Douglas L. Kriner and Francis X. Shen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390964
- eISBN:
- 9780199776788
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390964.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter addresses the following questions: All else being equal, do high local casualty rates erode residents' support for war and increase their willingness to vote against incumbent ...
More
This chapter addresses the following questions: All else being equal, do high local casualty rates erode residents' support for war and increase their willingness to vote against incumbent politicians? Or, do citizens from high-casualty communities, on average, rally behind a military operation and its political leaders? To answer these questions, the analysis proceeds in two parts. Beginning with the Vietnam War, the chapter first examines the effect of casualties on changes in public evaluations of the war over time. Specifically, it examines the influence of local casualties on respondents' judgment of whether the United States should ever have entered the Vietnam War at all and on their support for withdrawing U.S. forces from the fight. Having established a strong link between local casualty rates and policy attitudes, the analysis next investigates whether these differential opinions on the war manifested themselves in different voting patterns.Less
This chapter addresses the following questions: All else being equal, do high local casualty rates erode residents' support for war and increase their willingness to vote against incumbent politicians? Or, do citizens from high-casualty communities, on average, rally behind a military operation and its political leaders? To answer these questions, the analysis proceeds in two parts. Beginning with the Vietnam War, the chapter first examines the effect of casualties on changes in public evaluations of the war over time. Specifically, it examines the influence of local casualties on respondents' judgment of whether the United States should ever have entered the Vietnam War at all and on their support for withdrawing U.S. forces from the fight. Having established a strong link between local casualty rates and policy attitudes, the analysis next investigates whether these differential opinions on the war manifested themselves in different voting patterns.
Douglas L. Kriner and Francis X. Shen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390964
- eISBN:
- 9780199776788
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390964.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Through a series of empirical analyses of individual-level survey data from the National Election Study and the Social Capital Benchmark Survey, as well as analysis of aggregate electoral turnout ...
More
Through a series of empirical analyses of individual-level survey data from the National Election Study and the Social Capital Benchmark Survey, as well as analysis of aggregate electoral turnout data at the county level, this chapter examines the immediate and lasting effects of the considerable variance in communities' wartime experience in Vietnam, Korea, and World War II, on their residents' patterns of political engagement and participation. The analysis reveals very different dynamics in the wake of the three conflicts. Across the data sets, statistical models find that respondents from communities that suffered higher casualty rates in Vietnam and Korea reported lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and nonelectoral political participation than respondents with identical demographic characteristics from cities and towns that sustained lower casualty rates in these conflicts. By contrast, respondents from communities that endured the heaviest burdens in World War II were just as politically engaged as their peers, if not more so. However, while the conflicts in Vietnam and Korea may have fundamentally reshaped citizens' relationship with the federal government, citizens did not let their resentment toward government policies affect all of their participatory activities. More nuanced data from the Social Capital Benchmark Survey reveal that Vietnam casualty rates had no discernible impact on nonpolitical forms of civic engagement such as charitable giving, volunteering, and organizational activity.Less
Through a series of empirical analyses of individual-level survey data from the National Election Study and the Social Capital Benchmark Survey, as well as analysis of aggregate electoral turnout data at the county level, this chapter examines the immediate and lasting effects of the considerable variance in communities' wartime experience in Vietnam, Korea, and World War II, on their residents' patterns of political engagement and participation. The analysis reveals very different dynamics in the wake of the three conflicts. Across the data sets, statistical models find that respondents from communities that suffered higher casualty rates in Vietnam and Korea reported lower levels of trust in government, interest in politics, and electoral and nonelectoral political participation than respondents with identical demographic characteristics from cities and towns that sustained lower casualty rates in these conflicts. By contrast, respondents from communities that endured the heaviest burdens in World War II were just as politically engaged as their peers, if not more so. However, while the conflicts in Vietnam and Korea may have fundamentally reshaped citizens' relationship with the federal government, citizens did not let their resentment toward government policies affect all of their participatory activities. More nuanced data from the Social Capital Benchmark Survey reveal that Vietnam casualty rates had no discernible impact on nonpolitical forms of civic engagement such as charitable giving, volunteering, and organizational activity.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The US and the Western European countries certainly had their differences over various European questions, but all debate took place against the background of a Soviet threat that disturbed the ...
More
The US and the Western European countries certainly had their differences over various European questions, but all debate took place against the background of a Soviet threat that disturbed the entire ‘free world’ and a NATO framework that had been established to deal with this threat. However, disagreements over out‐of‐area disputes (i.e. disputes outside the area covered by core Article 5 of the NATO treaty) between the US and many Western European countries were even more frequent and the common framework much weaker. At the beginning of the post‐war period, the US definitely saw itself as an anti‐colonial power, and its strong anti‐colonial views spurred progress towards independence not only for India and other British colonial territories, but also for those of other European colonies. The different sections of this chapter look at the changing nature of America's colonial policy, particularly in the face of prospects that communists might take control of a former European territory, and at its increasing role in other out‐of‐area questions, over the period 1945–1975. The areas discussed are East Asia (French Indo‐china, China, and the Korean and Vietnamese wars), the Middle East, and Southern Africa and Cuba. In addition a whole separate section is devoted to the Vietnam conflict, and another to the various disputes that led the Nixon administration to pronounce 1973 the ‘Year of Europe’ in an effort to bring the US and Western Europe close after a period of dispute that had involved, in particular, American support to Israel.Less
The US and the Western European countries certainly had their differences over various European questions, but all debate took place against the background of a Soviet threat that disturbed the entire ‘free world’ and a NATO framework that had been established to deal with this threat. However, disagreements over out‐of‐area disputes (i.e. disputes outside the area covered by core Article 5 of the NATO treaty) between the US and many Western European countries were even more frequent and the common framework much weaker. At the beginning of the post‐war period, the US definitely saw itself as an anti‐colonial power, and its strong anti‐colonial views spurred progress towards independence not only for India and other British colonial territories, but also for those of other European colonies. The different sections of this chapter look at the changing nature of America's colonial policy, particularly in the face of prospects that communists might take control of a former European territory, and at its increasing role in other out‐of‐area questions, over the period 1945–1975. The areas discussed are East Asia (French Indo‐china, China, and the Korean and Vietnamese wars), the Middle East, and Southern Africa and Cuba. In addition a whole separate section is devoted to the Vietnam conflict, and another to the various disputes that led the Nixon administration to pronounce 1973 the ‘Year of Europe’ in an effort to bring the US and Western Europe close after a period of dispute that had involved, in particular, American support to Israel.
Douglas L. Kriner and Francis X. Shen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390964
- eISBN:
- 9780199776788
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390964.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter presents data that provide strong evidence that U.S. combat casualties are not distributed uniformly across society. Beginning with the Korean War, some communities, particularly those ...
More
This chapter presents data that provide strong evidence that U.S. combat casualties are not distributed uniformly across society. Beginning with the Korean War, some communities, particularly those like Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, have borne a disproportionate share of America's wartime sacrifice. The size of the differences in casualty rates between rich and poor communities may not be as great as some of the rhetoric from the Left suggests. While socioeconomically disadvantaged communities do bear disproportionately large shares of the casualty burden, some wealthy and highly educated communities have also suffered significant numbers of casualties. However, contra the protestations of some on the Right, the casualty gap is real, and, perhaps equally significantly, the data suggest that this gap may have widened over time.Less
This chapter presents data that provide strong evidence that U.S. combat casualties are not distributed uniformly across society. Beginning with the Korean War, some communities, particularly those like Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, have borne a disproportionate share of America's wartime sacrifice. The size of the differences in casualty rates between rich and poor communities may not be as great as some of the rhetoric from the Left suggests. While socioeconomically disadvantaged communities do bear disproportionately large shares of the casualty burden, some wealthy and highly educated communities have also suffered significant numbers of casualties. However, contra the protestations of some on the Right, the casualty gap is real, and, perhaps equally significantly, the data suggest that this gap may have widened over time.
Austin Carson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181769
- eISBN:
- 9780691184241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181769.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the covert side of the Vietnam War. Secrecy famously helped Richard Nixon cope with dovish domestic opposition toward the end of the war. In contrast, the chapter highlights ...
More
This chapter focuses on the covert side of the Vietnam War. Secrecy famously helped Richard Nixon cope with dovish domestic opposition toward the end of the war. In contrast, the chapter highlights the role of covert intervention in helping both sides compete in Vietnam while keeping the war limited during the earlier Johnson years (1964–1968). Even as he greatly expanded U.S. military activity in Vietnam, President Lyndon Johnson acted to avoid provoking a larger war with China or the Soviet Union. Covert U.S. military operations in places like Laos, though an open secret, were a way to prosecute a counterinsurgency while keeping a lid on hostilities. China and the Soviet Union similarly sought to control escalation dangers through covertness. Both communist patrons provided military personnel covertly to improve air defense in North Vietnam. The chapter suggests that all three outside powers worked hard to avoid public and acknowledged clashes up through 1968.Less
This chapter focuses on the covert side of the Vietnam War. Secrecy famously helped Richard Nixon cope with dovish domestic opposition toward the end of the war. In contrast, the chapter highlights the role of covert intervention in helping both sides compete in Vietnam while keeping the war limited during the earlier Johnson years (1964–1968). Even as he greatly expanded U.S. military activity in Vietnam, President Lyndon Johnson acted to avoid provoking a larger war with China or the Soviet Union. Covert U.S. military operations in places like Laos, though an open secret, were a way to prosecute a counterinsurgency while keeping a lid on hostilities. China and the Soviet Union similarly sought to control escalation dangers through covertness. Both communist patrons provided military personnel covertly to improve air defense in North Vietnam. The chapter suggests that all three outside powers worked hard to avoid public and acknowledged clashes up through 1968.
Angela M. Lahr
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195314489
- eISBN:
- 9780199872077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195314489.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Whereas evangelicals in the early Cold War were able to better integrate into the dominant culture, the United States became more and more divided in the aftermath of the civil rights movement and ...
More
Whereas evangelicals in the early Cold War were able to better integrate into the dominant culture, the United States became more and more divided in the aftermath of the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War. Evangelical conservatives increasingly embraced “morality politics” as part of the New Christian Right. At the same time, an emerging evangelical left adopted a different kind of prophecy that called on Christians to push for social justice.Less
Whereas evangelicals in the early Cold War were able to better integrate into the dominant culture, the United States became more and more divided in the aftermath of the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War. Evangelical conservatives increasingly embraced “morality politics” as part of the New Christian Right. At the same time, an emerging evangelical left adopted a different kind of prophecy that called on Christians to push for social justice.
Jussi M. Hanhimaki
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195172218
- eISBN:
- 9780199849994
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195172218.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Henry Kissinger dominated American foreign relations like no other figure in recent history. He negotiated an end to American involvement in the Vietnam War, opened relations with Communist China, ...
More
Henry Kissinger dominated American foreign relations like no other figure in recent history. He negotiated an end to American involvement in the Vietnam War, opened relations with Communist China, and orchestrated détente with the Soviet Union. Yet he is also the man behind the secret bombing of Cambodia and policies leading to the overthrow of Chile's President Salvador Allende. This book paints a subtle, carefully composed portrait of America's most famous and infamous statesman. Drawing on extensive research from newly declassified files, the author follows Kissinger from his beginnings in the Nixon administration up to the current controversy fed by Christopher Hitchens over whether Kissinger is a war criminal. The reader is guided through White House power struggles and the debates behind the Cambodia and Laos invasions, the search for a strategy in Vietnam, the breakthrough with China, and the unfolding of Soviet-American détente. Here, too, are many other international crises of the period—the Indo-Pakistani War, the Yom Kippur War, the Angolan civil war—all set against the backdrop of Watergate. The author sheds light on Kissinger's personal flaws—he was obsessed with secrecy and bureaucratic infighting in an administration that self-destructed in its abuse of power—as well as his great strengths as a diplomat. We see Kissinger negotiating, threatening and joking with virtually all of the key foreign leaders of the 1970s, from Mao to Brezhnev and Anwar Sadat to Golda Meir. This well researched account brings to life the complex nature of American foreign policymaking during the Kissinger years.Less
Henry Kissinger dominated American foreign relations like no other figure in recent history. He negotiated an end to American involvement in the Vietnam War, opened relations with Communist China, and orchestrated détente with the Soviet Union. Yet he is also the man behind the secret bombing of Cambodia and policies leading to the overthrow of Chile's President Salvador Allende. This book paints a subtle, carefully composed portrait of America's most famous and infamous statesman. Drawing on extensive research from newly declassified files, the author follows Kissinger from his beginnings in the Nixon administration up to the current controversy fed by Christopher Hitchens over whether Kissinger is a war criminal. The reader is guided through White House power struggles and the debates behind the Cambodia and Laos invasions, the search for a strategy in Vietnam, the breakthrough with China, and the unfolding of Soviet-American détente. Here, too, are many other international crises of the period—the Indo-Pakistani War, the Yom Kippur War, the Angolan civil war—all set against the backdrop of Watergate. The author sheds light on Kissinger's personal flaws—he was obsessed with secrecy and bureaucratic infighting in an administration that self-destructed in its abuse of power—as well as his great strengths as a diplomat. We see Kissinger negotiating, threatening and joking with virtually all of the key foreign leaders of the 1970s, from Mao to Brezhnev and Anwar Sadat to Golda Meir. This well researched account brings to life the complex nature of American foreign policymaking during the Kissinger years.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
American leaders conducted their foreign and military policies from the 1970s to the early years of the twenty-first century with an eye to their unhappy experiences in the Vietnam War. Nearly ...
More
American leaders conducted their foreign and military policies from the 1970s to the early years of the twenty-first century with an eye to their unhappy experiences in the Vietnam War. Nearly everyone agreed on the obvious point that the war in Vietnam had gone badly for the United States, but beyond that, however, differences of opinion proliferated. Presidents from Gerald Ford to Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush often explicitly presented their foreign policies as contrasts to the failures and disappointments in Vietnam. The perceived lessons of the past are most compelling when the memories are troubling, and there is a nearly irresistible urge to avoid repeating mistakes. The divisions over Vietnam were so wide and the lessons learned so contested that the Vietnam War endures as the emblematic episode of contemporary American foreign policy.Less
American leaders conducted their foreign and military policies from the 1970s to the early years of the twenty-first century with an eye to their unhappy experiences in the Vietnam War. Nearly everyone agreed on the obvious point that the war in Vietnam had gone badly for the United States, but beyond that, however, differences of opinion proliferated. Presidents from Gerald Ford to Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush often explicitly presented their foreign policies as contrasts to the failures and disappointments in Vietnam. The perceived lessons of the past are most compelling when the memories are troubling, and there is a nearly irresistible urge to avoid repeating mistakes. The divisions over Vietnam were so wide and the lessons learned so contested that the Vietnam War endures as the emblematic episode of contemporary American foreign policy.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Vietnam War became the setting for more than 400 movies, documentaries, and TV series from the 1960s to the first years of the twenty-first century. Many of these Vietnam-era films explored ...
More
The Vietnam War became the setting for more than 400 movies, documentaries, and TV series from the 1960s to the first years of the twenty-first century. Many of these Vietnam-era films explored class, race, and gender issues and reflected deep divisions at home over the war. Some reflected pro-war sentiments and vilified anti-war protesters. Others took exactly the opposite approach, criticizing official policies and government officials. They portrayed soldiers as victims of an inhumane war machine. Nevertheless, a common thread—withering contempt for civilian government officials—ran through Vietnam films whether they supported or opposed U.S. policies in Vietnam. Some of the most notable films were The Quiet American, The Green Berets, The Boys in Company C, Go Tell the Spartans, The Deer Hunter, Coming Home, Apocalypse Now, First Blood, Platoon, Full Metal Jacket, Born on the Fourth of July, and Forrest Gump.Less
The Vietnam War became the setting for more than 400 movies, documentaries, and TV series from the 1960s to the first years of the twenty-first century. Many of these Vietnam-era films explored class, race, and gender issues and reflected deep divisions at home over the war. Some reflected pro-war sentiments and vilified anti-war protesters. Others took exactly the opposite approach, criticizing official policies and government officials. They portrayed soldiers as victims of an inhumane war machine. Nevertheless, a common thread—withering contempt for civilian government officials—ran through Vietnam films whether they supported or opposed U.S. policies in Vietnam. Some of the most notable films were The Quiet American, The Green Berets, The Boys in Company C, Go Tell the Spartans, The Deer Hunter, Coming Home, Apocalypse Now, First Blood, Platoon, Full Metal Jacket, Born on the Fourth of July, and Forrest Gump.
Thomas J. Christensen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142609
- eISBN:
- 9781400838813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142609.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines how Sino-Soviet tensions served the United States' regional and global interests and facilitated rapprochement between Washington and Beijing during the period 1964–1972. The ...
More
This chapter examines how Sino-Soviet tensions served the United States' regional and global interests and facilitated rapprochement between Washington and Beijing during the period 1964–1972. The competition between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China for the loyalties of the Vietnamese communists would begin in earnest following U.S. escalation in the Vietnam War from late 1964 to early 1965. Ho Chi Minh was able to exploit Chinese and Soviet jealousies of one another to gain maximum support for his revolutionary goals in South Vietnam. From 1965 until early 1968 the rivalry between Beijing and Moscow also served to scuttle multiple Soviet-inspired proposals for peace talks between the Vietnamese communists and the United States. The chapter shows how the intensifying disillusionment and competition between the Soviets and the Chinese rendered the containment of communism through coercive diplomacy more difficult for the United States, particularly in Indochina.Less
This chapter examines how Sino-Soviet tensions served the United States' regional and global interests and facilitated rapprochement between Washington and Beijing during the period 1964–1972. The competition between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China for the loyalties of the Vietnamese communists would begin in earnest following U.S. escalation in the Vietnam War from late 1964 to early 1965. Ho Chi Minh was able to exploit Chinese and Soviet jealousies of one another to gain maximum support for his revolutionary goals in South Vietnam. From 1965 until early 1968 the rivalry between Beijing and Moscow also served to scuttle multiple Soviet-inspired proposals for peace talks between the Vietnamese communists and the United States. The chapter shows how the intensifying disillusionment and competition between the Soviets and the Chinese rendered the containment of communism through coercive diplomacy more difficult for the United States, particularly in Indochina.
Udi Greenberg
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159331
- eISBN:
- 9781400852390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159331.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter focuses on theories of Hans J. Morgenthau, a German émigré specialist on foreign relations. In the years immediately after World War II, Morgenthau emerged as the highest intellectual ...
More
This chapter focuses on theories of Hans J. Morgenthau, a German émigré specialist on foreign relations. In the years immediately after World War II, Morgenthau emerged as the highest intellectual authority on international relations in the United States. His theory, which became known as “realism,” explained why the United States had no choice but to oppose the Soviet Union and China and prevent them from expanding their power in Europe and East Asia. However, Morgenthau also opposed U.S. intervention in the Vietnam War. This dual position marked both the high point of the German–American symbiosis and the moment of its crisis.Less
This chapter focuses on theories of Hans J. Morgenthau, a German émigré specialist on foreign relations. In the years immediately after World War II, Morgenthau emerged as the highest intellectual authority on international relations in the United States. His theory, which became known as “realism,” explained why the United States had no choice but to oppose the Soviet Union and China and prevent them from expanding their power in Europe and East Asia. However, Morgenthau also opposed U.S. intervention in the Vietnam War. This dual position marked both the high point of the German–American symbiosis and the moment of its crisis.
Gregory A. Daddis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199746873
- eISBN:
- 9780199897179
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199746873.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This study analyzes how the United States Army, particularly the Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), attempted to measure its progress and effectiveness while conducting counterinsurgency ...
More
This study analyzes how the United States Army, particularly the Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), attempted to measure its progress and effectiveness while conducting counterinsurgency operations during the Vietnam War. In short, in a war without front lines, how did the army know if it was winning or losing? White House advisers, Pentagon officials, MACV staff officers, and army field commanders all faced immense challenges in identifying useful metrics for gauging success in an unconventional environment. Throughout the war, they often came to contradictory conclusions. Political, economic, and cultural factors influenced daily the course and conduct of the army’s counterinsurgency operations. In such a complex environment, how did American officers and soldiers know whether or not they were making progress over the course of a decade-long war?Less
This study analyzes how the United States Army, particularly the Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), attempted to measure its progress and effectiveness while conducting counterinsurgency operations during the Vietnam War. In short, in a war without front lines, how did the army know if it was winning or losing? White House advisers, Pentagon officials, MACV staff officers, and army field commanders all faced immense challenges in identifying useful metrics for gauging success in an unconventional environment. Throughout the war, they often came to contradictory conclusions. Political, economic, and cultural factors influenced daily the course and conduct of the army’s counterinsurgency operations. In such a complex environment, how did American officers and soldiers know whether or not they were making progress over the course of a decade-long war?
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The United States and Vietnam remained wary rivals as the new administration of George Bush took office and pledged to move beyond the rancor that had divided Americans over Vietnam. During Bush's ...
More
The United States and Vietnam remained wary rivals as the new administration of George Bush took office and pledged to move beyond the rancor that had divided Americans over Vietnam. During Bush's presidency, the international environment underwent one of the most profound changes in the twentieth century as both the Cold War and the Soviet Union ended. In the 1990s, the estrangement between the United States and Vietnam was increasingly seen as an anomalous relic of a bygone era, and the two countries finally reestablished diplomatic relations. Bush tried to put the angry bitterness of the Vietnam War behind his fellow citizens by developing a new consensus on America's role in the world. The tumultuous revolutions throughout the Communist world preoccupied the United States in 1989 and 1990. The Bush administration eventually worked to improve relations between the United States and Vietnam, but it did not reach an agreement normalizing relations. It seemed poised to open diplomatic relations in a second term, but voters turned against Bush in 1992.Less
The United States and Vietnam remained wary rivals as the new administration of George Bush took office and pledged to move beyond the rancor that had divided Americans over Vietnam. During Bush's presidency, the international environment underwent one of the most profound changes in the twentieth century as both the Cold War and the Soviet Union ended. In the 1990s, the estrangement between the United States and Vietnam was increasingly seen as an anomalous relic of a bygone era, and the two countries finally reestablished diplomatic relations. Bush tried to put the angry bitterness of the Vietnam War behind his fellow citizens by developing a new consensus on America's role in the world. The tumultuous revolutions throughout the Communist world preoccupied the United States in 1989 and 1990. The Bush administration eventually worked to improve relations between the United States and Vietnam, but it did not reach an agreement normalizing relations. It seemed poised to open diplomatic relations in a second term, but voters turned against Bush in 1992.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Vietnam War ended badly for the United States, and lingering public bitterness made life difficult for many veterans. American soldiers, sailors, marines, and airmen returned from Vietnam to a ...
More
The Vietnam War ended badly for the United States, and lingering public bitterness made life difficult for many veterans. American soldiers, sailors, marines, and airmen returned from Vietnam to a civilian public that regarded the war as a mistake and the results a failure. A popular image of the Vietnam War veteran arose of a deeply troubled and psychologically wounded man, condemned to recapitulate mentally and emotionally the anguish of fighting, killing, and dying. The culture of the post-Vietnam decades, glorifying the expression of emotion, deeply suspicious of public institutions, and, for much of the period, pessimistic, accounted for much of the ambivalence of the larger society toward veterans. Some veterans faced hardships, torments, and distress, suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder and a variety of diseases linked to Agent Orange, including cancer. Others found their wartime experiences rewarding, or at least not damaging, and they readjusted easily to civilian life.Less
The Vietnam War ended badly for the United States, and lingering public bitterness made life difficult for many veterans. American soldiers, sailors, marines, and airmen returned from Vietnam to a civilian public that regarded the war as a mistake and the results a failure. A popular image of the Vietnam War veteran arose of a deeply troubled and psychologically wounded man, condemned to recapitulate mentally and emotionally the anguish of fighting, killing, and dying. The culture of the post-Vietnam decades, glorifying the expression of emotion, deeply suspicious of public institutions, and, for much of the period, pessimistic, accounted for much of the ambivalence of the larger society toward veterans. Some veterans faced hardships, torments, and distress, suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder and a variety of diseases linked to Agent Orange, including cancer. Others found their wartime experiences rewarding, or at least not damaging, and they readjusted easily to civilian life.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The vast literature of the Vietnam War reflects the many conflicting and unresolved emotions of the era. Memories of the brutality of combat and the furious disagreements at home over the wisdom of ...
More
The vast literature of the Vietnam War reflects the many conflicting and unresolved emotions of the era. Memories of the brutality of combat and the furious disagreements at home over the wisdom of American involvement ran deep, but so did the urge to forget and move beyond a painful and traumatic epoch. Over one thousand novels with Vietnam themes have appeared, and they continue to be published. These war novels ranged from the complex Graham Greene classic, The Quiet American (1955), to contemplative veterans' tales to simple popular literature. Tim O'Brien's Going After Cacciato (1978) and Larry Heinemann's Paco's Story (1986) both won National Book Awards for their meditations on memory. Realistic accounts of battles, pulp fiction, and outright pornography acquired a larger readership. Many of these more popular stories drew upon waves of regret about the way the war had turned into a national trauma for the United States. They expressed longing for victory or vengeance, sometimes over the Communist Vietnamese and sometimes over treacherous or incompetent American officials.Less
The vast literature of the Vietnam War reflects the many conflicting and unresolved emotions of the era. Memories of the brutality of combat and the furious disagreements at home over the wisdom of American involvement ran deep, but so did the urge to forget and move beyond a painful and traumatic epoch. Over one thousand novels with Vietnam themes have appeared, and they continue to be published. These war novels ranged from the complex Graham Greene classic, The Quiet American (1955), to contemplative veterans' tales to simple popular literature. Tim O'Brien's Going After Cacciato (1978) and Larry Heinemann's Paco's Story (1986) both won National Book Awards for their meditations on memory. Realistic accounts of battles, pulp fiction, and outright pornography acquired a larger readership. Many of these more popular stories drew upon waves of regret about the way the war had turned into a national trauma for the United States. They expressed longing for victory or vengeance, sometimes over the Communist Vietnamese and sometimes over treacherous or incompetent American officials.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Vietnam War left wounds that have taken three decades to heal — indeed some scars remain even today. This book sheds light on how deeply-etched memories of this conflict have altered America's ...
More
The Vietnam War left wounds that have taken three decades to heal — indeed some scars remain even today. This book sheds light on how deeply-etched memories of this conflict have altered America's political, social, and cultural landscape. It examines the impact of the war from many angles. It traces the path of reconciliation with Vietnam, the heated controversy over soldiers who were missing in action, the influx of over a million Vietnam refugees into the United States, and the plight of Vietnam veterans, many of whom returned home alienated, unhappy, and unappreciated. It looks at how the controversies of the war have continued to be fought in books and films and, perhaps most important, it explores the power of the Vietnam metaphor on foreign policy, particularly in Central America, Somalia, the Gulf War, and the war in Iraq.Less
The Vietnam War left wounds that have taken three decades to heal — indeed some scars remain even today. This book sheds light on how deeply-etched memories of this conflict have altered America's political, social, and cultural landscape. It examines the impact of the war from many angles. It traces the path of reconciliation with Vietnam, the heated controversy over soldiers who were missing in action, the influx of over a million Vietnam refugees into the United States, and the plight of Vietnam veterans, many of whom returned home alienated, unhappy, and unappreciated. It looks at how the controversies of the war have continued to be fought in books and films and, perhaps most important, it explores the power of the Vietnam metaphor on foreign policy, particularly in Central America, Somalia, the Gulf War, and the war in Iraq.
LAWRENCE A. TRITLE
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264669
- eISBN:
- 9780191753985
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264669.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Monument or memorial? Defeat or withdrawal? The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC pays tribute to more than 58,000 Americans who died fighting an unpopular war. Yet today the ‘Wall’, as it ...
More
Monument or memorial? Defeat or withdrawal? The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC pays tribute to more than 58,000 Americans who died fighting an unpopular war. Yet today the ‘Wall’, as it is known to most Americans, is the most visited site managed by the US National Park Service. Weekend visitors will happen upon an almost festive place as thousands of people pass by looking at the names – what do they think, imagine? This chapter discusses not only the story and controversy behind the building of the ‘Wall’, but also how it reflects the collective memory of a society and its values, and how these are constructed.Less
Monument or memorial? Defeat or withdrawal? The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC pays tribute to more than 58,000 Americans who died fighting an unpopular war. Yet today the ‘Wall’, as it is known to most Americans, is the most visited site managed by the US National Park Service. Weekend visitors will happen upon an almost festive place as thousands of people pass by looking at the names – what do they think, imagine? This chapter discusses not only the story and controversy behind the building of the ‘Wall’, but also how it reflects the collective memory of a society and its values, and how these are constructed.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
As Vietnam veterans struggled with a variety of physical, psychological, and social wounds, a public movement grew to honor them. The widespread public belief that veterans had been badly mistreated ...
More
As Vietnam veterans struggled with a variety of physical, psychological, and social wounds, a public movement grew to honor them. The widespread public belief that veterans had been badly mistreated by the government and ignored by civilians who had not gone to Vietnam paved the way for the construction of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C. This memorial and others like it across the country became sacred sites of commemoration where veterans and non-veterans alike came together to heal the wounds of war. In the decades after the war ended, veterans found a variety of venues in which to publicly express their memories and current beliefs about their wartime experiences. The idea of a memorial to recognize the men and women who lost their lives in Vietnam came to Jan Scruggs, a Vietnam War veteran who led a campaign to raise money for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund (VVMF). President Jimmy Carter signed the resolution authorizing the memorial. The design proposed by Maya Lin, a twenty-one-year-old Yale University undergraduate majoring in art, was chosen for the memorial.Less
As Vietnam veterans struggled with a variety of physical, psychological, and social wounds, a public movement grew to honor them. The widespread public belief that veterans had been badly mistreated by the government and ignored by civilians who had not gone to Vietnam paved the way for the construction of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C. This memorial and others like it across the country became sacred sites of commemoration where veterans and non-veterans alike came together to heal the wounds of war. In the decades after the war ended, veterans found a variety of venues in which to publicly express their memories and current beliefs about their wartime experiences. The idea of a memorial to recognize the men and women who lost their lives in Vietnam came to Jan Scruggs, a Vietnam War veteran who led a campaign to raise money for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund (VVMF). President Jimmy Carter signed the resolution authorizing the memorial. The design proposed by Maya Lin, a twenty-one-year-old Yale University undergraduate majoring in art, was chosen for the memorial.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter explores right-wing women’s reactions to the Vietnam War and to the student rebellion on college campuses that erupted in response to the war and other issues. Student strikes, anti-war ...
More
This chapter explores right-wing women’s reactions to the Vietnam War and to the student rebellion on college campuses that erupted in response to the war and other issues. Student strikes, anti-war demonstrations, and the wearing of “peace symbols” were all proof to the right that there was a general decay of traditional and moral values. Rightist women believed that the war was just, but that the Lyndon Johnson Administration in particular was not conducting the war properly. The women held rallies to counter those of liberal youth, as well as to express their views about American policies regarding trading with communist nations.Less
This chapter explores right-wing women’s reactions to the Vietnam War and to the student rebellion on college campuses that erupted in response to the war and other issues. Student strikes, anti-war demonstrations, and the wearing of “peace symbols” were all proof to the right that there was a general decay of traditional and moral values. Rightist women believed that the war was just, but that the Lyndon Johnson Administration in particular was not conducting the war properly. The women held rallies to counter those of liberal youth, as well as to express their views about American policies regarding trading with communist nations.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
When the Vietnam War ended, Americans wanted to move beyond the domestic and international divisions caused by the war, but their efforts to put the war safely in the past failed. Efforts by the ...
More
When the Vietnam War ended, Americans wanted to move beyond the domestic and international divisions caused by the war, but their efforts to put the war safely in the past failed. Efforts by the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter to offer clemency or pardons to men who had violated the draft laws achieved only mixed results. Disappointed and angry American officials tried for years to economically and diplomatically isolate the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV). American anger and frustration with the new rulers of Vietnam ran so deep that it took longer than anyone expected for the United States and Vietnam to restore diplomatic relations. Even during the early years of bitter estrangement, some American and Vietnamese government officials made efforts toward reconciliation. Although these initial approaches failed, they laid the groundwork for later normalization.Less
When the Vietnam War ended, Americans wanted to move beyond the domestic and international divisions caused by the war, but their efforts to put the war safely in the past failed. Efforts by the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter to offer clemency or pardons to men who had violated the draft laws achieved only mixed results. Disappointed and angry American officials tried for years to economically and diplomatically isolate the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV). American anger and frustration with the new rulers of Vietnam ran so deep that it took longer than anyone expected for the United States and Vietnam to restore diplomatic relations. Even during the early years of bitter estrangement, some American and Vietnamese government officials made efforts toward reconciliation. Although these initial approaches failed, they laid the groundwork for later normalization.
