Joan Tumblety
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199695577
- eISBN:
- 9780191745072
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695577.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Cultural History
This chapter outlines how responses to the catastrophic military collapse of 1940 cast it as proof of French physical failure, and considers how the Vichy regime, which invested more resources in ...
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This chapter outlines how responses to the catastrophic military collapse of 1940 cast it as proof of French physical failure, and considers how the Vichy regime, which invested more resources in sport and physical education than even the Popular Front, sought masculine renewal as part of its anti-republican reordering of French society. It also traces the fortunes of the protagonists examined across the book, showing how the physician-culturists of the 1920s and 1930s often brought their expertise to roles in Vichy administration, if not policy-making. The chapter argues that the regime's sustained engagement with the desire to rebuild French men in the wake of defeat shows — although not nearly so much as previously in the eugenicist language of the ‘regeneration of the race’ — not only a further instance of the political uses of male athleticism, but the purchase of interwar notions of the merits of ‘rational’ physical exercise.Less
This chapter outlines how responses to the catastrophic military collapse of 1940 cast it as proof of French physical failure, and considers how the Vichy regime, which invested more resources in sport and physical education than even the Popular Front, sought masculine renewal as part of its anti-republican reordering of French society. It also traces the fortunes of the protagonists examined across the book, showing how the physician-culturists of the 1920s and 1930s often brought their expertise to roles in Vichy administration, if not policy-making. The chapter argues that the regime's sustained engagement with the desire to rebuild French men in the wake of defeat shows — although not nearly so much as previously in the eugenicist language of the ‘regeneration of the race’ — not only a further instance of the political uses of male athleticism, but the purchase of interwar notions of the merits of ‘rational’ physical exercise.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the period between 1940 and 1944 known as the ‘Dark Years’. It presents five short ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the period between 1940 and 1944 known as the ‘Dark Years’. It presents five short quotations that illustrate the ambiguities of the period. It then looks at the writings of Charles Péguy whose name was both invoked by resisters opposed to Vichy’s anti-Semitic laws as well as by Vichy himself. The chapter then reviews studies on Vichy from 1945 to the 1990s.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the period between 1940 and 1944 known as the ‘Dark Years’. It presents five short quotations that illustrate the ambiguities of the period. It then looks at the writings of Charles Péguy whose name was both invoked by resisters opposed to Vichy’s anti-Semitic laws as well as by Vichy himself. The chapter then reviews studies on Vichy from 1945 to the 1990s.
Eric Jabbari
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199289639
- eISBN:
- 9780191730863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289639.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Despite his misgivings, Laroque contributed to the elaboration of the policies of the ministry of labour during the early months of the Vichy Regime. During this time, he helped draft the legislation ...
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Despite his misgivings, Laroque contributed to the elaboration of the policies of the ministry of labour during the early months of the Vichy Regime. During this time, he helped draft the legislation which introduced the comités d’organisation, and was implicated in aborted attempts to implement corporatist policies and reform the social insurance system. Dismissed from the civil service because of his Jewish origins, he moved to Lyon, were he bacme involved in the activities of the Resistance. By the spring of 1943, he found himself assigned to the headquarters of the Free French movement in London, and he soon became involved in preparing the administrative personnel which would be entrusted with the direction of public services in the liberated areas of France. It was only in the autumn of 1944 that he returned to civilian life, and it was during this time that he was appointed director general of social insurance by the minister of labour.Less
Despite his misgivings, Laroque contributed to the elaboration of the policies of the ministry of labour during the early months of the Vichy Regime. During this time, he helped draft the legislation which introduced the comités d’organisation, and was implicated in aborted attempts to implement corporatist policies and reform the social insurance system. Dismissed from the civil service because of his Jewish origins, he moved to Lyon, were he bacme involved in the activities of the Resistance. By the spring of 1943, he found himself assigned to the headquarters of the Free French movement in London, and he soon became involved in preparing the administrative personnel which would be entrusted with the direction of public services in the liberated areas of France. It was only in the autumn of 1944 that he returned to civilian life, and it was during this time that he was appointed director general of social insurance by the minister of labour.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the National Revolution, which defined itself first and foremost in opposition to liberal individualism that uprooted ...
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This chapter discusses the National Revolution, which defined itself first and foremost in opposition to liberal individualism that uprooted people from the ‘natural’ communities of family, workplace, and region. It discusses the doctrine and inspiration behind the National Revolution, and how it conflicted with education, and social and economic policy.Less
This chapter discusses the National Revolution, which defined itself first and foremost in opposition to liberal individualism that uprooted people from the ‘natural’ communities of family, workplace, and region. It discusses the doctrine and inspiration behind the National Revolution, and how it conflicted with education, and social and economic policy.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines propaganda, policing, and administration, and the ways in which the Vichy regime tried to mobilize support. Vichy set ...
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This chapter examines propaganda, policing, and administration, and the ways in which the Vichy regime tried to mobilize support. Vichy set about implementing its National Revolution against a background of penury and fragmentation, characterized by France’s geographical fragmentation into zones and exacerbated by constant changes in the rules.Less
This chapter examines propaganda, policing, and administration, and the ways in which the Vichy regime tried to mobilize support. Vichy set about implementing its National Revolution against a background of penury and fragmentation, characterized by France’s geographical fragmentation into zones and exacerbated by constant changes in the rules.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
At the start of the Occupation, both French and German agencies accepted the fundamental legitimacy of the so‐called Jewish Question (Judenfrage) and adopted anti‐Semitic policies of defamation, ...
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At the start of the Occupation, both French and German agencies accepted the fundamental legitimacy of the so‐called Jewish Question (Judenfrage) and adopted anti‐Semitic policies of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Perceiving Jews as a security threat, the military administration evicted Jews from a security zone along the Channel coast and played a major role in the ‘Aryanization’ of the French economy, but the MBF condemned ‘Aryanization’ on legal grounds and did not believe that Jews stood behind all resistance activity. The Vichy regime defamed and discriminated against Jews on its own accord, created the General Commissariat for Jewish Affairs to despoil Jews, and ordered French police to incarcerate specific categories of Jews, but Pierre Laval objected to the arrest of assimilated French Jews because the roundups undermined support for his government. The SS and German embassy in Paris both championed the entire defamation, discrimination, despoliation, and deportation process, but they lacked the manpower and a legal mandate to act on their own before the summer of 1942. As the fortunes of war turned against the Reich, Hitler championed increasingly ruthless anti‐Semitic measures that culminated in the Final Solution.Less
At the start of the Occupation, both French and German agencies accepted the fundamental legitimacy of the so‐called Jewish Question (Judenfrage) and adopted anti‐Semitic policies of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Perceiving Jews as a security threat, the military administration evicted Jews from a security zone along the Channel coast and played a major role in the ‘Aryanization’ of the French economy, but the MBF condemned ‘Aryanization’ on legal grounds and did not believe that Jews stood behind all resistance activity. The Vichy regime defamed and discriminated against Jews on its own accord, created the General Commissariat for Jewish Affairs to despoil Jews, and ordered French police to incarcerate specific categories of Jews, but Pierre Laval objected to the arrest of assimilated French Jews because the roundups undermined support for his government. The SS and German embassy in Paris both championed the entire defamation, discrimination, despoliation, and deportation process, but they lacked the manpower and a legal mandate to act on their own before the summer of 1942. As the fortunes of war turned against the Reich, Hitler championed increasingly ruthless anti‐Semitic measures that culminated in the Final Solution.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the Vichy regime’s policy towards women and the young. The ‘reconstruction of mankind’ began with women and the young. In ...
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This chapter examines the Vichy regime’s policy towards women and the young. The ‘reconstruction of mankind’ began with women and the young. In the language of Vichy, the ‘young’ meant boys and young men; ‘women’ meant mothers. Boys were to be brought up to become the virile elite of the new France; women to become their mothers, wives, and helpmates.Less
This chapter examines the Vichy regime’s policy towards women and the young. The ‘reconstruction of mankind’ began with women and the young. In the language of Vichy, the ‘young’ meant boys and young men; ‘women’ meant mothers. Boys were to be brought up to become the virile elite of the new France; women to become their mothers, wives, and helpmates.
Barbara Will
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231152631
- eISBN:
- 9780231526418
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231152631.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter focuses on the unique wartime experience of Stein, an experience that was spent apart from Bernard Faÿ and that would ultimately distance her from Faÿ. With the French–German armistice ...
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This chapter focuses on the unique wartime experience of Stein, an experience that was spent apart from Bernard Faÿ and that would ultimately distance her from Faÿ. With the French–German armistice in June 1940, the Stein–Faÿ collaboration of the 1930s—an intellectual, artistic, and emotional collaboration characterized by genuine affection and mutual political conviction, as well as desire, ambition, and egoism—was transformed into a collaboration of each with the Vichy regime. During this period, Stein and Faÿ had little contact with each other; after World War II they would never see each other again. Yet this experience was in fact marked by the invisible hand of Bernard Faÿ.Less
This chapter focuses on the unique wartime experience of Stein, an experience that was spent apart from Bernard Faÿ and that would ultimately distance her from Faÿ. With the French–German armistice in June 1940, the Stein–Faÿ collaboration of the 1930s—an intellectual, artistic, and emotional collaboration characterized by genuine affection and mutual political conviction, as well as desire, ambition, and egoism—was transformed into a collaboration of each with the Vichy regime. During this period, Stein and Faÿ had little contact with each other; after World War II they would never see each other again. Yet this experience was in fact marked by the invisible hand of Bernard Faÿ.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter looks at the experience of the Jews, examining how their fate was bound up in the interaction between the policies of the Germans, ...
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This chapter looks at the experience of the Jews, examining how their fate was bound up in the interaction between the policies of the Germans, the policies of the Vichy regime, and the responses of French civil society. During the first two years of Occupation, the prevailing sentiment towards the Jews ranged from indifference to hostility. The first Jewish Statute aroused little interest. People had more pressing concerns on their minds. The events of the summer of 1942 transformed French responses to the plight of the Jews. In Paris in July, and then in the South in August, people were shocked by the horrifying scenes of screaming children being arrested with their parents or being forcibly separated from them. By the end of the year, however, the outrage had died down. The open protests may not have lasted, but they gave way to active solidarity and the development of an infrastructure to aid the Jews.Less
This chapter looks at the experience of the Jews, examining how their fate was bound up in the interaction between the policies of the Germans, the policies of the Vichy regime, and the responses of French civil society. During the first two years of Occupation, the prevailing sentiment towards the Jews ranged from indifference to hostility. The first Jewish Statute aroused little interest. People had more pressing concerns on their minds. The events of the summer of 1942 transformed French responses to the plight of the Jews. In Paris in July, and then in the South in August, people were shocked by the horrifying scenes of screaming children being arrested with their parents or being forcibly separated from them. By the end of the year, however, the outrage had died down. The open protests may not have lasted, but they gave way to active solidarity and the development of an infrastructure to aid the Jews.
Julie Fette
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450211
- eISBN:
- 9780801463990
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450211.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the Vichy regime's National Revolution, which blamed communists, foreigners, Freemasons, and Jews for the collapse of the Third Republic following the German invasion in 1940. ...
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This chapter focuses on the Vichy regime's National Revolution, which blamed communists, foreigners, Freemasons, and Jews for the collapse of the Third Republic following the German invasion in 1940. It discusses the new Vichy regime's initiatives that imposed its view of French nationality as a status that could be granted and taken away. It also considers how the interwar mobilization of lawyers and physicians against foreigners and naturalized citizens was sustained under the new regime, highlights the place of anti-Semitism in the regime's exclusionary policies, and analyzes the role played by the law bars in the implementation of the decree eliminating Jews from the legal profession. Finally, it describes the lawyers' use of their intellectual expertise and social inflence to legitimize anti-Semitic measures affecting all of French society during the Vichy regime.Less
This chapter focuses on the Vichy regime's National Revolution, which blamed communists, foreigners, Freemasons, and Jews for the collapse of the Third Republic following the German invasion in 1940. It discusses the new Vichy regime's initiatives that imposed its view of French nationality as a status that could be granted and taken away. It also considers how the interwar mobilization of lawyers and physicians against foreigners and naturalized citizens was sustained under the new regime, highlights the place of anti-Semitism in the regime's exclusionary policies, and analyzes the role played by the law bars in the implementation of the decree eliminating Jews from the legal profession. Finally, it describes the lawyers' use of their intellectual expertise and social inflence to legitimize anti-Semitic measures affecting all of French society during the Vichy regime.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the realities of collaboration between France and Germany from 1940–1944. It identifies three different motives behind ...
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This chapter discusses the realities of collaboration between France and Germany from 1940–1944. It identifies three different motives behind voluntary collaboration. First, there was what might be called the politico-administrative motive which aimed to protect French sovereignty. The second motive behind collaboration might be described as politico-diplomatic: to prepare a favourable outcome for France in the peace treaty which was believed to be imminent. The third motive was the need to alleviate the impact of the Armistice on daily life in France.Less
This chapter discusses the realities of collaboration between France and Germany from 1940–1944. It identifies three different motives behind voluntary collaboration. First, there was what might be called the politico-administrative motive which aimed to protect French sovereignty. The second motive behind collaboration might be described as politico-diplomatic: to prepare a favourable outcome for France in the peace treaty which was believed to be imminent. The third motive was the need to alleviate the impact of the Armistice on daily life in France.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter looks at the responses of the population towards both Vichy and the German occupier. It focuses on the period up to the end of 1942 ...
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This chapter looks at the responses of the population towards both Vichy and the German occupier. It focuses on the period up to the end of 1942 but not beyond. This is because once the organized Resistance became a more important presence in 1943, people found themselves reacting not simply to the Germans and to Vichy but also to the Resistance.Less
This chapter looks at the responses of the population towards both Vichy and the German occupier. It focuses on the period up to the end of 1942 but not beyond. This is because once the organized Resistance became a more important presence in 1943, people found themselves reacting not simply to the Germans and to Vichy but also to the Resistance.
Avner Ben-Amos
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203285
- eISBN:
- 9780191675836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203285.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The demise of the Third Republic could have also signaled the end of the tradition of republican state funerals. The Vichy regime tried to establish its own festive and commemorative tradition, while ...
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The demise of the Third Republic could have also signaled the end of the tradition of republican state funerals. The Vichy regime tried to establish its own festive and commemorative tradition, while the values of French society during the Fourth and the Fifth Republics have manifestly undergone many changes. Third Republic state funerals were informed by an educational vision whose main components were secularism, patriotism, and republicanism; none of them have continued after 1944 to occupy the same central place as before the war. Since the republican regimes were no longer threatened by the Church, the militant anticlericalism that characterized some of the major state funerals of the Third Republic almost disappeared. This chapter examines state funerals during the Vichy Regime, the Fourth Republic, and the Fifth Republic, first under Charles de Gaulle and then Francois Mitterrand.Less
The demise of the Third Republic could have also signaled the end of the tradition of republican state funerals. The Vichy regime tried to establish its own festive and commemorative tradition, while the values of French society during the Fourth and the Fifth Republics have manifestly undergone many changes. Third Republic state funerals were informed by an educational vision whose main components were secularism, patriotism, and republicanism; none of them have continued after 1944 to occupy the same central place as before the war. Since the republican regimes were no longer threatened by the Church, the militant anticlericalism that characterized some of the major state funerals of the Third Republic almost disappeared. This chapter examines state funerals during the Vichy Regime, the Fourth Republic, and the Fifth Republic, first under Charles de Gaulle and then Francois Mitterrand.
Emanuel Rota
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823245642
- eISBN:
- 9780823252824
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245642.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Political History
On the night of September 3, 1944, Angelo Tasca was arrested by French soldiers and sent to the military prison in Clermont-Ferrand. While in jail, Tasca changed his public persona to distance ...
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On the night of September 3, 1944, Angelo Tasca was arrested by French soldiers and sent to the military prison in Clermont-Ferrand. While in jail, Tasca changed his public persona to distance himself from the Vichy regime under Marshal Philippe Pétain. His alternative assessment of the situation in France after it was invaded by Germany was extremely complicated. He believed that French nationalism should unite right and left in order to end the social and political conflicts in France. He expected Italy to be of servitude to Germany if the latter won the war. Once he realized that the war was over for the French, Tasca hoped that a revolt would defeat Germany and fascism. His full support for the creation of the Vichy regime enabled him to play an active role in Vichy politics beginning in the summer of 1940. From the second half of 1942 until his arrest in 1944, Tasca served as director of the Vichy’s research bureau under the secretary general for propaganda.Less
On the night of September 3, 1944, Angelo Tasca was arrested by French soldiers and sent to the military prison in Clermont-Ferrand. While in jail, Tasca changed his public persona to distance himself from the Vichy regime under Marshal Philippe Pétain. His alternative assessment of the situation in France after it was invaded by Germany was extremely complicated. He believed that French nationalism should unite right and left in order to end the social and political conflicts in France. He expected Italy to be of servitude to Germany if the latter won the war. Once he realized that the war was over for the French, Tasca hoped that a revolt would defeat Germany and fascism. His full support for the creation of the Vichy regime enabled him to play an active role in Vichy politics beginning in the summer of 1940. From the second half of 1942 until his arrest in 1944, Tasca served as director of the Vichy’s research bureau under the secretary general for propaganda.
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804770187
- eISBN:
- 9780804777827
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804770187.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter provides an overview of the arts administration under the Occupation. The Germans deliberately gave French authorities significant latitude in cultural affairs during the Occupation. ...
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This chapter provides an overview of the arts administration under the Occupation. The Germans deliberately gave French authorities significant latitude in cultural affairs during the Occupation. Hitler believed that cultural activities would distract the French people from the difficulties of everyday life and help placate urban populations. Similarly, Propaganda Minister Paul Joseph Goebbels believed it was in the German interest for the arts and cultural life to flourish, particularly in the French capital. Vichy leaders pursued ambitious domestic reforms under the illusion that the government had maintained full sovereignty. A traditionalist reform program, dubbed the National Revolution, was designed to renovate the French nation in the wake of defeat, under the strong leadership of an authoritarian regime. In the end, however, the combined impact of German restrictions, logistical difficulties, and a lack of time and resources hindered the implementation of some reform measures, while others had profound, lasting, and at times devastating consequences.Less
This chapter provides an overview of the arts administration under the Occupation. The Germans deliberately gave French authorities significant latitude in cultural affairs during the Occupation. Hitler believed that cultural activities would distract the French people from the difficulties of everyday life and help placate urban populations. Similarly, Propaganda Minister Paul Joseph Goebbels believed it was in the German interest for the arts and cultural life to flourish, particularly in the French capital. Vichy leaders pursued ambitious domestic reforms under the illusion that the government had maintained full sovereignty. A traditionalist reform program, dubbed the National Revolution, was designed to renovate the French nation in the wake of defeat, under the strong leadership of an authoritarian regime. In the end, however, the combined impact of German restrictions, logistical difficulties, and a lack of time and resources hindered the implementation of some reform measures, while others had profound, lasting, and at times devastating consequences.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0026
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the long battle to claim the inheritance of the Resistance, a battle which was itself only the beginning of a longer war ...
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This chapter focuses on the long battle to claim the inheritance of the Resistance, a battle which was itself only the beginning of a longer war of memory over the Occupation. It argues that the recent seemingly endless stream of pseudo-revelations about Moulin and the Resistance may be symptomatic of nothing more profound than a predilection for conspiracy theories and a media-generated obsession with historical scoops. Historians alone will never be able to resolve these quarrels of memory which are, at their most fundamental level, debates about national identity. Clearly any attempt to build an identity around the idea that Vichy was not France will be doomed to failure.Less
This chapter focuses on the long battle to claim the inheritance of the Resistance, a battle which was itself only the beginning of a longer war of memory over the Occupation. It argues that the recent seemingly endless stream of pseudo-revelations about Moulin and the Resistance may be symptomatic of nothing more profound than a predilection for conspiracy theories and a media-generated obsession with historical scoops. Historians alone will never be able to resolve these quarrels of memory which are, at their most fundamental level, debates about national identity. Clearly any attempt to build an identity around the idea that Vichy was not France will be doomed to failure.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter restores the notion of discontinuity by examining the impact of the defeat of May 1940. Without defeat there would have been no Vichy ...
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This chapter restores the notion of discontinuity by examining the impact of the defeat of May 1940. Without defeat there would have been no Vichy regime, but without the trends examined in the previous chapters, the Vichy regime would not have taken the form that it did.Less
This chapter restores the notion of discontinuity by examining the impact of the defeat of May 1940. Without defeat there would have been no Vichy regime, but without the trends examined in the previous chapters, the Vichy regime would not have taken the form that it did.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Following the defeat of France by Germany in 1940, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) ceased all operations and its members went their separate ways. Many of the League's ...
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Following the defeat of France by Germany in 1940, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) ceased all operations and its members went their separate ways. Many of the League's leaders, including Albert Bayet, Paul Rivet, and Marc Rucart, contributed in one way or another to the Resistance or the Free French. Others, such as Elie Reynier, Salomon Grumbach, and Paul Langevin, were either jailed or interned under the Vichy regime. However, the decision of some of the former League leaders to collaborate with the new regime came as a surprise. After all, the policies of the Vichy regime, including its anti-Semitism and discriminatory measures against Jews, were in stark contrast to the values and principles that the League was presumed to stand for.Less
Following the defeat of France by Germany in 1940, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) ceased all operations and its members went their separate ways. Many of the League's leaders, including Albert Bayet, Paul Rivet, and Marc Rucart, contributed in one way or another to the Resistance or the Free French. Others, such as Elie Reynier, Salomon Grumbach, and Paul Langevin, were either jailed or interned under the Vichy regime. However, the decision of some of the former League leaders to collaborate with the new regime came as a surprise. After all, the policies of the Vichy regime, including its anti-Semitism and discriminatory measures against Jews, were in stark contrast to the values and principles that the League was presumed to stand for.
Barbara Will
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231152631
- eISBN:
- 9780231526418
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231152631.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
In 1941, the Jewish American writer and avant-garde icon Gertrude Stein embarked on one of the strangest intellectual projects of her life: translating for an American audience the speeches of ...
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In 1941, the Jewish American writer and avant-garde icon Gertrude Stein embarked on one of the strangest intellectual projects of her life: translating for an American audience the speeches of Marshal Philippe Pétain, head of state for the collaborationist Vichy government. From 1941 to 1943, Stein translated thirty-two of Pétain's speeches, in which he outlined the Vichy policy barring Jews and other “foreign elements” from the public sphere while calling for France to reconcile with Nazi occupiers. This book pursues troubling questions: Why and under what circumstances would Stein undertake this project? The answers lie in Stein's link to the man at the core of this controversy: Bernard Faÿ, Stein's apparent Vichy protector. Faÿ was director of the Bibliothèque Nationale during the Vichy regime and overseer of the repression of French freemasons. He convinced Pétain to keep Stein undisturbed during the war and, in turn, encouraged her to translate Pétain for American audiences. Yet Faÿ's protection was not coercive. Stein described the thinker as her chief intellectual companion during her final years. The text outlines the formative powers of this relationship, noting possible affinities between Stein and Faÿ's political and aesthetic ideals, especially their reflection in Stein's writing from the late 1920s to the 1940s.Less
In 1941, the Jewish American writer and avant-garde icon Gertrude Stein embarked on one of the strangest intellectual projects of her life: translating for an American audience the speeches of Marshal Philippe Pétain, head of state for the collaborationist Vichy government. From 1941 to 1943, Stein translated thirty-two of Pétain's speeches, in which he outlined the Vichy policy barring Jews and other “foreign elements” from the public sphere while calling for France to reconcile with Nazi occupiers. This book pursues troubling questions: Why and under what circumstances would Stein undertake this project? The answers lie in Stein's link to the man at the core of this controversy: Bernard Faÿ, Stein's apparent Vichy protector. Faÿ was director of the Bibliothèque Nationale during the Vichy regime and overseer of the repression of French freemasons. He convinced Pétain to keep Stein undisturbed during the war and, in turn, encouraged her to translate Pétain for American audiences. Yet Faÿ's protection was not coercive. Stein described the thinker as her chief intellectual companion during her final years. The text outlines the formative powers of this relationship, noting possible affinities between Stein and Faÿ's political and aesthetic ideals, especially their reflection in Stein's writing from the late 1920s to the 1940s.
Nicholas Atkin
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780853239741
- eISBN:
- 9781846312779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239741.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the support of Catholics to the Vichy regime in France during the period 1940–1944. It first considers Vichy's appeal for French Catholics and the Catholic Church, particularly ...
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This chapter examines the support of Catholics to the Vichy regime in France during the period 1940–1944. It first considers Vichy's appeal for French Catholics and the Catholic Church, particularly its programme with its slogan travail, famille, patrie that placed emphasis on an ordered society based on traditional and stable family, property, and gender roles. This programme was embraced by a majority of bishops, who acknowledged Vichy as the legitimate power and viewed Marshal Pétain as France's providential man. These bishops, along with most ordinary Catholics, believed that Vichy would enable a spiritual revival and a reconversion of France to Catholicism. The chapter looks at the decline of Catholic influence at Vichy, paying particular attention to the Church's failure to obtain the ultimate concession to which it aspired since no definitive religious settlement was offered by Vichy.Less
This chapter examines the support of Catholics to the Vichy regime in France during the period 1940–1944. It first considers Vichy's appeal for French Catholics and the Catholic Church, particularly its programme with its slogan travail, famille, patrie that placed emphasis on an ordered society based on traditional and stable family, property, and gender roles. This programme was embraced by a majority of bishops, who acknowledged Vichy as the legitimate power and viewed Marshal Pétain as France's providential man. These bishops, along with most ordinary Catholics, believed that Vichy would enable a spiritual revival and a reconversion of France to Catholicism. The chapter looks at the decline of Catholic influence at Vichy, paying particular attention to the Church's failure to obtain the ultimate concession to which it aspired since no definitive religious settlement was offered by Vichy.
