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This book examines how the global environment is regulated and, in particular, the diversity of actors involved in addressing the problem of climate change. It considers the role of private actors, such as nongovernmental organizations and transnational networks, in global environmental politics. It shows that private actors are increasingly assuming duties normally associated with governments. They are taking on the role of regulators, as they create, implement, and enforce rules to manage global environmental problems. The book asks when and why private actors perform these regulatory roles. It cites three examples to demonstrate the diversity of private authority and the ways in which nonstate actors are serving as rule makers: the first deals with Walmart, the second is about the ruffed lemur, and the third relates to the Kyoto Protocol. The book distinguishes between two different types of private authority: delegated authority and entrepreneurial authority.

Whereas the first five chapters talk primarily of companies’ reactions to disruptions, Chapter 6 begins the discussions of more proactive preparations. These preparations include the fundamental steps of creating redundancy and building flexibility. Yet the maturation of risk management has also led companies to prepare other kinds of specialized risk-management assets in the form of business continuity plans, emergency operations centers, and formalized processes for managing disruptions.

This chapter examines the continued importance of this form of labor relations in the years since the 1960s, as South Texas has continued to serve as a model for employers elsewhere eager to avail themselves of poorly-paid workers who lack the ability to claim the basic rights of citizenship. The lessons learned in the fields of South Texas, in other words, were not only borrowed by agricultural employers. Instead, employers have increasingly sought to use the model of farmworker treatment and apply it to workers far removed from the fields. Industrial and service employers continue to try and emulate the enforced powerlessness of agricultural workers, even if they no longer consciously point to South Texas as their explicit model. The Epilogue examines the continued resonance and importance of this model of labor relations as it has moved beyond the agricultural realm and into service and industrial employment.

Political, economic, and demographic changes have transformed the South in the period since 1950, especially over the past thirty years. Deindustrialization, the rise of the service sector, demographic changes, and southern-led innovations in the conduct of labor relations have combined to reinforce the South's traditional resistance to organized labor and to create widely emulated patterns of industrial relations.

This chapter discusses how U.S. transnational agribusiness corporations demonstrated U.S. farm and food power to the world from the 1960s into the 1980s. In earlier decades of the Farms Race, U.S. farmers were called upon to feed the hungry world as a counter-revolutionary project with a humanitarian veneer. By the late 1970s, politicians and businessmen were increasingly declaring their intent to rewrite the rules of global food production and trade on entirely profit-driven terms. Building on Cold War-inspired modernization and development projects initiated in the 1940s–1960s, U.S.-based transnational agribusinesses in the 1970s–1990s—including the International Basic Economy Corporation (IBEC), the former linseed-oil manufacturer turned global commodities giant Archer Daniels Midland, and the Ozarks-based retail chain Walmart—constructed a world in which private corporations, including supermarkets, emerged as the primary institutional mechanisms for regulating and coordinating global food chains.

The epilogue centers on the question of how the contemporary world of global agribusiness differs, but also builds upon, the structures of the Cold War Farms Race. A brief discussion of Walmart’s entry into India opens the epilogue, offering an examination of how agricultural development as pursued by multinational corporations has been framed as an apolitical exercise. Yet as a brief discussion of Venezuela’s current food crisis demonstrates, the power exercised in food supply chains means that no such action can be apolitical. A discussion of supermarkets’ penetration into Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War furthermore highlights the ongoing contestation over what counts as “free enterprise” in the global supermarket-driven food economy. Finally the epilogue offers a few words on the paucity of contemporary food politics discourse and the problem of assuming consumer sovereignty.

This conclusion brings the narrative up to the present, tracing the continued enlargement of the foreign-trade zone system. And, relatedly, it takes stock of representations of the recent astronomical growth of multinational corporations that specialize in logistics. It probes the corporate mythology of “free shipping,” the fantasy that, thanks to containerization and other technological advances, behemoths like Amazon and Walmart have achieved frictionlessness. It also notes how warehouse workers have begun to counter such imaginaries, and, with their bodies blocking the streets, to assert the inescapable fact of the labors of circulation.

Contemporary ritual practices have become of an existential nature—undefined, unchallenged, and unappraised—and the objectivity of those initiated reflects little of their confirmed status. The only remnants, and sadly so, are the memories of the ritual. This chapter delves into the ways in which rituals are steadily losing their intrinsic value and becoming an instrument of namesake induction into a hallowed circle of martyrs. While it does not tread the usual route of advocating a surge in the qualifying age for each induction rituals, it infers that the milieu of a child's development and the overarching influences on his/her personality should lead by example, a life that reflects the validity of the commitments rendered at the time of initiation. The Walmart-ization of the church refers to the nihilism that has crept into ritual practices, rendering it as a mere pause rather than a landmark along the journey.

Consumers have access to substantial information on the products they buy, but much information is missing. “Sustainability information” – about traits like greenhouse gases, child labor, toxic chemicals – is not part of the flow of information. In its absence, the market cannot reflect consumer values about sustainability. New sources of information could integrate our collective values into day-to-day consumer transactions, and make ordinary shopping a path to a more sustainable future.

Introducing sustainability information for consumer products can be accomplished through regulation, international agreements or by the marketplace itself. Large-scale purchasers, like Walmart or the federal government, have enough market leverage to bring forward sustainability information. Once it is available, the information will help make the global market more efficient and more responsive to important human values.

Chapter 6 argues that Walmart is in fact organizable and that the Chilean case study gives us some insights as to how to organize the transnational giant. Despite neoliberal policies, and weak labor law, Chilean workers have been able to beat the odds to successfully win ‘bread and roses.’ The Chapter also addresses the global implications of the Chilean case, in particular, thinking through the challenges and opportunities for global solidarity. Walmart must be organized transnationally, but much care must be taken in how to approach workers and unions across the world.

This chapter explains how digital technologies and information management tools transformed the movements of material objects and reshaped food distribution industries. By the 1970s, manufacturing corporations had already entered the age of automation, but the retailing side of the food system continued to face profitability issues as a high-volume but low-tech sector. Because of the supermarket’s high-volume and low-margin merchandising platform, different arms of the food industry negotiated new shared uses of technical devices, such as bar codes, optical laser scanners, and computer data processors. The new sociotechnical machinery eventually transcended the supermarket by spreading the information management tools into corporate discount retailers and pharmacies. This new age of information and product mobility broke down boundaries between territories, merged the supermarket with the general discount store in the creation of big box stores, and forced supermarkets into another round of profitability constraints.

The introduction chapter presents the lens of the book, providing the author’s unique vantage point as documentary producer, strategist, and scholar. It opens with a first-person narrative reflection from 2005, launching the book from her experience co-producing the advocacy documentary film, Wal-Mart: The High Cost of Low Price, with Brave New Films, which premiered alongside a national grassroots mobilization campaign. This chapter provides foundational definitions of documentary and an original articulation of shared characteristics of social-issue documentary storytelling in the networked era: editorial independence, commitment to truth, civic motivation, and entertainment value. This introductory chapter locates documentary within the contemporary networked media era, the backdrop of community-based activism and public engagement that happens in concert with many nonfiction stories. It culminates with a roadmap overview of the book, chapter by chapter.

Despite being among the country's lowest paid workers, employees in the food system have remained largely invisible to the average consumer. But now, food system workers are garnering the support of consumers through campaigns for good jobs, wages, and food. This chapter highlights three organizing campaigns that are emblematic of this struggle: 1) the Brandworkers campaign at Amy’s Bread, an artisanal bakery in New York City; 2) the Teamsters campaign at Taylor Farms in Tracy, California, the largest salad processor in the U.S.; and 3) the OUR Walmart campaign at Walmart stores around the country. These cases illustrate how consumers can actively support workers who are organizing against everyday exploitation and oppression.

A vital but often neglected part of the urban restructuring of Los Angeles has been a resurgent activism that has created some of the most innovative urban social movements in the country. The Justice Riots of 1992, as they are now called, stimulated vigorous grassroots and place-based coalitions of labor unions and community-based organizations seeking to deal with the enormous inequalities and injustices brought about by globalization and the formation of the New Economy. Affected to some degree by the critical spatial perspective espoused by the Los Angeles research cluster, these new coalitions were among the earliest in the United States to adopt specifically spatial strategies, and in these cases, thinking spatially about justice made a difference. This spatial turn in the justice movement is traced through three organizations: the Bus Riders Union and its initiating sponsor, the Labor/Community Strategy Center; the Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy (LAANE); and, most recently, the Right to the City Alliance.

This chapter examines how the sometimes subtle, sometimes overt moments of hostility between Latino and non-Latino residents of Lafayette emerged in the immigration debate of 2006. It considers the lived moments of conflict and confrontation as well as the social borders and boundaries set up throughout Lafayette. It analyzes the responses of Latinas and Latinos regarding gendered differences that manifested in multiple microaggressions, as well as Walmart's role as a space of interaction in the perceptions of Latinos and non-Latinos regarding their daily routines. It also discusses the experiences of second-generation Latinos who were targeted with slurs, negative interactions, and traumatic moments of denied belonging.

This chapter relates the story of the 2011 foodborne illness outbreak caused by Listeria-infected cantaloupes from Jensen Farms to introduce the three primary components of the US food safety system: (1) government regulation, (2) industry supply chain management, and (3) civil litigation and consumer advocacy. The chapter also presents the concept of a complex adaptive system of governance to describe the interdependence among these components and the way in which they are linked by a network of food safety experts working in government, industry, and academia. Feedback and learning throughout the system fuel the evolution of food safety. In addition, the chapter discusses efforts to estimate the magnitude of foodborne illness as a public health problem in the US, and it highlights the considerable uncertainty regarding the root causes of foodborne illness and the effectiveness of efforts to reduce the microbial contamination that causes it. The chapter provides a detailed account of the Jensen Farms outbreak investigation, featuring key institutional and individual participants including the FDA, retailers Walmart and Kroger, auditing firm Primus Labs, and leading food safety attorney Bill Marler.