Donald Markwell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198292364
- eISBN:
- 9780191715525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292364.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter begins by discussing the evolution of Keynes’s ideas that underpinned his approach to reconstruction after the first and second world wars. Keynes’s economics after the First ...
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This concluding chapter begins by discussing the evolution of Keynes’s ideas that underpinned his approach to reconstruction after the first and second world wars. Keynes’s economics after the First World War were classical, stressing sound finance to defeat inflation; after the Second World War, his economics were Keynesian, and while he wished to avoid inflation, he especially sought to ensure full, or at least high, employment. A central element of Keynes’s idealism was the view that there are important economic causes of conflict between states, but that these could be remedied. He also believed at times, not only that the economic causes of conflict could be eliminated, but that certain economic measures, such as the creation of a free trade union, might themselves actively foster political harmony.Less
This concluding chapter begins by discussing the evolution of Keynes’s ideas that underpinned his approach to reconstruction after the first and second world wars. Keynes’s economics after the First World War were classical, stressing sound finance to defeat inflation; after the Second World War, his economics were Keynesian, and while he wished to avoid inflation, he especially sought to ensure full, or at least high, employment. A central element of Keynes’s idealism was the view that there are important economic causes of conflict between states, but that these could be remedied. He also believed at times, not only that the economic causes of conflict could be eliminated, but that certain economic measures, such as the creation of a free trade union, might themselves actively foster political harmony.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book asserts that the Civil War marks the end of one era of American legal history, and the beginning of another. Abraham Lincoln's famous Gettysberg Address is viewed as the beginning of a new ...
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This book asserts that the Civil War marks the end of one era of American legal history, and the beginning of another. Abraham Lincoln's famous Gettysberg Address is viewed as the beginning of a new kind of “covert” constitutional law – one with a stronger emphasis on equality in the wake of the abolition of slavery – which was legally established in the Amendments made to the U.S. Constitution between 1865 and 1870. The author asserts that the influence of this “secret constitution”, which has varied in degree from Reconstruction to the present day, is visible in the rulings of the Supreme Court on issues hinging on personal freedom, equality, and discrimination.Less
This book asserts that the Civil War marks the end of one era of American legal history, and the beginning of another. Abraham Lincoln's famous Gettysberg Address is viewed as the beginning of a new kind of “covert” constitutional law – one with a stronger emphasis on equality in the wake of the abolition of slavery – which was legally established in the Amendments made to the U.S. Constitution between 1865 and 1870. The author asserts that the influence of this “secret constitution”, which has varied in degree from Reconstruction to the present day, is visible in the rulings of the Supreme Court on issues hinging on personal freedom, equality, and discrimination.
Louise Fawcett and Yezid Sayigh (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The book analyses the changes that have occurred in developing countries since the end of the Cold War. The first section highlights major areas of change in economics, politics, and security and ...
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The book analyses the changes that have occurred in developing countries since the end of the Cold War. The first section highlights major areas of change in economics, politics, and security and institutions, while the second section develops these themes and reveals the diversity of experience through regional case studies (Latin America, Asia Pacific, Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East).Less
The book analyses the changes that have occurred in developing countries since the end of the Cold War. The first section highlights major areas of change in economics, politics, and security and institutions, while the second section develops these themes and reveals the diversity of experience through regional case studies (Latin America, Asia Pacific, Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East).
Douglas Kriner and Francis Shen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390964
- eISBN:
- 9780199776788
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390964.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to ...
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Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to validate such claims has been kept out of public view. The Casualty Gap renews the debate over unequal sacrifice by bringing to light new evidence on the inequality dimensions of American wartime casualties. It demonstrates unequivocally that since the conclusion of World War II, communities at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder have borne a disproportionate share of the human costs of war. Moreover, they show for the first time that when Americans are explicitly confronted with evidence of this inequality, they become markedly less supportive of the nation's war efforts. The Casualty Gap also uncovers how wartime deaths affect entire communities. Citizens who see the high price war exacts on friends and neighbors become more likely to oppose war and to vote against the political leaders waging it than residents of low-casualty communities. Moreover, extensive empirical evidence connects higher community casualty rates in Korea and Vietnam to lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and non-electoral participation. In this way, the casualty gap threatens the very vibrancy of American democracy by depressing civic engagement in high-casualty communities for years after the last gun falls silent.Less
Many have long suspected that when America takes up arms it is a rich man's war, but a poor man's fight. Despite these concerns about social inequality in military sacrifice, the hard data to validate such claims has been kept out of public view. The Casualty Gap renews the debate over unequal sacrifice by bringing to light new evidence on the inequality dimensions of American wartime casualties. It demonstrates unequivocally that since the conclusion of World War II, communities at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder have borne a disproportionate share of the human costs of war. Moreover, they show for the first time that when Americans are explicitly confronted with evidence of this inequality, they become markedly less supportive of the nation's war efforts. The Casualty Gap also uncovers how wartime deaths affect entire communities. Citizens who see the high price war exacts on friends and neighbors become more likely to oppose war and to vote against the political leaders waging it than residents of low-casualty communities. Moreover, extensive empirical evidence connects higher community casualty rates in Korea and Vietnam to lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and non-electoral participation. In this way, the casualty gap threatens the very vibrancy of American democracy by depressing civic engagement in high-casualty communities for years after the last gun falls silent.
James K. Wellman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195300116
- eISBN:
- 9780199868742
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300116.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The book is the first in-depth ethnographic study of churched religion in the Pacific Northwest. It describes and explains how Protestant churches survive and thrive in the most unchurched region of ...
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The book is the first in-depth ethnographic study of churched religion in the Pacific Northwest. It describes and explains how Protestant churches survive and thrive in the most unchurched region of the country. The study is based on nearly 450 interviews from thirty-four vital liberal and evangelical Protestant churches in the Pacific Northwest. These two sets of congregations embody separate moral worldviews and the study shows how these moral worldviews conflict, compete, and, on rare occasions, find common ground in five areas: ideology; religious beliefs; organizational and ritual life; mission (both local and international), and finally, how each relates to the politics of the region and nation. Evangelicals have dominated the public discourse on American religious life and politics over the last decade; it has become popular to accuse them of advocating an American theocracy. There was no evidence for this claim in the data from this study. Evangelicals do want influence — focusing intense energy on a political culture to nurture families — but they express the same intense distrust of the government that was found among liberals. Moreover, the study found relative disinterest on the part of liberals in influencing the public square. There was little consensus among liberals in protesting the Iraq War. Nonetheless, liberals were committed to a “moral culture” like evangelicals, though with distinctively different values — embracing a culture of inclusiveness and hospitality for homosexuals, the homeless, and the hungry.Less
The book is the first in-depth ethnographic study of churched religion in the Pacific Northwest. It describes and explains how Protestant churches survive and thrive in the most unchurched region of the country. The study is based on nearly 450 interviews from thirty-four vital liberal and evangelical Protestant churches in the Pacific Northwest. These two sets of congregations embody separate moral worldviews and the study shows how these moral worldviews conflict, compete, and, on rare occasions, find common ground in five areas: ideology; religious beliefs; organizational and ritual life; mission (both local and international), and finally, how each relates to the politics of the region and nation. Evangelicals have dominated the public discourse on American religious life and politics over the last decade; it has become popular to accuse them of advocating an American theocracy. There was no evidence for this claim in the data from this study. Evangelicals do want influence — focusing intense energy on a political culture to nurture families — but they express the same intense distrust of the government that was found among liberals. Moreover, the study found relative disinterest on the part of liberals in influencing the public square. There was little consensus among liberals in protesting the Iraq War. Nonetheless, liberals were committed to a “moral culture” like evangelicals, though with distinctively different values — embracing a culture of inclusiveness and hospitality for homosexuals, the homeless, and the hungry.
Hans van Houtte, Hans Das, and Bart Delmartino
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation ...
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In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) was established to process the claims against Iraq. Since 1991, the UNCC has received approximately 2.6 million claims, which it has subdivided in six categories, depending on the status of the claimant, the type of loss, and the amount claimed. For certain claims, the UNCC has established fixed compensation standards, rather than assessing the exact amount of the loss. Other innovative features include mass claims resolution techniques and methodologies such as data matching, grouping, and sampling. The reparation process was funded through oil exports under the oil-for-food program. A share of originally 30% and later 25% of the proceeds was reserved for compensation. The oil-for-food program was terminated after the new war in Iraq in 2003, and the share of oil revenues dedicated to reparation was lowered to 5%. As of June 2005, the UNCC has decided nearly all claims.Less
In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) was established to process the claims against Iraq. Since 1991, the UNCC has received approximately 2.6 million claims, which it has subdivided in six categories, depending on the status of the claimant, the type of loss, and the amount claimed. For certain claims, the UNCC has established fixed compensation standards, rather than assessing the exact amount of the loss. Other innovative features include mass claims resolution techniques and methodologies such as data matching, grouping, and sampling. The reparation process was funded through oil exports under the oil-for-food program. A share of originally 30% and later 25% of the proceeds was reserved for compensation. The oil-for-food program was terminated after the new war in Iraq in 2003, and the share of oil revenues dedicated to reparation was lowered to 5%. As of June 2005, the UNCC has decided nearly all claims.
Eric K. Yamamoto and Liann Ebesugawa
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
How does a country repair its harm to a vulnerable minority targeted during times of national fear because of race? How did the United States redress its then popular yet unconstitutional WWII ...
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How does a country repair its harm to a vulnerable minority targeted during times of national fear because of race? How did the United States redress its then popular yet unconstitutional WWII incarceration of 120,000 innocent Japanese Americans in desolate barbed wire prisons without charges, hearings, or bona fide evidence of military necessity? In response to a Congressional inquiry, political lobbying, and lawsuits, the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 directed the President to apologize and authorized over one billion dollars in reparations. Congress also created a fund to educate the public about the government’s false assertion of “national security” to restrict civil liberties. Some considered redress a tremendous victory — rewriting history and personal healing. Others questioned reparations for one U.S. group but not others. Japanese American Redress served as a catalyst for reparations movements worldwide. This paper examines its genesis, legal implementation, and apparent effects. It also explores wide-ranging political mobilization and social meanings of redress and “unfinished business”. Reparations cannot be measured by laws alone. Diverse communities must engage contested questions of history, justice, and belonging. Reparations claims face often unforeseen benefits and limitations. The paper concludes with these “lessons learned” to date.Less
How does a country repair its harm to a vulnerable minority targeted during times of national fear because of race? How did the United States redress its then popular yet unconstitutional WWII incarceration of 120,000 innocent Japanese Americans in desolate barbed wire prisons without charges, hearings, or bona fide evidence of military necessity? In response to a Congressional inquiry, political lobbying, and lawsuits, the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 directed the President to apologize and authorized over one billion dollars in reparations. Congress also created a fund to educate the public about the government’s false assertion of “national security” to restrict civil liberties. Some considered redress a tremendous victory — rewriting history and personal healing. Others questioned reparations for one U.S. group but not others. Japanese American Redress served as a catalyst for reparations movements worldwide. This paper examines its genesis, legal implementation, and apparent effects. It also explores wide-ranging political mobilization and social meanings of redress and “unfinished business”. Reparations cannot be measured by laws alone. Diverse communities must engage contested questions of history, justice, and belonging. Reparations claims face often unforeseen benefits and limitations. The paper concludes with these “lessons learned” to date.
Ariel Colonomos and Andrea Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The post-world war II German-Israeli reparations program is the largest, most comprehensive reparations program ever implemented. Traditionally, reparations were supported by the vanquished and were ...
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The post-world war II German-Israeli reparations program is the largest, most comprehensive reparations program ever implemented. Traditionally, reparations were supported by the vanquished and were designed to compensate the victor for the damages caused during the war. The Wiedergutmachung (literally “making the good again”) program as it is called in Germany, or Shilumim (the payments) as Israelis usually prefer to refer to it, innovates in many areas and goes beyond this interstate framework. Jewish leaders participated in the Luxembourg negotiations that led to the signature of the 1952 treaty, and community networks played a crucial role in the distribution of the money to the victims. Civil society groups played an instrumental role in the United States as plans for reparations were being discussed during the war. Neither the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) nor Israel existed during the war. Reparations have been paid to the state of Israel and were paid to Jewish Holocaust survivors regardless of their nationality. The FRG benefited politically and economically from this treaty. It was able to enter the international arena and establish diplomatic relations with Israel, whose economy greatly benefited from the money it received.Less
The post-world war II German-Israeli reparations program is the largest, most comprehensive reparations program ever implemented. Traditionally, reparations were supported by the vanquished and were designed to compensate the victor for the damages caused during the war. The Wiedergutmachung (literally “making the good again”) program as it is called in Germany, or Shilumim (the payments) as Israelis usually prefer to refer to it, innovates in many areas and goes beyond this interstate framework. Jewish leaders participated in the Luxembourg negotiations that led to the signature of the 1952 treaty, and community networks played a crucial role in the distribution of the money to the victims. Civil society groups played an instrumental role in the United States as plans for reparations were being discussed during the war. Neither the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) nor Israel existed during the war. Reparations have been paid to the state of Israel and were paid to Jewish Holocaust survivors regardless of their nationality. The FRG benefited politically and economically from this treaty. It was able to enter the international arena and establish diplomatic relations with Israel, whose economy greatly benefited from the money it received.
John Authers
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In 2001, 56 years after the cessation of hostilities in World War II, Germany’s federal government and a group of large German companies entered into a new reparations agreement aimed at compensating ...
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In 2001, 56 years after the cessation of hostilities in World War II, Germany’s federal government and a group of large German companies entered into a new reparations agreement aimed at compensating people who had been forced to work for the Third Reich against their will. This paper examines the confluence of historical circumstances that led to such a belated attempt at righting the injustice, and the political factors behind the extremely “rough” criteria that were used to allocate funds to claimants. It also examines the distribution effort itself — still not quite completed by mid-2005 — and finds that the various NGOs and governments involved in the reparations work were surprisingly successful in tracing claimants and making payments to them, given the amount of time that had elapsed.Less
In 2001, 56 years after the cessation of hostilities in World War II, Germany’s federal government and a group of large German companies entered into a new reparations agreement aimed at compensating people who had been forced to work for the Third Reich against their will. This paper examines the confluence of historical circumstances that led to such a belated attempt at righting the injustice, and the political factors behind the extremely “rough” criteria that were used to allocate funds to claimants. It also examines the distribution effort itself — still not quite completed by mid-2005 — and finds that the various NGOs and governments involved in the reparations work were surprisingly successful in tracing claimants and making payments to them, given the amount of time that had elapsed.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the question of why informal groups of states proliferated in the post-Cold war era. It argues that the proliferation of groups of friends and contact groups must be analyzed in ...
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This chapter examines the question of why informal groups of states proliferated in the post-Cold war era. It argues that the proliferation of groups of friends and contact groups must be analyzed in the context of the mounting pressure on the United Nations’ conflict resolution machinery to respond to more complex crises than ever before. Informal groups of states are agents of incremental change, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. At the same time, the post-Cold War era has permitted a political context that furthers the trend towards devolution of the substance of crisis management to informal groups of states, whereas the Security Council provides — at least in most cases — the form, that is, the legitimization for state action. The functions of diplomacy and its collective legitimization have become decoupled.Less
This chapter examines the question of why informal groups of states proliferated in the post-Cold war era. It argues that the proliferation of groups of friends and contact groups must be analyzed in the context of the mounting pressure on the United Nations’ conflict resolution machinery to respond to more complex crises than ever before. Informal groups of states are agents of incremental change, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. At the same time, the post-Cold War era has permitted a political context that furthers the trend towards devolution of the substance of crisis management to informal groups of states, whereas the Security Council provides — at least in most cases — the form, that is, the legitimization for state action. The functions of diplomacy and its collective legitimization have become decoupled.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, ...
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This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.Less
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.
John Saillant
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195157178
- eISBN:
- 9780199834617
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195157176.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and ...
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In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and political security. A black spokesman for abolitionism was Lemuel Haynes (1753–1833), one of the first African Americans to publish. Haynes served as a minuteman in the American War of Independence and began writing against the slave trade and slavery in the 1770s. After ordination in a Congregational church, he assumed a pulpit in Rutland, Vermont, where he became a leading controversialist, defender of the theology of Jonathan Edwards, and interpreter of republican ideology. He was dismissed from his pulpit in 1818, because his affiliation to the Federalist Party and his opposition to the War of 1812 offended his congregation. The last 15 years of his life were characterized by pessimism about the ability of Americans of the early republic to defeat racism as well as by a defense of Puritanism, which he believed could guide the creation of a free, harmonious, and integrated society.Less
In the second half of the eighteenth century, British and American men and women began criticizing the slave trade and slavery as violations of the principles of Christianity, natural rights, and political security. A black spokesman for abolitionism was Lemuel Haynes (1753–1833), one of the first African Americans to publish. Haynes served as a minuteman in the American War of Independence and began writing against the slave trade and slavery in the 1770s. After ordination in a Congregational church, he assumed a pulpit in Rutland, Vermont, where he became a leading controversialist, defender of the theology of Jonathan Edwards, and interpreter of republican ideology. He was dismissed from his pulpit in 1818, because his affiliation to the Federalist Party and his opposition to the War of 1812 offended his congregation. The last 15 years of his life were characterized by pessimism about the ability of Americans of the early republic to defeat racism as well as by a defense of Puritanism, which he believed could guide the creation of a free, harmonious, and integrated society.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the first phase of UN involvement in Iraq, in which it acted as a Cold War Peacemaker and peacekeeper, using its neutral position eventually to broker a settlement between Iran ...
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This chapter discusses the first phase of UN involvement in Iraq, in which it acted as a Cold War Peacemaker and peacekeeper, using its neutral position eventually to broker a settlement between Iran and Iraq in 1987-88. It focuses on several critical moments during the Iran-Iraq war, the significance of which was overlooked at the time. First, the Security Council’s inadequate, indeed misguided, reaction to Iraq’s attack on Iran in 1980 that contributed to Saddam Hussein’s contempt for the UN. The UN’s involvement over the next decade provides a catalog of the measures available to it as a peace-broker in the Cold War years. A new phase is introduced, in which, with Cold War tensions subsiding, the P-5 working together could be more creative (and quietly assertive) than previously. A new era in P-5 relations and in the capacity of the UN to address hitherto intractable conflicts had dawned.Less
This chapter discusses the first phase of UN involvement in Iraq, in which it acted as a Cold War Peacemaker and peacekeeper, using its neutral position eventually to broker a settlement between Iran and Iraq in 1987-88. It focuses on several critical moments during the Iran-Iraq war, the significance of which was overlooked at the time. First, the Security Council’s inadequate, indeed misguided, reaction to Iraq’s attack on Iran in 1980 that contributed to Saddam Hussein’s contempt for the UN. The UN’s involvement over the next decade provides a catalog of the measures available to it as a peace-broker in the Cold War years. A new phase is introduced, in which, with Cold War tensions subsiding, the P-5 working together could be more creative (and quietly assertive) than previously. A new era in P-5 relations and in the capacity of the UN to address hitherto intractable conflicts had dawned.
Ron Johnston (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264355
- eISBN:
- 9780191734052
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264355.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This volume of the Proceedings of the British Academy contains seventeen lectures delivered at the British Academy in 2007. Subject matter ranges from commemoration of the American Civil War, to an ...
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This volume of the Proceedings of the British Academy contains seventeen lectures delivered at the British Academy in 2007. Subject matter ranges from commemoration of the American Civil War, to an examination of our capacity as human beings to live in the world of imagination, and the opportunities and challenges that face cultural institutions in Britain today.Less
This volume of the Proceedings of the British Academy contains seventeen lectures delivered at the British Academy in 2007. Subject matter ranges from commemoration of the American Civil War, to an examination of our capacity as human beings to live in the world of imagination, and the opportunities and challenges that face cultural institutions in Britain today.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological ...
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Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.Less
Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.
Desmond King and Marc Stears
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two ...
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This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two initial viable causes for such actions. The first gives emphasis to capitalism and its role in American political explanation while the second highlights the anti-authoritarian tendencies of Cold War political thinking in the United States. However, the chapter argues that these two are insufficient to explain such exclusion. Obsession with the exclusive, oppressive, and tyrannical character of popular opinion and conventional wisdom in the United States is also taken into consideration when discussing why a generation of political theorists removed the state and situated “liberal tradition” in its place.Less
This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two initial viable causes for such actions. The first gives emphasis to capitalism and its role in American political explanation while the second highlights the anti-authoritarian tendencies of Cold War political thinking in the United States. However, the chapter argues that these two are insufficient to explain such exclusion. Obsession with the exclusive, oppressive, and tyrannical character of popular opinion and conventional wisdom in the United States is also taken into consideration when discussing why a generation of political theorists removed the state and situated “liberal tradition” in its place.
Charles H. Feinstein, Peter Temin, and Gianni Toniolo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195307559
- eISBN:
- 9780199867929
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195307559.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This introduction to the book and the period covered provides a rapid summary of the most salient economic events between 1918 and 1939. This was a tumultuous period, as the unresolved tensions from ...
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This introduction to the book and the period covered provides a rapid summary of the most salient economic events between 1918 and 1939. This was a tumultuous period, as the unresolved tensions from the First World War led to economic catastrophe in the Great Depression and then to a resumption of world conflict in the Second World War. A brief summary of a very complex progression is presented.Less
This introduction to the book and the period covered provides a rapid summary of the most salient economic events between 1918 and 1939. This was a tumultuous period, as the unresolved tensions from the First World War led to economic catastrophe in the Great Depression and then to a resumption of world conflict in the Second World War. A brief summary of a very complex progression is presented.
Donald Markwell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198292364
- eISBN:
- 9780191715525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292364.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Keynes was, in a phrase he frequently used, brought up to accept certain ideas that were central to the classical liberalism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He worked in the British ...
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Keynes was, in a phrase he frequently used, brought up to accept certain ideas that were central to the classical liberalism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He worked in the British Treasury during the First World War to finance a war effort towards which he was increasingly hostile. He also contributed during and immediately after the war to British government thinking about how to treat the defeated enemy. But his ideas on this faced fierce resistance. This chapter traces the evolution of Keynes’s thinking on these and other issues to the end of 1918. It outlines aspects of Keynes’s thought on international issues before the First World War, especially how he was brought up to believe that free trade promoted peace; and his attitudes toward the Empire and population pressure; his approach to the First World War, conscription, and war finance; and the evolution of his thought on reparations to the end of 1918.Less
Keynes was, in a phrase he frequently used, brought up to accept certain ideas that were central to the classical liberalism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He worked in the British Treasury during the First World War to finance a war effort towards which he was increasingly hostile. He also contributed during and immediately after the war to British government thinking about how to treat the defeated enemy. But his ideas on this faced fierce resistance. This chapter traces the evolution of Keynes’s thinking on these and other issues to the end of 1918. It outlines aspects of Keynes’s thought on international issues before the First World War, especially how he was brought up to believe that free trade promoted peace; and his attitudes toward the Empire and population pressure; his approach to the First World War, conscription, and war finance; and the evolution of his thought on reparations to the end of 1918.
Adam I. P. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195188653
- eISBN:
- 9780199868346
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188653.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
During the Civil War, Northerners fought each other in elections with almost as much zeal as they fought Southern rebels on the battlefield. Yet politicians and voters alike claimed that partisanship ...
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During the Civil War, Northerners fought each other in elections with almost as much zeal as they fought Southern rebels on the battlefield. Yet politicians and voters alike claimed that partisanship was dangerous in a time of national crisis. This book challenges the prevailing view that political processes in the North somehow helped the Union be more stable and effective in the war. Instead, it argues, early efforts to suspend party politics collapsed in the face of divisions over slavery and the purpose of the war. At the same time, new contexts for political mobilization, such as the army and the avowedly nonpartisan Union Leagues, undermined conventional partisan practices. The administration's supporters soon used the power of antiparty discourse to their advantage by connecting their own antislavery arguments to a powerful nationalist ideology. This book offers a reinterpretation of Northern wartime politics that challenges the “party period paradigm” in American political history and reveals the many ways in which the unique circumstances of war altered the political calculations and behavior of politicians and voters alike. As this book shows, beneath the superficial unity lay profound differences about the implications of the war for the kind of nation that the United States was to become.Less
During the Civil War, Northerners fought each other in elections with almost as much zeal as they fought Southern rebels on the battlefield. Yet politicians and voters alike claimed that partisanship was dangerous in a time of national crisis. This book challenges the prevailing view that political processes in the North somehow helped the Union be more stable and effective in the war. Instead, it argues, early efforts to suspend party politics collapsed in the face of divisions over slavery and the purpose of the war. At the same time, new contexts for political mobilization, such as the army and the avowedly nonpartisan Union Leagues, undermined conventional partisan practices. The administration's supporters soon used the power of antiparty discourse to their advantage by connecting their own antislavery arguments to a powerful nationalist ideology. This book offers a reinterpretation of Northern wartime politics that challenges the “party period paradigm” in American political history and reveals the many ways in which the unique circumstances of war altered the political calculations and behavior of politicians and voters alike. As this book shows, beneath the superficial unity lay profound differences about the implications of the war for the kind of nation that the United States was to become.
Pertti Ahonen
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199259892
- eISBN:
- 9780191717451
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199259892.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book connects two central problems encountered by the Federal Republic of Germany prior to reunification in 1990, both of them rooted in the Second World War. Domestically, the country had to ...
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This book connects two central problems encountered by the Federal Republic of Germany prior to reunification in 1990, both of them rooted in the Second World War. Domestically, the country had to integrate eight million expellees forced out of their homes in Central and Eastern Europe as a result of the lost war. Externally, it had to reestablish relations with Eastern Europe, despite the burdens of the Nazi past, the expulsions, and the ongoing East–West struggle during the Cold War. This book shows how the long-term consequences of the expellee problem significantly hindered West German efforts to develop normal ties with the East European states. In particular, it emphasizes a point largely overlooked in the existing literature: the way in which the political integration of the expellees into the Federal Republic had unanticipated negative consequences for the country's Ostpolitik.Less
This book connects two central problems encountered by the Federal Republic of Germany prior to reunification in 1990, both of them rooted in the Second World War. Domestically, the country had to integrate eight million expellees forced out of their homes in Central and Eastern Europe as a result of the lost war. Externally, it had to reestablish relations with Eastern Europe, despite the burdens of the Nazi past, the expulsions, and the ongoing East–West struggle during the Cold War. This book shows how the long-term consequences of the expellee problem significantly hindered West German efforts to develop normal ties with the East European states. In particular, it emphasizes a point largely overlooked in the existing literature: the way in which the political integration of the expellees into the Federal Republic had unanticipated negative consequences for the country's Ostpolitik.
