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This chapter explores the political approaches toward self-determination, the nation, and the state by the founder of the right-wing revisionist movement, Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky (1880–1940). According to Jabotinsky, every nation aspires to “social self-determination,” meaning an optimal demographic concentration in one region that is understood to be its historical homeland. Politically speaking, however, those same nations are also interested in becoming a part of a larger multinational federative state that would serve as an organizing political framework that includes all citizens. Each citizen's national districts/communities would have the critical role of mediating their inclusion as subjects of the governmental sovereignty of the multinational federative state.

This chapter details Vladimir Jabotinsky's first encounter with Polish Jewish youth, during a last-ditch effort in 1927 to gain supporters for his political organization, the Union of Revisionist Zionists. He initially viewed the Polish Jews flocking to greet him at train stations with a mix of pity, disdain, and suspicion. Little did he know that they would transform his very understanding of Revisionism's mission and the tools required to bring him to power. The chapter then describes how members of several Jewish youth movements in Poland helped to convince the Revisionist leader to turn the celebration of militarism and the rejection of socialism into core components of his organization's program. Culminating with the founding of Poland's Betar youth movement at the end of 1927, it reveals how Polish Jewish youth were not merely the passive recipients of ideology imposed “from above” but played an active role in shaping the political beliefs and behaviors they adopted.

This chapter discusses how Vladimir Jabotinsky deftly used his distinctive brand of “youth politics” to withstand challenges to his leadership from the Revisionist movement's moderates and radicals alike. Jabotinsky believed that he could invoke ideas sweeping across Europe about the nature of youth, their role in politics, and the challenges of “generational conflict” to convince his followers that his increasingly authoritarian behavior was the only mode of leadership available to Zionist leaders in the 1930s. The chapter then demonstrates how his deliberately ambiguous and provocative writing about generational conflict, as well as the innovative ways in which he delimited “youth” from “adult” in his movement's regulations, allowed him to further embrace authoritarian measures within the movement without publicly abandoning his claim to be a firm proponent of democracy.

This chapter discusses Israel Kleiner's From Nationalism to Universalism: Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky and the Ukrainian Question. In this monograph, Kleiner focuses on V. Z. Jabotinsky's views of Ukrainian nationalism both in the period before the First World War and in the aftermath of the Bolshevik revolution and the ensuing civil war. After establishing Jabotinsky's general views on nationalism and cultural identity, Kleiner examines closely what he identifies as the courageous positions adopted by Jabotinsky in three critical moments. In Kleiner's view, Jabotinsky's support for Ukrainian nationalism was fully consistent with his fierce opposition to Jewish cultural assimilation. Jabotinsky not only condemned the Polish policies of active Polonization in Austrian Galicia, but also rejected tsarism's efforts to Russify the ethnic communities of the western borderlands of the empire. Instead, he welcomed the full development of Ukrainian cultural life and championed those expressions of Ukrainian nationalism that he believed would eventually result in an independent Ukraine. In Kleiner's exposition, Jabotinsky envisioned a future in which democratic nationalist movements would achieve their goals, thereby producing a non-threatening international order in which individuals could realize their own full potential as human beings without loss of national culture or ethnic identity.

This introductory chapter provides a background of the Betar youth movement in Poland in the 1930s. Like dozens of Zionist youth movements operating in the country at the time, Betar promised to prepare its members for a new life in the Yishuv—the Jewish community of prestate Palestine—by providing vocational training, Hebrew classes, and lessons in Jewish history. What set Betar apart was its commitment to the military training of Jewish youth, as well as its support of several prominent policies of the European Right. They deemed rifles, not ploughs or shovels, to be the most important tools to fulfill Zionism's goals. Like the vast majority of Zionist activists between the two world wars, Betar's leader, Vladimir Jabotinsky, sought to capture the hearts and minds of Jews living in Poland. His Union of Revisionist Zionists, founded in 1925, would go on to become one of the most popular Zionist organizations in the interwar period.

Beginning with the “reconquest of Jerusalem” of the British over the Turks, this chapter details the transition to British rule and the seeds sown for future conflict. The Balfour Declaration served as a clarion call both to Jews and American Evangelicals, for whom the obsession with a Jewish return to Jerusalem resounded with Biblical import. The chapter also details opponents of Zionism, such as Joseph P. Kennedy, appointed by Franklin Delano Roosevelt as ambassador to Great Britain during the transition to British rule in Palestine. Further, it accounts for the two main branches of political belief in the Yishuv, Palestine’s Jewish community: Labor Zionism, embodied by David Ben Gurion, and Revisionism, embodied by Vladimir Jabotinsky. Finally, the chapter explores Ghandi’s relationship to Israel, the rise of the Nazi state vis a vis British Palestine, and American pro-Israel activism and fundraising in New York City and on Broadway, by such champions as Ben Hecht.