Jonathan D. Sassi
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195129892
- eISBN:
- 9780199834624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019512989X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The rise of the first party competition and the electoral successes of Thomas Jefferson and the Democratic‐Republican party shook the standing order's eighteenth‐century social ideology to its ...
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The rise of the first party competition and the electoral successes of Thomas Jefferson and the Democratic‐Republican party shook the standing order's eighteenth‐century social ideology to its foundations during the dozen years between 1800 and 1812. Congregational ministers were a core element of the Federalist party base, and while they initially responded to the era's political contention with a conservative message that emphasized support for established religion and government in response to the Jeffersonians’ alleged infidelity and anarchy, they soon became frustrated with their counterparts in the civil leadership, who acted more from political expediency than from the clergy's prescribed principles of godly magistracy. At the same time, the outbreak of the Unitarian controversy divided Congregationalists in Massachusetts into Unitarian and orthodox wings, which inhibited them in the competition for adherents. On account of Democratic‐Republican gains, standing‐order ministers also experienced disillusionment with the providential role that they had prophesied for the United States, repudiated the Constitution as a godless document, and spiraled into a mood of apocalyptic doom that reached its height during the War of 1812, when the nation implicitly allied itself with Napoleonic France against Britain. The surging numbers of religious dissenters, meanwhile, gained from the Democratic‐Republicans new electoral coalition partners and more mainstream, Jeffersonian rhetoric, both of which they employed to bring down the standing order, finally achieving the Congregationalists’ disestablishment in Connecticut in 1818.Less
The rise of the first party competition and the electoral successes of Thomas Jefferson and the Democratic‐Republican party shook the standing order's eighteenth‐century social ideology to its foundations during the dozen years between 1800 and 1812. Congregational ministers were a core element of the Federalist party base, and while they initially responded to the era's political contention with a conservative message that emphasized support for established religion and government in response to the Jeffersonians’ alleged infidelity and anarchy, they soon became frustrated with their counterparts in the civil leadership, who acted more from political expediency than from the clergy's prescribed principles of godly magistracy. At the same time, the outbreak of the Unitarian controversy divided Congregationalists in Massachusetts into Unitarian and orthodox wings, which inhibited them in the competition for adherents. On account of Democratic‐Republican gains, standing‐order ministers also experienced disillusionment with the providential role that they had prophesied for the United States, repudiated the Constitution as a godless document, and spiraled into a mood of apocalyptic doom that reached its height during the War of 1812, when the nation implicitly allied itself with Napoleonic France against Britain. The surging numbers of religious dissenters, meanwhile, gained from the Democratic‐Republicans new electoral coalition partners and more mainstream, Jeffersonian rhetoric, both of which they employed to bring down the standing order, finally achieving the Congregationalists’ disestablishment in Connecticut in 1818.
John Saillant
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195157178
- eISBN:
- 9780199834617
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195157176.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and ...
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In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and political security. A black spokesman for abolitionism was Lemuel Haynes (1753–1833), one of the first African Americans to publish. Haynes served as a minuteman in the American War of Independence and began writing against the slave trade and slavery in the 1770s. After ordination in a Congregational church, he assumed a pulpit in Rutland, Vermont, where he became a leading controversialist, defender of the theology of Jonathan Edwards, and interpreter of republican ideology. He was dismissed from his pulpit in 1818, because his affiliation to the Federalist Party and his opposition to the War of 1812 offended his congregation. The last 15 years of his life were characterized by pessimism about the ability of Americans of the early republic to defeat racism as well as by a defense of Puritanism, which he believed could guide the creation of a free, harmonious, and integrated society.Less
In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and political security. A black spokesman for abolitionism was Lemuel Haynes (1753–1833), one of the first African Americans to publish. Haynes served as a minuteman in the American War of Independence and began writing against the slave trade and slavery in the 1770s. After ordination in a Congregational church, he assumed a pulpit in Rutland, Vermont, where he became a leading controversialist, defender of the theology of Jonathan Edwards, and interpreter of republican ideology. He was dismissed from his pulpit in 1818, because his affiliation to the Federalist Party and his opposition to the War of 1812 offended his congregation. The last 15 years of his life were characterized by pessimism about the ability of Americans of the early republic to defeat racism as well as by a defense of Puritanism, which he believed could guide the creation of a free, harmonious, and integrated society.
James A. Ramage and Andrea S. Watkins
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813134406
- eISBN:
- 9780813135977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813134406.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The myth surrounding Kentuckians was that they were skilled warriors who excelled at attacking Native Americans. This won them special hatred on the part of Native Americans that boiled over in the ...
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The myth surrounding Kentuckians was that they were skilled warriors who excelled at attacking Native Americans. This won them special hatred on the part of Native Americans that boiled over in the War of 1812. Kentuckians celebrated their military renown. Kentucky was the key to the war in the Northwest because west of the Appalachians Kentucky had more residents than any other state and its economy was the most advanced. President James Madison relied on militia to fight the war, and in the West he relied on the Kentucky militia. In the War of 1812, nonregular Kentucky soldiers demonstrated that they could fight as well as regulars. With the support of a small detachment of regular army soldiers they won the strategic battle of the Thames that with Perry's victory on Lake Erie achieved American control of Upper Canada.Less
The myth surrounding Kentuckians was that they were skilled warriors who excelled at attacking Native Americans. This won them special hatred on the part of Native Americans that boiled over in the War of 1812. Kentuckians celebrated their military renown. Kentucky was the key to the war in the Northwest because west of the Appalachians Kentucky had more residents than any other state and its economy was the most advanced. President James Madison relied on militia to fight the war, and in the West he relied on the Kentucky militia. In the War of 1812, nonregular Kentucky soldiers demonstrated that they could fight as well as regulars. With the support of a small detachment of regular army soldiers they won the strategic battle of the Thames that with Perry's victory on Lake Erie achieved American control of Upper Canada.
Charles R. Geisst
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195130867
- eISBN:
- 9780199871155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195130863.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History, Financial Economics
The development of the NYSE from an outdoor market to the major marketplace in the country. The first major scandal after independence in NY; the role of private individuals in financing the war of ...
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The development of the NYSE from an outdoor market to the major marketplace in the country. The first major scandal after independence in NY; the role of private individuals in financing the war of 1812; raising cash for canals and turnpikes; and the role of individual traders, mostly in New York, in giving the exchanges a reputation as gambling dens rather than serious places to raise money.Less
The development of the NYSE from an outdoor market to the major marketplace in the country. The first major scandal after independence in NY; the role of private individuals in financing the war of 1812; raising cash for canals and turnpikes; and the role of individual traders, mostly in New York, in giving the exchanges a reputation as gambling dens rather than serious places to raise money.
Mark Weston Janis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579341
- eISBN:
- 9780191722653
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579341.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
This chapter shows how the international courts of today are the offspring of 19th-century American utopians, religious enthusiasts by and large untrained in the law. These early proponents of an ...
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This chapter shows how the international courts of today are the offspring of 19th-century American utopians, religious enthusiasts by and large untrained in the law. These early proponents of an international court were active between the War of 1812 and the American Civil War. This half century was the period when the particulars of what became the World Court took on concrete form and when the agitation for such a court became quite strong in America. The ideas and enthusiasm then generated for an international court and organization were thus already in place when, between 1865 and 1945, the concept of an international court and organization captured the imagination of those Americans who promoted and helped institute the three successive forms of the International Court in 1899, 1919, and 1945.Less
This chapter shows how the international courts of today are the offspring of 19th-century American utopians, religious enthusiasts by and large untrained in the law. These early proponents of an international court were active between the War of 1812 and the American Civil War. This half century was the period when the particulars of what became the World Court took on concrete form and when the agitation for such a court became quite strong in America. The ideas and enthusiasm then generated for an international court and organization were thus already in place when, between 1865 and 1945, the concept of an international court and organization captured the imagination of those Americans who promoted and helped institute the three successive forms of the International Court in 1899, 1919, and 1945.
A. Glenn Crothers
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813039732
- eISBN:
- 9780813043142
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813039732.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines how Friends' pacifism during the American Revolution, coupled with their decision to end slaveholding, led white Virginians to suspect Friends' patriotism. Following the example ...
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This chapter examines how Friends' pacifism during the American Revolution, coupled with their decision to end slaveholding, led white Virginians to suspect Friends' patriotism. Following the example of Philadelphia Friends, Quakers in Virginia adhered closely to their pacifist beliefs, facing arrest and the distraint of property for refusing to serve in the Virginia militia. White Virginians' suspicions of Quaker disloyalty grew when local Friends offered support to the “Quaker exiles” (the Philadelphia Friends sent to Winchester for treason) and when Friends began emancipating their slaves contrary to state law in the midst of a war that imperilled slave property. Virginia Friends faced similar difficulties during the War of 1812, particularly when large numbers of African Americans ran to British lines during the invasion of Washington. Throughout both conflicts, the Society disowned those who failed to adhere to Quaker injunctions, believing that only by strict regulation of their own behavior could Friends act as the moral compass of the community.Less
This chapter examines how Friends' pacifism during the American Revolution, coupled with their decision to end slaveholding, led white Virginians to suspect Friends' patriotism. Following the example of Philadelphia Friends, Quakers in Virginia adhered closely to their pacifist beliefs, facing arrest and the distraint of property for refusing to serve in the Virginia militia. White Virginians' suspicions of Quaker disloyalty grew when local Friends offered support to the “Quaker exiles” (the Philadelphia Friends sent to Winchester for treason) and when Friends began emancipating their slaves contrary to state law in the midst of a war that imperilled slave property. Virginia Friends faced similar difficulties during the War of 1812, particularly when large numbers of African Americans ran to British lines during the invasion of Washington. Throughout both conflicts, the Society disowned those who failed to adhere to Quaker injunctions, believing that only by strict regulation of their own behavior could Friends act as the moral compass of the community.
James A. Ramage
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813134406
- eISBN:
- 9780813135977
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813134406.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Kentucky's first settlers brought with them a dedication to democracy and a sense of limitless hope about the future. Determined to participate in world progress in science, education, and ...
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Kentucky's first settlers brought with them a dedication to democracy and a sense of limitless hope about the future. Determined to participate in world progress in science, education, and manufacturing, Kentuckians wanted to make the United States a great nation. They strongly supported the War of 1812, and Kentucky emerged as a model of patriotism and military spirit. This book offers a new synthesis of the sixty years before the Civil War. The book explores this crucial but often overlooked period, finding that the early years of statehood were an era of great optimism and progress. Drawing on a wealth of primary and secondary sources, the book demonstrates that the eyes of the nation often focused on Kentucky, which was perceived as a leader among the states before the Civil War. Globally oriented Kentuckians were determined to transform the frontier into a network of communities exporting to the world market and dedicated to the new republic.Less
Kentucky's first settlers brought with them a dedication to democracy and a sense of limitless hope about the future. Determined to participate in world progress in science, education, and manufacturing, Kentuckians wanted to make the United States a great nation. They strongly supported the War of 1812, and Kentucky emerged as a model of patriotism and military spirit. This book offers a new synthesis of the sixty years before the Civil War. The book explores this crucial but often overlooked period, finding that the early years of statehood were an era of great optimism and progress. Drawing on a wealth of primary and secondary sources, the book demonstrates that the eyes of the nation often focused on Kentucky, which was perceived as a leader among the states before the Civil War. Globally oriented Kentuckians were determined to transform the frontier into a network of communities exporting to the world market and dedicated to the new republic.
Laura Lohman
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190930615
- eISBN:
- 9780190930646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190930615.003.0007
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter examines how Americans used music to craft powerful myths about the War of 1812. The war began amid strong sectional and partisan divisions, but Americans obscured these divisions by ...
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This chapter examines how Americans used music to craft powerful myths about the War of 1812. The war began amid strong sectional and partisan divisions, but Americans obscured these divisions by circulating a large volume of selective accounts of the war that ignored reversals of Republican policy and highlighted the Republican administration’s success in bringing peace with a navy of Federalist design. Understood in the context of the previous chapters, Francis Scott Key’s “The Star-Spangled Banner” illustrates the sonic transcendence of ideological and partisan debate. The American nationalism that the song came to symbolize developed not only in a transatlantic context but also alongside strong regional and other allegiances. Following years of economic stress and partisan strife, Americans used music to portray the nation as self-sufficient, militarily competent, and united in feeling.Less
This chapter examines how Americans used music to craft powerful myths about the War of 1812. The war began amid strong sectional and partisan divisions, but Americans obscured these divisions by circulating a large volume of selective accounts of the war that ignored reversals of Republican policy and highlighted the Republican administration’s success in bringing peace with a navy of Federalist design. Understood in the context of the previous chapters, Francis Scott Key’s “The Star-Spangled Banner” illustrates the sonic transcendence of ideological and partisan debate. The American nationalism that the song came to symbolize developed not only in a transatlantic context but also alongside strong regional and other allegiances. Following years of economic stress and partisan strife, Americans used music to portray the nation as self-sufficient, militarily competent, and united in feeling.
Max M. Edling
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226181578
- eISBN:
- 9780226181608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226181608.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The War of 1812 is often treated as a monumental failure ofwar administration. Chapter four argues that in the sphere of war finance, this reputation is exaggerated. The financing of the war ...
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The War of 1812 is often treated as a monumental failure ofwar administration. Chapter four argues that in the sphere of war finance, this reputation is exaggerated. The financing of the war represents an important step forward compared to the chaotic financing of the War of Independence. The federal government funded the War of 1812 by selling long-term war bonds in a manner similar to the method used by its opponent Britain to finance the Napoleonic War. The difficulties experienced by Treasury secretary Albert Gallatin and his successors had less to do with American principles of war finance than with the fact that Gallatin underestimated war costs and that Congress was slow to adopt new taxes. Despite problems, the war signaled that in the fiscal and financial sphere the United States was now equipped with governmental institutions that would allow the American republic to wage war in a manner similar to contemporary monarchies.Less
The War of 1812 is often treated as a monumental failure ofwar administration. Chapter four argues that in the sphere of war finance, this reputation is exaggerated. The financing of the war represents an important step forward compared to the chaotic financing of the War of Independence. The federal government funded the War of 1812 by selling long-term war bonds in a manner similar to the method used by its opponent Britain to finance the Napoleonic War. The difficulties experienced by Treasury secretary Albert Gallatin and his successors had less to do with American principles of war finance than with the fact that Gallatin underestimated war costs and that Congress was slow to adopt new taxes. Despite problems, the war signaled that in the fiscal and financial sphere the United States was now equipped with governmental institutions that would allow the American republic to wage war in a manner similar to contemporary monarchies.
John Saillant
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195157178
- eISBN:
- 9780199834617
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195157176.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Support of the Federalist Party and opposition to the Democratic‐Republicans afforded Lemuel Haynes his first engagement with a public sphere beyond church congregations and revival audiences. He ...
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Support of the Federalist Party and opposition to the Democratic‐Republicans afforded Lemuel Haynes his first engagement with a public sphere beyond church congregations and revival audiences. He supported Federalists George Washington and John Adams, both of whom had some reputation in the early republic as enemies of slaveholding. New Englanders Ezra Stiles and Timothy Dwight, each man a president of Yale College, articulated a vision of blacks and whites united in a Christian postslavery society. This was a patrician vision that Haynes and black contemporaries like Richard Allen, leader of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, found convincing insofar as it suggested that a class of social and religious leaders would act to protect black rights. However, Jeffersonian ideology spread even into western Vermont; in 1818, Haynes was dismissed from his pulpit because of his Federalism and his criticism of the War of 1812.Less
Support of the Federalist Party and opposition to the Democratic‐Republicans afforded Lemuel Haynes his first engagement with a public sphere beyond church congregations and revival audiences. He supported Federalists George Washington and John Adams, both of whom had some reputation in the early republic as enemies of slaveholding. New Englanders Ezra Stiles and Timothy Dwight, each man a president of Yale College, articulated a vision of blacks and whites united in a Christian postslavery society. This was a patrician vision that Haynes and black contemporaries like Richard Allen, leader of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, found convincing insofar as it suggested that a class of social and religious leaders would act to protect black rights. However, Jeffersonian ideology spread even into western Vermont; in 1818, Haynes was dismissed from his pulpit because of his Federalism and his criticism of the War of 1812.
John Mac Kilgore
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469629728
- eISBN:
- 9781469629742
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469629728.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 18th Century and Early American Literature
This chapter focuses on the War of 1812 era and Native American resistance to US imperialism. It documents how the politics of enthusiasm, understood as religious fanaticism, was mobilized to ...
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This chapter focuses on the War of 1812 era and Native American resistance to US imperialism. It documents how the politics of enthusiasm, understood as religious fanaticism, was mobilized to discredit the rise of a multi-tribal Native American confederation and its right to resistance. Tenskwatawa, or the Shawnee Prophet, figures centrally in this cultural criticism, and the author analyzes available accounts of the Prophet and his brother Tecumseh, highlighting indigenous dissent as a performance of enthusiasm. Subsequently, the chapter turns to obscure War of 1812 novels (Samuel Woodworth’s The Champions of Freedom, Don Pedro Casender’s The Lost Virgin of the South, and James Strange French’s Elkswatawa) in order to show how American literature absorbed Native American enthusiasms. In these novels it becomes apparent that a pro-American vision of the War of 1812 requires the white imagination to displace and appropriate Native America’s rightful struggle for independence. The chapter ends with a reading of the Pequot American Indian, William Apess, and his response to the War of 1812. Apess is unique for defending an indigenous enthusiastic politics in sympathy with the multi-tribal confederation, and he invents a Native American literature of enthusiasm in the process.Less
This chapter focuses on the War of 1812 era and Native American resistance to US imperialism. It documents how the politics of enthusiasm, understood as religious fanaticism, was mobilized to discredit the rise of a multi-tribal Native American confederation and its right to resistance. Tenskwatawa, or the Shawnee Prophet, figures centrally in this cultural criticism, and the author analyzes available accounts of the Prophet and his brother Tecumseh, highlighting indigenous dissent as a performance of enthusiasm. Subsequently, the chapter turns to obscure War of 1812 novels (Samuel Woodworth’s The Champions of Freedom, Don Pedro Casender’s The Lost Virgin of the South, and James Strange French’s Elkswatawa) in order to show how American literature absorbed Native American enthusiasms. In these novels it becomes apparent that a pro-American vision of the War of 1812 requires the white imagination to displace and appropriate Native America’s rightful struggle for independence. The chapter ends with a reading of the Pequot American Indian, William Apess, and his response to the War of 1812. Apess is unique for defending an indigenous enthusiastic politics in sympathy with the multi-tribal confederation, and he invents a Native American literature of enthusiasm in the process.
Daniel Moran
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199232024
- eISBN:
- 9780191716133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232024.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes Clausewitz's arguments about the instrumental nature of war, and considers the degree to which political aims and objectives may guide military operations. Clausewitz's ideas in ...
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This chapter analyzes Clausewitz's arguments about the instrumental nature of war, and considers the degree to which political aims and objectives may guide military operations. Clausewitz's ideas in this area have not lost their saliency under modern conditions, while some forms of violence may be more amenable to instrumental analysis than others. An understanding of military aims and objectives, while essential to strategic clarity, does not afford complete intellectual mastery over the multifaceted reality of war, nor does it guarantee strategic success.Less
This chapter analyzes Clausewitz's arguments about the instrumental nature of war, and considers the degree to which political aims and objectives may guide military operations. Clausewitz's ideas in this area have not lost their saliency under modern conditions, while some forms of violence may be more amenable to instrumental analysis than others. An understanding of military aims and objectives, while essential to strategic clarity, does not afford complete intellectual mastery over the multifaceted reality of war, nor does it guarantee strategic success.
Wayne Wei-siang Hsieh
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807832783
- eISBN:
- 9781469605081
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807898567_hsieh
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Most Civil War generals were graduates of West Point, and many of them helped transform the U.S. Army from what was little better than an armed mob that performed poorly during the War of 1812 into ...
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Most Civil War generals were graduates of West Point, and many of them helped transform the U.S. Army from what was little better than an armed mob that performed poorly during the War of 1812 into the competent fighting force that won the Mexican War. This book demonstrates how the “old army” transformed itself into a professional military force after 1814, and, more important, how “old army” methods profoundly shaped the conduct of the Civil War.Less
Most Civil War generals were graduates of West Point, and many of them helped transform the U.S. Army from what was little better than an armed mob that performed poorly during the War of 1812 into the competent fighting force that won the Mexican War. This book demonstrates how the “old army” transformed itself into a professional military force after 1814, and, more important, how “old army” methods profoundly shaped the conduct of the Civil War.
Max M. Edling
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226181578
- eISBN:
- 9780226181608
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226181608.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
A Hercules in the Cradle traces the evolution of United States central state capacity in the sphere of fiscal policy and public finance. It demonstrates how within merely a few years after ...
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A Hercules in the Cradle traces the evolution of United States central state capacity in the sphere of fiscal policy and public finance. It demonstrates how within merely a few years after independence, the United States acquired the capacity to raise revenue through taxation and government borrowing. The new nation used this capacity to finance wars and territorial expansion that made the United States the predominant power on the North American Continent. In the first half of the book the creation of a productive fiscal regime and a well-managed public debt, made possibly by the framing and adoption of the Constitution and the institutions and policies adopted by the federal government in the early 1790s, is analyzed. The second half of the book investigates the uses of fiscal and financial powers in three major nineteenth-century wars: the War of 1812, the U.S.-Mexican War, and the Civil War.Less
A Hercules in the Cradle traces the evolution of United States central state capacity in the sphere of fiscal policy and public finance. It demonstrates how within merely a few years after independence, the United States acquired the capacity to raise revenue through taxation and government borrowing. The new nation used this capacity to finance wars and territorial expansion that made the United States the predominant power on the North American Continent. In the first half of the book the creation of a productive fiscal regime and a well-managed public debt, made possibly by the framing and adoption of the Constitution and the institutions and policies adopted by the federal government in the early 1790s, is analyzed. The second half of the book investigates the uses of fiscal and financial powers in three major nineteenth-century wars: the War of 1812, the U.S.-Mexican War, and the Civil War.
Gabor S. Boritt
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195089110
- eISBN:
- 9780199853830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195089110.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter explores Lincoln's childhood years and his growing aberration to war. The War of 1812 coincided with Lincoln's early childhood. Patriotic and pro-war sentiments surrounded his youth. ...
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This chapter explores Lincoln's childhood years and his growing aberration to war. The War of 1812 coincided with Lincoln's early childhood. Patriotic and pro-war sentiments surrounded his youth. Hunting was a way of life and the means of survival on the frontier, which Lincoln admits he did not do much of. Striking evidences suggest that Lincoln harbored anti-military and anti-violence sentiments in the midst of a nation which was prized in military glory. His faith in liberty, combined with political self-interest and abomination of violence, could explain his pacifist approach to the impending civil war in America. Whether or not a nation deserved such a president or his love of peace and dislike of war is a matter for conjecture.Less
This chapter explores Lincoln's childhood years and his growing aberration to war. The War of 1812 coincided with Lincoln's early childhood. Patriotic and pro-war sentiments surrounded his youth. Hunting was a way of life and the means of survival on the frontier, which Lincoln admits he did not do much of. Striking evidences suggest that Lincoln harbored anti-military and anti-violence sentiments in the midst of a nation which was prized in military glory. His faith in liberty, combined with political self-interest and abomination of violence, could explain his pacifist approach to the impending civil war in America. Whether or not a nation deserved such a president or his love of peace and dislike of war is a matter for conjecture.
Matthew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807830499
- eISBN:
- 9781469606101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807876633_mason.6
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter examines the use of slavery in partisan politics during the War of 1812. It charts the emergence of American slavery as a hotly contested issue in several debates between Federalists and ...
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This chapter examines the use of slavery in partisan politics during the War of 1812. It charts the emergence of American slavery as a hotly contested issue in several debates between Federalists and Republicans between 1812 and 1815. It also considers how various participants in wartime debates, including clergymen, editors, and elected officials, capitalized on the rhetorical and political firepower of slavery. The chapter shows how sectionalism and partisanship became entangled in an unprecedented manner during the war years. Finally, it looks at how the Federalist and Republican dialectic intensified the divide between North and South.Less
This chapter examines the use of slavery in partisan politics during the War of 1812. It charts the emergence of American slavery as a hotly contested issue in several debates between Federalists and Republicans between 1812 and 1815. It also considers how various participants in wartime debates, including clergymen, editors, and elected officials, capitalized on the rhetorical and political firepower of slavery. The chapter shows how sectionalism and partisanship became entangled in an unprecedented manner during the war years. Finally, it looks at how the Federalist and Republican dialectic intensified the divide between North and South.
Thomas A. Chambers
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801448676
- eISBN:
- 9780801465673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801448676.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines interest in the battlegrounds from the War of 1812 surrounding Niagara Falls. These sites’ proximity to Niagara Falls continues to draw many tourists. Tourists bored by the ...
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This chapter examines interest in the battlegrounds from the War of 1812 surrounding Niagara Falls. These sites’ proximity to Niagara Falls continues to draw many tourists. Tourists bored by the hotels and scenery, or the novelty of crossing the river just below the falls in a hand-rowed ferryboat, discovered that there were areas of additional interest that would enrich their experience at Niagara Falls. History, in short, had complemented the tourist routine. What remained of and on the battlefields guided the memories tourists constructed of the War of 1812.Less
This chapter examines interest in the battlegrounds from the War of 1812 surrounding Niagara Falls. These sites’ proximity to Niagara Falls continues to draw many tourists. Tourists bored by the hotels and scenery, or the novelty of crossing the river just below the falls in a hand-rowed ferryboat, discovered that there were areas of additional interest that would enrich their experience at Niagara Falls. History, in short, had complemented the tourist routine. What remained of and on the battlefields guided the memories tourists constructed of the War of 1812.
Jason K. Duncan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823225125
- eISBN:
- 9780823236930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823225125.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on the relationship between Catholics and Republicans. The second war between the United States and Britain led the most nationalist faction of ...
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This chapter focuses on the relationship between Catholics and Republicans. The second war between the United States and Britain led the most nationalist faction of Republicans to drop their public misgivings about the ability of Catholics to be loyal American citizens, allowing them to forge a new relationship with the majority of Catholic voters. DeWitt Clinton, who for many years had been the champion of Catholic political interests in New York, remained personally popular with Catholics longer than did his party. He had a long record of breaking relations with his political allies, however, and although the partnership that he and Catholics made had been beneficial to both, it had faltered by 1821. By then, most Catholic voters were aligned with the Tammany and Bucktail Republicans.Less
This chapter focuses on the relationship between Catholics and Republicans. The second war between the United States and Britain led the most nationalist faction of Republicans to drop their public misgivings about the ability of Catholics to be loyal American citizens, allowing them to forge a new relationship with the majority of Catholic voters. DeWitt Clinton, who for many years had been the champion of Catholic political interests in New York, remained personally popular with Catholics longer than did his party. He had a long record of breaking relations with his political allies, however, and although the partnership that he and Catholics made had been beneficial to both, it had faltered by 1821. By then, most Catholic voters were aligned with the Tammany and Bucktail Republicans.
Conevery Bolton Valencius
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226053899
- eISBN:
- 9780226053929
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226053929.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
The New Madrid earthquakes had important consequences for Indians in North America. For people in the Cherokee Nation in the midst of a period of cultural upheaval and social stress, the earthquakes ...
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The New Madrid earthquakes had important consequences for Indians in North America. For people in the Cherokee Nation in the midst of a period of cultural upheaval and social stress, the earthquakes gave force to a religious movement of apocalyptic prophecy focused on resistance to American pressure. For Creeks resisting American takeover, the earthquakes became an important symbol in the Creek/American war sometimes termed the “Red Stick War.” For Native Americans throughout eastern North America, the spiritual symbolism of the quakes became a reason to ally with the Shawnee leaders Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa (both often termed “The Prophet”) in their Indian League, a movement of cultural and military resistance that formed an often-overlooked force in the War of 1812. The New Madrid earthquakes thus reveal political, military, cultural and religious tensions and faultlines in North America in the early nineteenth century.Less
The New Madrid earthquakes had important consequences for Indians in North America. For people in the Cherokee Nation in the midst of a period of cultural upheaval and social stress, the earthquakes gave force to a religious movement of apocalyptic prophecy focused on resistance to American pressure. For Creeks resisting American takeover, the earthquakes became an important symbol in the Creek/American war sometimes termed the “Red Stick War.” For Native Americans throughout eastern North America, the spiritual symbolism of the quakes became a reason to ally with the Shawnee leaders Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa (both often termed “The Prophet”) in their Indian League, a movement of cultural and military resistance that formed an often-overlooked force in the War of 1812. The New Madrid earthquakes thus reveal political, military, cultural and religious tensions and faultlines in North America in the early nineteenth century.
Sami Lakomäki
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300180619
- eISBN:
- 9780300182316
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300180619.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The chapter investigates how the Shawnees adapted to the new geopolitical order created by the American victory in the Twenty Years’ War. It focuses on Catahecassa and other Mekoche chiefs who strove ...
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The chapter investigates how the Shawnees adapted to the new geopolitical order created by the American victory in the Twenty Years’ War. It focuses on Catahecassa and other Mekoche chiefs who strove to rebuild the impoverished and scattered nation under their leadership in northern Ohio. The chapter juxtaposes this Native project with the federal government’s “civilization program” which aimed at assimilating Indian peoples into the American society. The chapter reveals that the Mekoches combined traditional and novel ideas to reinforce the nation’s economic and political independence, often, for example, cooperating with American missionaries. Among the Mekoches’ most vocal Shawnee opponents were the Shawnee Prophet Tenskwatawa and his brother Tecumseh, who took up arms against the US in the War of 1812. However, it was American opposition that destroyed the Mekoche project of national rebuilding in Ohio: in the 1820s and 1830s the growing popularity of “scientific racism” and states’ rights movement led to the Indian removal and the Shawnees, too, were forced to relocate to Kansas.Less
The chapter investigates how the Shawnees adapted to the new geopolitical order created by the American victory in the Twenty Years’ War. It focuses on Catahecassa and other Mekoche chiefs who strove to rebuild the impoverished and scattered nation under their leadership in northern Ohio. The chapter juxtaposes this Native project with the federal government’s “civilization program” which aimed at assimilating Indian peoples into the American society. The chapter reveals that the Mekoches combined traditional and novel ideas to reinforce the nation’s economic and political independence, often, for example, cooperating with American missionaries. Among the Mekoches’ most vocal Shawnee opponents were the Shawnee Prophet Tenskwatawa and his brother Tecumseh, who took up arms against the US in the War of 1812. However, it was American opposition that destroyed the Mekoche project of national rebuilding in Ohio: in the 1820s and 1830s the growing popularity of “scientific racism” and states’ rights movement led to the Indian removal and the Shawnees, too, were forced to relocate to Kansas.
