigils for a host of causes, assorted concerts, and celebrations for both Republican and Democratic Party presidential inaugurals. There is an affinity for Abraham Lincoln among not only Americans but also people all across the globe precisely because he was “one of us”, yet literally made it to the top. Deep down, people like Lincoln because they can relate to him in some way and at some level.
John Bedell and Stephen Potter
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049441
- eISBN:
- 9780813050195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049441.003.0007
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Historical Archaeology
In July 1864, the nation's capital came under enemy attack. With 14,000 men, Confederate Lt. Gen. Jubal Early launched a bold raid on the North which brought him to the outskirts of Washington D.C. ...
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In July 1864, the nation's capital came under enemy attack. With 14,000 men, Confederate Lt. Gen. Jubal Early launched a bold raid on the North which brought him to the outskirts of Washington D.C. Though Washington was surrounded by a ring of impressive forts, they were undermanned, and their defenders had seen little to no actual combat. Early's men arrived in front of Fort Stevens around noon on July 11. Fighting broke out between Confederate skirmishers and Federal pickets and continued throughout the afternoon. Union reinforcements arrived and the way to Washington was blocked, so while some fighting continued, on July 13th, Early withdrew and marched back to Virginia. Archaeological survey techniques conducted by the National Park Service in Rock Creek Park, just west of Fort Stevens, has allowed the main movements of both Union and Confederate forces to be determined across a substantial portion of this battlefield, which was long thought to have disappeared under Washington's sprawl.Less
In July 1864, the nation's capital came under enemy attack. With 14,000 men, Confederate Lt. Gen. Jubal Early launched a bold raid on the North which brought him to the outskirts of Washington D.C. Though Washington was surrounded by a ring of impressive forts, they were undermanned, and their defenders had seen little to no actual combat. Early's men arrived in front of Fort Stevens around noon on July 11. Fighting broke out between Confederate skirmishers and Federal pickets and continued throughout the afternoon. Union reinforcements arrived and the way to Washington was blocked, so while some fighting continued, on July 13th, Early withdrew and marched back to Virginia. Archaeological survey techniques conducted by the National Park Service in Rock Creek Park, just west of Fort Stevens, has allowed the main movements of both Union and Confederate forces to be determined across a substantial portion of this battlefield, which was long thought to have disappeared under Washington's sprawl.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0050
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter Fifty looks at Hodge and his family during the Civil War. As was true of most of the United States, Hodge had personal ties to the War. His fourth son, John, served for a time, and his ...
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Chapter Fifty looks at Hodge and his family during the Civil War. As was true of most of the United States, Hodge had personal ties to the War. His fourth son, John, served for a time, and his brother-in-law, General David Hunter, kept Hodge abreast of Washington politics and news of the War more generally. Hodge was depressed throughout much of the War, saddened by the loss of life and the loss of the Union itself. During the War, Archie and his family returned to the North to take up a pastorate in Wilkes-Barré, Pennsylvania, while Mary returned to Princeton with her family, where her husband died of consumption soon after their arrival.Less
Chapter Fifty looks at Hodge and his family during the Civil War. As was true of most of the United States, Hodge had personal ties to the War. His fourth son, John, served for a time, and his brother-in-law, General David Hunter, kept Hodge abreast of Washington politics and news of the War more generally. Hodge was depressed throughout much of the War, saddened by the loss of life and the loss of the Union itself. During the War, Archie and his family returned to the North to take up a pastorate in Wilkes-Barré, Pennsylvania, while Mary returned to Princeton with her family, where her husband died of consumption soon after their arrival.
Paul E. Peterson, William G. Howell, Patrick J. Wolf, and David E. Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226355337
- eISBN:
- 9780226355344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226355344.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Behavioural Economics
This chapter compares the standardized test achievement of students who are randomly given and not given school vouchers in New York City, Washington D.C. and Dayton, Ohio, and discusses the key ...
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This chapter compares the standardized test achievement of students who are randomly given and not given school vouchers in New York City, Washington D.C. and Dayton, Ohio, and discusses the key features of the randomized voucher distribution in these three locations. It also analyzes the programmatic impacts on student test scores, parents' satisfaction with their child's school, and parent reports of the characteristics of the schools the child attended.Less
This chapter compares the standardized test achievement of students who are randomly given and not given school vouchers in New York City, Washington D.C. and Dayton, Ohio, and discusses the key features of the randomized voucher distribution in these three locations. It also analyzes the programmatic impacts on student test scores, parents' satisfaction with their child's school, and parent reports of the characteristics of the schools the child attended.
Treva B. Lindsey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252041020
- eISBN:
- 9780252099571
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252041020.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
In search of greater educational, employment, social, political, and cultural opportunities, many African American women migrated to Washington with formerly unimaginable aspirations and expectations ...
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In search of greater educational, employment, social, political, and cultural opportunities, many African American women migrated to Washington with formerly unimaginable aspirations and expectations for themselves. Colored No More establishes this search as formative to a New Negro ethos.The introductory chapter defines “New Negro” and constructs a gender-specific understanding of this historical era and identity, while introducing Washington as both a unique and a representative site for the emergence of New Negro womanhood. Challenging the temporal primacy on the Interwar period in New Negro studies, the introduction asserts the importance of examining the lives of African American women to revisit how we conceptualize the “New Negro.” This chapter also deconstructs our understanding of “colored” as simply a racial marker- gender mattered in how Blackness was experienced during the New Negro era. In search of greater educational, employment, social, political, and cultural opportunities, many African American women migrated to Washington with formerly unimaginable aspirations and expectations for themselves.Less
In search of greater educational, employment, social, political, and cultural opportunities, many African American women migrated to Washington with formerly unimaginable aspirations and expectations for themselves. Colored No More establishes this search as formative to a New Negro ethos.The introductory chapter defines “New Negro” and constructs a gender-specific understanding of this historical era and identity, while introducing Washington as both a unique and a representative site for the emergence of New Negro womanhood. Challenging the temporal primacy on the Interwar period in New Negro studies, the introduction asserts the importance of examining the lives of African American women to revisit how we conceptualize the “New Negro.” This chapter also deconstructs our understanding of “colored” as simply a racial marker- gender mattered in how Blackness was experienced during the New Negro era. In search of greater educational, employment, social, political, and cultural opportunities, many African American women migrated to Washington with formerly unimaginable aspirations and expectations for themselves.
Treva B. Lindsey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252041020
- eISBN:
- 9780252099571
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252041020.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This chapter closely engages African American beauty culture. Advertisements for beauty products such as hair pomades and skin bleaches comprised a significant portion of advertisements in African ...
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This chapter closely engages African American beauty culture. Advertisements for beauty products such as hair pomades and skin bleaches comprised a significant portion of advertisements in African American newspapers throughout the early twentieth century. The advertisements for beauty products targeting African American women unveil a discourse and an industry that were instrumental to the materialization of a New Negro culture. Through advertisements and open discussions about African American beauty, self-presentation and adornment shifted from an individual/private sphere issue to a formidable public culture site of individual and collective expressivity during the New Negro era. African American beauty culture thrived as a site of reinvention and re-imagining for New Negro women. It also offered multiple authorial roles in which these women could partake, including: producer, consumer, and manufacturer. In Washington, this black women’s beauty culture was a thriving industry as well as a battleground and playground for black women actualizing themselves as New Negro women.Less
This chapter closely engages African American beauty culture. Advertisements for beauty products such as hair pomades and skin bleaches comprised a significant portion of advertisements in African American newspapers throughout the early twentieth century. The advertisements for beauty products targeting African American women unveil a discourse and an industry that were instrumental to the materialization of a New Negro culture. Through advertisements and open discussions about African American beauty, self-presentation and adornment shifted from an individual/private sphere issue to a formidable public culture site of individual and collective expressivity during the New Negro era. African American beauty culture thrived as a site of reinvention and re-imagining for New Negro women. It also offered multiple authorial roles in which these women could partake, including: producer, consumer, and manufacturer. In Washington, this black women’s beauty culture was a thriving industry as well as a battleground and playground for black women actualizing themselves as New Negro women.
Jessica Ziparo
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635972
- eISBN:
- 9781469635989
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635972.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
In the volatility of the Civil War, the federal government opened its payrolls to women. Although the press and government officials considered the federal employment of women to be an innocuous ...
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In the volatility of the Civil War, the federal government opened its payrolls to women. Although the press and government officials considered the federal employment of women to be an innocuous wartime aberration, women immediately saw the new development for what it was: a rare chance to obtain well-paid, intellectually challenging work in a country and time that typically excluded females from such channels of labor. Thousands of female applicants from across the country flooded Washington with applications. Here, Jessica Ziparo traces the struggles and triumphs of early female federal employees, who were caught between traditional, cultural notions of female dependence and an evolving movement of female autonomy in a new economic reality. In doing so, Ziparo demonstrates how these women challenged societal gender norms, carved out a place for independent women in the streets of Washington, and sometimes clashed with the female suffrage movement. Examining the advent of female federal employment, Ziparo finds a lost opportunity for wage equality in the federal government and shows how despite discrimination, prejudice, and harassment, women persisted, succeeding in making their presence in the federal workforce permanent.Less
In the volatility of the Civil War, the federal government opened its payrolls to women. Although the press and government officials considered the federal employment of women to be an innocuous wartime aberration, women immediately saw the new development for what it was: a rare chance to obtain well-paid, intellectually challenging work in a country and time that typically excluded females from such channels of labor. Thousands of female applicants from across the country flooded Washington with applications. Here, Jessica Ziparo traces the struggles and triumphs of early female federal employees, who were caught between traditional, cultural notions of female dependence and an evolving movement of female autonomy in a new economic reality. In doing so, Ziparo demonstrates how these women challenged societal gender norms, carved out a place for independent women in the streets of Washington, and sometimes clashed with the female suffrage movement. Examining the advent of female federal employment, Ziparo finds a lost opportunity for wage equality in the federal government and shows how despite discrimination, prejudice, and harassment, women persisted, succeeding in making their presence in the federal workforce permanent.
Wendy Kline
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190232511
- eISBN:
- 9780190232542
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190232511.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Family History
Chapter 2, “Middle-Class Midwifery: Transforming Birth Practices in Suburban Washington, D.C.,” investigates the individuals and organizations that began to promote home birth in the 1970s. Many of ...
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Chapter 2, “Middle-Class Midwifery: Transforming Birth Practices in Suburban Washington, D.C.,” investigates the individuals and organizations that began to promote home birth in the 1970s. Many of the D.C.-area women attribute their “calling” to midwifery at least in part to their experiences as mothers, La Leche League leaders, and childbirth educators. When they opted to take the further step of becoming midwives, they enabled the transition of home birth as a practice primarily supervised by doctors to one facilitated by midwives. Aware of the significance of this shift, these women carefully positioned themselves as responsible, educated, middle-class midwives, representing the least threatening version of the midwife to organized medicine. With the establishment of the area’s first nurse-midwifery program at Georgetown University in 1974, many trained and worked with established doctors and hospitals.Less
Chapter 2, “Middle-Class Midwifery: Transforming Birth Practices in Suburban Washington, D.C.,” investigates the individuals and organizations that began to promote home birth in the 1970s. Many of the D.C.-area women attribute their “calling” to midwifery at least in part to their experiences as mothers, La Leche League leaders, and childbirth educators. When they opted to take the further step of becoming midwives, they enabled the transition of home birth as a practice primarily supervised by doctors to one facilitated by midwives. Aware of the significance of this shift, these women carefully positioned themselves as responsible, educated, middle-class midwives, representing the least threatening version of the midwife to organized medicine. With the establishment of the area’s first nurse-midwifery program at Georgetown University in 1974, many trained and worked with established doctors and hospitals.
Treva B. Lindsey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252041020
- eISBN:
- 9780252099571
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252041020.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
By the first decade of the twentieth century, Howard University emerged as the premier institution for higher learning for African Americans. Using the life of Lucy Diggs Slowe, a Howard alumnus and ...
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By the first decade of the twentieth century, Howard University emerged as the premier institution for higher learning for African Americans. Using the life of Lucy Diggs Slowe, a Howard alumnus and the first Dean of Women at Howard, this chapter discusses the experiences of African American women at Howard during the early twentieth century to illustrate how New Negro women negotiated intra-racial gender ideologies and conventions as well as Jim Crow racial politics. Although women could attend and work at Howard, extant African American gender ideologies often limited African American women’s opportunities as students, faculty, and staff. Slowe was arguably the most vocal advocate for African American women at Howard. She demanded that African American women be prepared for the “modern world,” and that African American women be full and equal participants in public culture. Her thirty-plus years affiliation with Howard makes her an ideal subject with which to map the emergence of New Negro womanhood at this prestigious university. This chapter presents Howard as an elite and exclusive site for the actualization of New Negro womanhood while simultaneously asserting the symbolic significance of Howard University for African American women living in and moving to Washington. Although most African American women in Washington could not and did not attend or work at Howard, this institution was foundational to an emergent sense of possibility and aspiration that propelled the intellectual and cultural strivings of African American women in New Negro era Washington.Less
By the first decade of the twentieth century, Howard University emerged as the premier institution for higher learning for African Americans. Using the life of Lucy Diggs Slowe, a Howard alumnus and the first Dean of Women at Howard, this chapter discusses the experiences of African American women at Howard during the early twentieth century to illustrate how New Negro women negotiated intra-racial gender ideologies and conventions as well as Jim Crow racial politics. Although women could attend and work at Howard, extant African American gender ideologies often limited African American women’s opportunities as students, faculty, and staff. Slowe was arguably the most vocal advocate for African American women at Howard. She demanded that African American women be prepared for the “modern world,” and that African American women be full and equal participants in public culture. Her thirty-plus years affiliation with Howard makes her an ideal subject with which to map the emergence of New Negro womanhood at this prestigious university. This chapter presents Howard as an elite and exclusive site for the actualization of New Negro womanhood while simultaneously asserting the symbolic significance of Howard University for African American women living in and moving to Washington. Although most African American women in Washington could not and did not attend or work at Howard, this institution was foundational to an emergent sense of possibility and aspiration that propelled the intellectual and cultural strivings of African American women in New Negro era Washington.
Andrew Urban
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780814785843
- eISBN:
- 9780814764749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814785843.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Chapter 2 focuses on the period of the Civil War and Reconstruction, when formerly enslaved persons, classified as “contrabands” and refugees, were placed as domestic workers in northern households. ...
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Chapter 2 focuses on the period of the Civil War and Reconstruction, when formerly enslaved persons, classified as “contrabands” and refugees, were placed as domestic workers in northern households. The involvement of the Bureau of Freedmen, Refugees, and Abandoned Lands (the Freedmen’s Bureau) in the placement of refugees as servants prefigured the federal government’s expanded role as a broker of immigrant labor in the decades that followed, yet proved controversial. Designed to reduce government expenditures on the relief of refugees in Washington, D.C., and elsewhere, the Freedmen’s Bureau’s financing of black servants’ migration was viewed with skepticism by detractors who claimed that it revived—under the thin veneer of “free” labor—a version of the slave trade. Due to insufficient federal funding, the reluctance of black refugees to relocate to uncertain job situations in the North, and constant questions about its efficacy, the Freedmen’s Bureau—after contracting thousands of women and children to service positions—was ultimately forced to disband this initiative.
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Chapter 2 focuses on the period of the Civil War and Reconstruction, when formerly enslaved persons, classified as “contrabands” and refugees, were placed as domestic workers in northern households. The involvement of the Bureau of Freedmen, Refugees, and Abandoned Lands (the Freedmen’s Bureau) in the placement of refugees as servants prefigured the federal government’s expanded role as a broker of immigrant labor in the decades that followed, yet proved controversial. Designed to reduce government expenditures on the relief of refugees in Washington, D.C., and elsewhere, the Freedmen’s Bureau’s financing of black servants’ migration was viewed with skepticism by detractors who claimed that it revived—under the thin veneer of “free” labor—a version of the slave trade. Due to insufficient federal funding, the reluctance of black refugees to relocate to uncertain job situations in the North, and constant questions about its efficacy, the Freedmen’s Bureau—after contracting thousands of women and children to service positions—was ultimately forced to disband this initiative.
Treva B. Lindsey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252041020
- eISBN:
- 9780252099571
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252041020.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This chapter explores the suffrage activism of black women in Washington. As one of the most pressing political issues of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the fight for universal ...
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This chapter explores the suffrage activism of black women in Washington. As one of the most pressing political issues of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the fight for universal suffrage was an important part of black women’s political activism throughout the New Negro era. The road to suffrage ended in Washington and black women suffragists in the nation’s capital were keenly aware the unique role they could play in advocating for universal suffrage. To understand the political culture of black women’s suffrage activism in Washington, the chapter centers on the March 1913 suffrage march in the nation’s capital to uncover the various dynamics of the suffrage movement and to specifically engage how black women thought about and enacted distinct political identities. For black suffragists, performative and aesthetic politics were resistive strategies for contesting their subordinate status in the political arena.Less
This chapter explores the suffrage activism of black women in Washington. As one of the most pressing political issues of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the fight for universal suffrage was an important part of black women’s political activism throughout the New Negro era. The road to suffrage ended in Washington and black women suffragists in the nation’s capital were keenly aware the unique role they could play in advocating for universal suffrage. To understand the political culture of black women’s suffrage activism in Washington, the chapter centers on the March 1913 suffrage march in the nation’s capital to uncover the various dynamics of the suffrage movement and to specifically engage how black women thought about and enacted distinct political identities. For black suffragists, performative and aesthetic politics were resistive strategies for contesting their subordinate status in the political arena.
Treva B. Lindsey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252041020
- eISBN:
- 9780252099571
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252041020.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This chapter introduces one of the most understudied communities of New Negro writers. Commencing in the 1920s, African American writer Georgia Douglas Johnson invited writers to her home on Saturday ...
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This chapter introduces one of the most understudied communities of New Negro writers. Commencing in the 1920s, African American writer Georgia Douglas Johnson invited writers to her home on Saturday evenings to encourage the development of a cohesive and supportive community of black writers. With a particular emphasis on the writing of African American women, the S Street Salon evolved into a viable space for African American women writers to workshop their poems, plays, short stories, and novels. Many of the New Negro era literary works produced by African American women participants of the S Street Salon tackled politically significant and contentious issues such as racial and sexual violence and women’s reproductive rights. Most of the well-known New Negro writers participated in a Saturday session at the S Street Salon. The S Street Salon was arguably one of the most significant intellectual, political, and cultural communities of the New Negro era. This community pivoted around African American women’s expressivity. The women of the S Street Salon inserted their stories and their voices into black public culture through creating an African American women-centered counterpublic.Less
This chapter introduces one of the most understudied communities of New Negro writers. Commencing in the 1920s, African American writer Georgia Douglas Johnson invited writers to her home on Saturday evenings to encourage the development of a cohesive and supportive community of black writers. With a particular emphasis on the writing of African American women, the S Street Salon evolved into a viable space for African American women writers to workshop their poems, plays, short stories, and novels. Many of the New Negro era literary works produced by African American women participants of the S Street Salon tackled politically significant and contentious issues such as racial and sexual violence and women’s reproductive rights. Most of the well-known New Negro writers participated in a Saturday session at the S Street Salon. The S Street Salon was arguably one of the most significant intellectual, political, and cultural communities of the New Negro era. This community pivoted around African American women’s expressivity. The women of the S Street Salon inserted their stories and their voices into black public culture through creating an African American women-centered counterpublic.
Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635866
- eISBN:
- 9781469635873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635866.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Monumental in scope and vividly detailed, Chocolate City tells the tumultuous, four-century story of race and democracy in our nation’s capital. Emblematic of the ongoing tensions between America’s ...
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Monumental in scope and vividly detailed, Chocolate City tells the tumultuous, four-century story of race and democracy in our nation’s capital. Emblematic of the ongoing tensions between America’s expansive democratic promises and its enduring racial realities, Washington often has served as a national battleground for contentious issues, including slavery, segregation, civil rights, the drug war, and gentrification. But D.C. is more than just a seat of government, and authors Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove also highlight the city’s rich history of local activism as Washingtonians of all races have struggled to make their voices heard in an undemocratic city where residents lack full political rights. Tracing D.C.’s massive transformations--from a sparsely inhabited plantation society into a diverse metropolis, from a center of the slave trade to the nation’s first black-majority city, from “Chocolate City” to “Latte City”--Asch and Musgrove offer an engaging narrative peppered with unforgettable characters, a history of deep racial division but also one of hope, resilience, and interracial cooperation.Less
Monumental in scope and vividly detailed, Chocolate City tells the tumultuous, four-century story of race and democracy in our nation’s capital. Emblematic of the ongoing tensions between America’s expansive democratic promises and its enduring racial realities, Washington often has served as a national battleground for contentious issues, including slavery, segregation, civil rights, the drug war, and gentrification. But D.C. is more than just a seat of government, and authors Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove also highlight the city’s rich history of local activism as Washingtonians of all races have struggled to make their voices heard in an undemocratic city where residents lack full political rights. Tracing D.C.’s massive transformations--from a sparsely inhabited plantation society into a diverse metropolis, from a center of the slave trade to the nation’s first black-majority city, from “Chocolate City” to “Latte City”--Asch and Musgrove offer an engaging narrative peppered with unforgettable characters, a history of deep racial division but also one of hope, resilience, and interracial cooperation.
Adrian Miller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469632537
- eISBN:
- 9781469632551
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632537.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book provides a historical survey of African Americans involved in food service for U.S. presidents and the First Families. The main themes of this book are that these African Americans were ...
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This book provides a historical survey of African Americans involved in food service for U.S. presidents and the First Families. The main themes of this book are that these African Americans were culinary artists, family confidantes, and, at times, civil rights advocates. Instead of going by chronological order through each presidential administration, the book is organized by investigating different categories of presidential food service professionals: bartender, butler, caterer, chef, cook, guest chef, maid, maître d'hôtel, steward, and usher. Within each category, select African Americans are profiled. The profiles detail: the personal backgrounds of the presidential cooks; how they entered presidential food service; the material conditions of their workspace; what their typical day was like; how the racial attitudes of the president, the First Family, in Washington, D.C. and the broader society and the society around them have affected their status as White House workers and their workplace; and how they related to the presidents for whom they worked. The book also illuminates the different approaches that U.S. presidents have had towards the food operations at the executive residence, whether that be at the White House, or when the president travels elsewhere. The book concludes with a look at how the contemporary White House kitchen operates, how it inspires young people to the profession, and the prospects for future African American presidential chefs. Each chapter ends with actual presidential recipes or some inspired by select U.S. presidents.Less
This book provides a historical survey of African Americans involved in food service for U.S. presidents and the First Families. The main themes of this book are that these African Americans were culinary artists, family confidantes, and, at times, civil rights advocates. Instead of going by chronological order through each presidential administration, the book is organized by investigating different categories of presidential food service professionals: bartender, butler, caterer, chef, cook, guest chef, maid, maître d'hôtel, steward, and usher. Within each category, select African Americans are profiled. The profiles detail: the personal backgrounds of the presidential cooks; how they entered presidential food service; the material conditions of their workspace; what their typical day was like; how the racial attitudes of the president, the First Family, in Washington, D.C. and the broader society and the society around them have affected their status as White House workers and their workplace; and how they related to the presidents for whom they worked. The book also illuminates the different approaches that U.S. presidents have had towards the food operations at the executive residence, whether that be at the White House, or when the president travels elsewhere. The book concludes with a look at how the contemporary White House kitchen operates, how it inspires young people to the profession, and the prospects for future African American presidential chefs. Each chapter ends with actual presidential recipes or some inspired by select U.S. presidents.
Donald G. Godfrey
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038280
- eISBN:
- 9780252096150
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038280.003.0002
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter provides a background on C. Francis Jenkins' heritage and youth. Jenkins' life spanned six decades of American history that witnessed the birth of photography, radio, television, the ...
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This chapter provides a background on C. Francis Jenkins' heritage and youth. Jenkins' life spanned six decades of American history that witnessed the birth of photography, radio, television, the automobile, and the airplane. He lived in an age dominated by things mechanical, from the Industrial and Gilded Ages through World War I, the Roaring Twenties, and the Great Depression. Jenkins, a Quaker farm boy, was born just north of Dayton, Ohio, on August 22, 1867. Two years after his birth, Jenkins' parents moved to Richmond, Indiana, where he grew up through his teenage years. This chapter first discusses Jenkins' early years on the farm, his family and family values, and his education before considering his sojourn to the West Coast. It also examines Jenkins' time in Washington, D.C., where he worked for the Life Saving Service and where he also met his future wife, Grace Hannah Love, culminating in their wedding on January 30, 1902.Less
This chapter provides a background on C. Francis Jenkins' heritage and youth. Jenkins' life spanned six decades of American history that witnessed the birth of photography, radio, television, the automobile, and the airplane. He lived in an age dominated by things mechanical, from the Industrial and Gilded Ages through World War I, the Roaring Twenties, and the Great Depression. Jenkins, a Quaker farm boy, was born just north of Dayton, Ohio, on August 22, 1867. Two years after his birth, Jenkins' parents moved to Richmond, Indiana, where he grew up through his teenage years. This chapter first discusses Jenkins' early years on the farm, his family and family values, and his education before considering his sojourn to the West Coast. It also examines Jenkins' time in Washington, D.C., where he worked for the Life Saving Service and where he also met his future wife, Grace Hannah Love, culminating in their wedding on January 30, 1902.
