Chris Millington
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719085505
- eISBN:
- 9781781702680
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719085505.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The most up-to-date and comprehensive English-language study of its kind, From victory to Vichy explores the political mobilisation of the two largest French veterans’ associations during the ...
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The most up-to-date and comprehensive English-language study of its kind, From victory to Vichy explores the political mobilisation of the two largest French veterans’ associations during the interwar years, the Union fédérale (UF) and the Union nationale des combattants (UNC). Drawing on extensive research into the associations’ organisation, policies and tactics, this study argues that French veterans were more of a threat to democracy than previous scholarship has allowed. As France descended into crisis, the UF and the UNC sought to extend their influence into the non-veteran milieu through public demonstrations, propaganda campaigns and the foundation of auxiliary groups. Despite shifting policies and independent initiatives, by the end of the 1930s the UF and the UNC had come together in a campaign for authoritarian political reform, leaving them perfectly placed to become the ‘eyes and ears’ of Marshal Pétain’s Vichy regime.Less
The most up-to-date and comprehensive English-language study of its kind, From victory to Vichy explores the political mobilisation of the two largest French veterans’ associations during the interwar years, the Union fédérale (UF) and the Union nationale des combattants (UNC). Drawing on extensive research into the associations’ organisation, policies and tactics, this study argues that French veterans were more of a threat to democracy than previous scholarship has allowed. As France descended into crisis, the UF and the UNC sought to extend their influence into the non-veteran milieu through public demonstrations, propaganda campaigns and the foundation of auxiliary groups. Despite shifting policies and independent initiatives, by the end of the 1930s the UF and the UNC had come together in a campaign for authoritarian political reform, leaving them perfectly placed to become the ‘eyes and ears’ of Marshal Pétain’s Vichy regime.
PAUL SMITH
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206231
- eISBN:
- 9780191677045
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206231.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In contrast to the suffragist-feminist activities in 1914, the war, which came in September 1939, did not immediately result in the suspension of such events. The government recieved negative ...
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In contrast to the suffragist-feminist activities in 1914, the war, which came in September 1939, did not immediately result in the suspension of such events. The government recieved negative criticisms from certain prominent figures since women were not included in the preparations made for armed conflict, and these critics asserted that the suffragist effort should be further supported. When the war broke out, feminist activities had to be stopped, but these efforts were not restored after the war when the Armistice came and Petain gained power. Feminism was suppressed. This chapter points to several ideas regarding women's roles in the Vichy period since these entailed either resistance and collaboration or Vichy ideology.Less
In contrast to the suffragist-feminist activities in 1914, the war, which came in September 1939, did not immediately result in the suspension of such events. The government recieved negative criticisms from certain prominent figures since women were not included in the preparations made for armed conflict, and these critics asserted that the suffragist effort should be further supported. When the war broke out, feminist activities had to be stopped, but these efforts were not restored after the war when the Armistice came and Petain gained power. Feminism was suppressed. This chapter points to several ideas regarding women's roles in the Vichy period since these entailed either resistance and collaboration or Vichy ideology.
Annick Ohayon
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199744664
- eISBN:
- 9780199932863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744664.003.0014
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
Annick Ohayon’s chapter examines in detail the lives of the psychoanalysts who formed the Société Psychanalytique de Paris, and the effect of the political events on them during the German occupation ...
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Annick Ohayon’s chapter examines in detail the lives of the psychoanalysts who formed the Société Psychanalytique de Paris, and the effect of the political events on them during the German occupation of France. Ohayon charts the political division within the group, showing the relationship between the psychoanalysts and the Vichy Regime depended upon the various attitudes of each analyst. Although some members of the group collaborated with the regime (such as René Laforgue and Georges Mauco), others were members of the Resistance (Sacha Nacht and Paul Schiff, who were both Jewish) or in exile (like Princess Marie Bonaparte). Despite this and the banning of Freud’s work, the majority continued in private practice without involvement in politics. Many also worked in public institutions under the Vichy regime, but Ohayon argues that this does not mean they should be understood as collaborators. In this politically polarized environment, the attitude of each analyst was strongly tied to his or her commitments as a citizen, rather than status as an analyst.Less
Annick Ohayon’s chapter examines in detail the lives of the psychoanalysts who formed the Société Psychanalytique de Paris, and the effect of the political events on them during the German occupation of France. Ohayon charts the political division within the group, showing the relationship between the psychoanalysts and the Vichy Regime depended upon the various attitudes of each analyst. Although some members of the group collaborated with the regime (such as René Laforgue and Georges Mauco), others were members of the Resistance (Sacha Nacht and Paul Schiff, who were both Jewish) or in exile (like Princess Marie Bonaparte). Despite this and the banning of Freud’s work, the majority continued in private practice without involvement in politics. Many also worked in public institutions under the Vichy regime, but Ohayon argues that this does not mean they should be understood as collaborators. In this politically polarized environment, the attitude of each analyst was strongly tied to his or her commitments as a citizen, rather than status as an analyst.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
Introductory remarks trace the historiography of the German army and occupied France from war crimes trials held immediately after the war to the present. As they adjudicated cases of treason and war ...
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Introductory remarks trace the historiography of the German army and occupied France from war crimes trials held immediately after the war to the present. As they adjudicated cases of treason and war crimes, jurists at the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg defined a standard of appropriate conduct, convicted criminals, and exonerated those who resisted the Nazi regime. Building upon recent French scholarship, this manuscript rejects the binary model of collaboration and resistance in favor of Philippe Burrin's notion of accommodation. Both French society and the German army in France embraced elements of Nazi ideology and, at the same time, resisted select directives from Berlin. They balanced personal ideals against the necessities of life and accommodated demands from superiors in Berlin without necessarily endorsing all the goals of the Nazi regime.Less
Introductory remarks trace the historiography of the German army and occupied France from war crimes trials held immediately after the war to the present. As they adjudicated cases of treason and war crimes, jurists at the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg defined a standard of appropriate conduct, convicted criminals, and exonerated those who resisted the Nazi regime. Building upon recent French scholarship, this manuscript rejects the binary model of collaboration and resistance in favor of Philippe Burrin's notion of accommodation. Both French society and the German army in France embraced elements of Nazi ideology and, at the same time, resisted select directives from Berlin. They balanced personal ideals against the necessities of life and accommodated demands from superiors in Berlin without necessarily endorsing all the goals of the Nazi regime.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
At the start of the Occupation, both French and German agencies accepted the fundamental legitimacy of the so‐called Jewish Question (Judenfrage) and adopted anti‐Semitic policies of defamation, ...
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At the start of the Occupation, both French and German agencies accepted the fundamental legitimacy of the so‐called Jewish Question (Judenfrage) and adopted anti‐Semitic policies of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Perceiving Jews as a security threat, the military administration evicted Jews from a security zone along the Channel coast and played a major role in the ‘Aryanization’ of the French economy, but the MBF condemned ‘Aryanization’ on legal grounds and did not believe that Jews stood behind all resistance activity. The Vichy regime defamed and discriminated against Jews on its own accord, created the General Commissariat for Jewish Affairs to despoil Jews, and ordered French police to incarcerate specific categories of Jews, but Pierre Laval objected to the arrest of assimilated French Jews because the roundups undermined support for his government. The SS and German embassy in Paris both championed the entire defamation, discrimination, despoliation, and deportation process, but they lacked the manpower and a legal mandate to act on their own before the summer of 1942. As the fortunes of war turned against the Reich, Hitler championed increasingly ruthless anti‐Semitic measures that culminated in the Final Solution.Less
At the start of the Occupation, both French and German agencies accepted the fundamental legitimacy of the so‐called Jewish Question (Judenfrage) and adopted anti‐Semitic policies of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Perceiving Jews as a security threat, the military administration evicted Jews from a security zone along the Channel coast and played a major role in the ‘Aryanization’ of the French economy, but the MBF condemned ‘Aryanization’ on legal grounds and did not believe that Jews stood behind all resistance activity. The Vichy regime defamed and discriminated against Jews on its own accord, created the General Commissariat for Jewish Affairs to despoil Jews, and ordered French police to incarcerate specific categories of Jews, but Pierre Laval objected to the arrest of assimilated French Jews because the roundups undermined support for his government. The SS and German embassy in Paris both championed the entire defamation, discrimination, despoliation, and deportation process, but they lacked the manpower and a legal mandate to act on their own before the summer of 1942. As the fortunes of war turned against the Reich, Hitler championed increasingly ruthless anti‐Semitic measures that culminated in the Final Solution.
Rebecca Clifford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199679812
- eISBN:
- 9780191759987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679812.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Cultural History
This concluding chapter reviews the key findings of the book. The book has endeavoured to show that Holocaust commemorations provide a compelling example of the uses and abuses of the memory of the ...
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This concluding chapter reviews the key findings of the book. The book has endeavoured to show that Holocaust commemorations provide a compelling example of the uses and abuses of the memory of the wartime past in the post-Cold War era. An examination of the evolution of these commemorations reveals much about the rapidly-transforming environment of Europe in the era since 1989; in particular, these commemorations show that there are very real links between the collapse of the Cold War political system, and the perception that the state's role in wartime crimes against Jews needed to be acknowledged officially for a range of reasons, whether to combat racism and anti-Semitism in the present, to respond to revisionist approaches to the history of Fascism or of Vichy, or to begin to articulate a new set of values for a changing political climate.Less
This concluding chapter reviews the key findings of the book. The book has endeavoured to show that Holocaust commemorations provide a compelling example of the uses and abuses of the memory of the wartime past in the post-Cold War era. An examination of the evolution of these commemorations reveals much about the rapidly-transforming environment of Europe in the era since 1989; in particular, these commemorations show that there are very real links between the collapse of the Cold War political system, and the perception that the state's role in wartime crimes against Jews needed to be acknowledged officially for a range of reasons, whether to combat racism and anti-Semitism in the present, to respond to revisionist approaches to the history of Fascism or of Vichy, or to begin to articulate a new set of values for a changing political climate.
Eric Jabbari
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199289639
- eISBN:
- 9780191730863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289639.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Despite his misgivings, Laroque contributed to the elaboration of the policies of the ministry of labour during the early months of the Vichy Regime. During this time, he helped draft the legislation ...
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Despite his misgivings, Laroque contributed to the elaboration of the policies of the ministry of labour during the early months of the Vichy Regime. During this time, he helped draft the legislation which introduced the comités d’organisation, and was implicated in aborted attempts to implement corporatist policies and reform the social insurance system. Dismissed from the civil service because of his Jewish origins, he moved to Lyon, were he bacme involved in the activities of the Resistance. By the spring of 1943, he found himself assigned to the headquarters of the Free French movement in London, and he soon became involved in preparing the administrative personnel which would be entrusted with the direction of public services in the liberated areas of France. It was only in the autumn of 1944 that he returned to civilian life, and it was during this time that he was appointed director general of social insurance by the minister of labour.Less
Despite his misgivings, Laroque contributed to the elaboration of the policies of the ministry of labour during the early months of the Vichy Regime. During this time, he helped draft the legislation which introduced the comités d’organisation, and was implicated in aborted attempts to implement corporatist policies and reform the social insurance system. Dismissed from the civil service because of his Jewish origins, he moved to Lyon, were he bacme involved in the activities of the Resistance. By the spring of 1943, he found himself assigned to the headquarters of the Free French movement in London, and he soon became involved in preparing the administrative personnel which would be entrusted with the direction of public services in the liberated areas of France. It was only in the autumn of 1944 that he returned to civilian life, and it was during this time that he was appointed director general of social insurance by the minister of labour.
Emanuel Rota
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823245642
- eISBN:
- 9780823252824
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245642.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Angelo Tasca, a pivotal figure in the political history of twentieth-century Italy, and indeed the history of Europe, is frequently overshadowed by his Fascist opponent Benito Mussolini or his ...
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Angelo Tasca, a pivotal figure in the political history of twentieth-century Italy, and indeed the history of Europe, is frequently overshadowed by his Fascist opponent Benito Mussolini or his Socialist and Communist colleagues (Antonio Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti). Yet, as this biography reveals, Tasca—also known as Serra, A. Rossi, André Leroux, and XX—was in fact a key political player in the first half of the twentieth century and an ill-fated representative of the age of political extremes he helped to create. In this book, readers meet the Italian intellect and politician with fresh eyes as the text demystifies Tasca’s seemingly bizarre trajectory from revolutionary Socialist to Communist to supporter of the Vichy regime. The book demonstrates how Tasca, an indefatigable cultural operator and Socialist militant, tried all his life to maintain his commitment to scientific analysis in the face of the rise of fascism and Stalinism, but his struggle ended in a personal and political defeat that seemed to contradict all his life when he lent his support to the Vichy government. After his expulsion from the Italian Communist Party as a result of his refusal to conform to Stalinism, Tasca reinvented his life in Paris, where he participated in the intense political debates of the 1930s. His political choices were motivated by the desperate attempt to find an alternative between Nazism and Stalinism.Less
Angelo Tasca, a pivotal figure in the political history of twentieth-century Italy, and indeed the history of Europe, is frequently overshadowed by his Fascist opponent Benito Mussolini or his Socialist and Communist colleagues (Antonio Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti). Yet, as this biography reveals, Tasca—also known as Serra, A. Rossi, André Leroux, and XX—was in fact a key political player in the first half of the twentieth century and an ill-fated representative of the age of political extremes he helped to create. In this book, readers meet the Italian intellect and politician with fresh eyes as the text demystifies Tasca’s seemingly bizarre trajectory from revolutionary Socialist to Communist to supporter of the Vichy regime. The book demonstrates how Tasca, an indefatigable cultural operator and Socialist militant, tried all his life to maintain his commitment to scientific analysis in the face of the rise of fascism and Stalinism, but his struggle ended in a personal and political defeat that seemed to contradict all his life when he lent his support to the Vichy government. After his expulsion from the Italian Communist Party as a result of his refusal to conform to Stalinism, Tasca reinvented his life in Paris, where he participated in the intense political debates of the 1930s. His political choices were motivated by the desperate attempt to find an alternative between Nazism and Stalinism.
Peter Y. Medding
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195128208
- eISBN:
- 9780199854592
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195128208.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter reviews the following books: Memory, the Holocaust, and French Justice: The Bousquet and Touvier Affairs. Hanover and London by Richard J. Golsan (ed.); Auschwitz and After: Race, ...
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This chapter reviews the following books: Memory, the Holocaust, and French Justice: The Bousquet and Touvier Affairs. Hanover and London by Richard J. Golsan (ed.); Auschwitz and After: Race, Culture, and “The Jewish Question” in France by Lawrence D. Kritzman (ed.); Rescue as Resistance: How Jewish Organizations Fought the Holocaust in France by Lucien Lazare, Le “Fichier juif”: Rapport de la commission présidée par René Rémand au Premier minister by René Rémond; A French Tragedy: Scenes of Civil War, Summer 1944 by Tzvetan Todorov; and Vichy Law and the Holocaust in France by Richard H. Weisberg.Less
This chapter reviews the following books: Memory, the Holocaust, and French Justice: The Bousquet and Touvier Affairs. Hanover and London by Richard J. Golsan (ed.); Auschwitz and After: Race, Culture, and “The Jewish Question” in France by Lawrence D. Kritzman (ed.); Rescue as Resistance: How Jewish Organizations Fought the Holocaust in France by Lucien Lazare, Le “Fichier juif”: Rapport de la commission présidée par René Rémand au Premier minister by René Rémond; A French Tragedy: Scenes of Civil War, Summer 1944 by Tzvetan Todorov; and Vichy Law and the Holocaust in France by Richard H. Weisberg.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book examines French experiences of occupation during the ‘Black Years’ of 1940–1944. Pulling together previously separate ‘histories’ of occupation, resistance, ...
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This book examines French experiences of occupation during the ‘Black Years’ of 1940–1944. Pulling together previously separate ‘histories’ of occupation, resistance, and collaboration it presents a definitive history of the period. This is a more complex history than the traditional dichotomy between ‘collaboration’ and ‘resistance’, one in which the ideological frontiers between Vichy and the Resistance were often blurred. This study ranges from the politics of Marshal Pétain’s regime to the experiences of the ordinary French people, from surrender in 1940 to the purges of liberation. The book restores the organized Resistance to a more central role than has been customary in recent years and presents a new social history of the resistance which takes in the roles of foreigners, women, Jews, and peasants. It uncovers the long term roots of the Vichy regime in political and social conflict and cultural crisis stretching back to the Great War and concludes by tracing the lasting legacy and memory of occupation since 1945.Less
This book examines French experiences of occupation during the ‘Black Years’ of 1940–1944. Pulling together previously separate ‘histories’ of occupation, resistance, and collaboration it presents a definitive history of the period. This is a more complex history than the traditional dichotomy between ‘collaboration’ and ‘resistance’, one in which the ideological frontiers between Vichy and the Resistance were often blurred. This study ranges from the politics of Marshal Pétain’s regime to the experiences of the ordinary French people, from surrender in 1940 to the purges of liberation. The book restores the organized Resistance to a more central role than has been customary in recent years and presents a new social history of the resistance which takes in the roles of foreigners, women, Jews, and peasants. It uncovers the long term roots of the Vichy regime in political and social conflict and cultural crisis stretching back to the Great War and concludes by tracing the lasting legacy and memory of occupation since 1945.
Philip Towle
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206361
- eISBN:
- 9780191677090
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206361.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
Forced disarmament has often been a preliminary to the destruction or subjugation of a defeated nation. Had Napoleon Bonaparte not been defeated, the disarmament of Prussia and Austria would have led ...
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Forced disarmament has often been a preliminary to the destruction or subjugation of a defeated nation. Had Napoleon Bonaparte not been defeated, the disarmament of Prussia and Austria would have led to the loss of their independence and their incorporation within the French Empire. In the case of Vichy France, the whole process of national destruction and imperial expansion gradually unfolded. After the stunning defeat of the French armies in 1940, most of France was occupied by Germany. The rump of the French state, with its capital at Vichy, maintained a vulnerable and uneasy independence. The new government under Marshal Pétain was allowed to keep only 100,000 men under arms. French officers were relieved that they could keep an army at all, but it suited Adolf Hitler to show leniency because this made it less likely that the French colonies would align themselves with Britain. When the allies overran French North Africa and consequently Hitler decided to strike in November 1942, the Vichy experiment ended.Less
Forced disarmament has often been a preliminary to the destruction or subjugation of a defeated nation. Had Napoleon Bonaparte not been defeated, the disarmament of Prussia and Austria would have led to the loss of their independence and their incorporation within the French Empire. In the case of Vichy France, the whole process of national destruction and imperial expansion gradually unfolded. After the stunning defeat of the French armies in 1940, most of France was occupied by Germany. The rump of the French state, with its capital at Vichy, maintained a vulnerable and uneasy independence. The new government under Marshal Pétain was allowed to keep only 100,000 men under arms. French officers were relieved that they could keep an army at all, but it suited Adolf Hitler to show leniency because this made it less likely that the French colonies would align themselves with Britain. When the allies overran French North Africa and consequently Hitler decided to strike in November 1942, the Vichy experiment ended.
John Kent
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203025
- eISBN:
- 9780191675669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203025.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
The conduct of the war as it affected West Africa was naturally influenced, at the highest level, by its relation to the best over-all strategy that could be devised to resist the Germans. This ...
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The conduct of the war as it affected West Africa was naturally influenced, at the highest level, by its relation to the best over-all strategy that could be devised to resist the Germans. This explains the vacillations, shifts, and hesitations which affected Britain’s attitudes to the Free French and Vichy authorities and, as a result, the nature of military operations and economic warfare in West Africa. The need to develop West African production created a radically new framework for the development of economic policy in both London and the colonies. In the wake of the great rupture in Anglo-French relations, Sir Bernard Bourdillon was quick to realise that life in West Africa could not go on as before. From now on the war would impinge much more on West Africa, with the need for greater controls over the economic life of the region.Less
The conduct of the war as it affected West Africa was naturally influenced, at the highest level, by its relation to the best over-all strategy that could be devised to resist the Germans. This explains the vacillations, shifts, and hesitations which affected Britain’s attitudes to the Free French and Vichy authorities and, as a result, the nature of military operations and economic warfare in West Africa. The need to develop West African production created a radically new framework for the development of economic policy in both London and the colonies. In the wake of the great rupture in Anglo-French relations, Sir Bernard Bourdillon was quick to realise that life in West Africa could not go on as before. From now on the war would impinge much more on West Africa, with the need for greater controls over the economic life of the region.
John Kent
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203025
- eISBN:
- 9780191675669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203025.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
In late 1942, Britain’s main problem was having to work with both the Free French and Vichy supporters in West Africa, as feelings ran high and supporters of the former could not accept that the ...
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In late 1942, Britain’s main problem was having to work with both the Free French and Vichy supporters in West Africa, as feelings ran high and supporters of the former could not accept that the British should now co-operate with Vichy’s one-time followers. Any form of co-operation with the authorities in Dakar was bitterly opposed by F. Éboué, who believed that only Charles de Gaulle’s moral authority could reunite France. If there were compromises with men the Free French regarded as traitors, the French people, in Eboue’s view, would realize the Allies had failed them; as a result they would turn to the Soviet Union and adopt Communism. Previous supporters of the Vichy authorities remained in West Africa because there was a lack of suitable Free French personnel. The Foreign Office was not surprised by this and regarded it as rather unfortunate. It was an added complication to the development of close Anglo-French relations.Less
In late 1942, Britain’s main problem was having to work with both the Free French and Vichy supporters in West Africa, as feelings ran high and supporters of the former could not accept that the British should now co-operate with Vichy’s one-time followers. Any form of co-operation with the authorities in Dakar was bitterly opposed by F. Éboué, who believed that only Charles de Gaulle’s moral authority could reunite France. If there were compromises with men the Free French regarded as traitors, the French people, in Eboue’s view, would realize the Allies had failed them; as a result they would turn to the Soviet Union and adopt Communism. Previous supporters of the Vichy authorities remained in West Africa because there was a lack of suitable Free French personnel. The Foreign Office was not surprised by this and regarded it as rather unfortunate. It was an added complication to the development of close Anglo-French relations.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the period between 1940 and 1944 known as the ‘Dark Years’. It presents five short ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the period between 1940 and 1944 known as the ‘Dark Years’. It presents five short quotations that illustrate the ambiguities of the period. It then looks at the writings of Charles Péguy whose name was both invoked by resisters opposed to Vichy’s anti-Semitic laws as well as by Vichy himself. The chapter then reviews studies on Vichy from 1945 to the 1990s.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the period between 1940 and 1944 known as the ‘Dark Years’. It presents five short quotations that illustrate the ambiguities of the period. It then looks at the writings of Charles Péguy whose name was both invoked by resisters opposed to Vichy’s anti-Semitic laws as well as by Vichy himself. The chapter then reviews studies on Vichy from 1945 to the 1990s.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated ...
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This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated within the Republican mainstream from as early as the 1890s; some came from arch-conservatives; some came from the post-war generation for whom the heroic early years of the Republic were ancient history. It shows that if Vichy’s renunciation of the Republic was partly a victory of reactionary conservatism, it also represented much of what was best and brightest in French politics.Less
This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated within the Republican mainstream from as early as the 1890s; some came from arch-conservatives; some came from the post-war generation for whom the heroic early years of the Republic were ancient history. It shows that if Vichy’s renunciation of the Republic was partly a victory of reactionary conservatism, it also represented much of what was best and brightest in French politics.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter restores the notion of discontinuity by examining the impact of the defeat of May 1940. Without defeat there would have been no Vichy ...
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This chapter restores the notion of discontinuity by examining the impact of the defeat of May 1940. Without defeat there would have been no Vichy regime, but without the trends examined in the previous chapters, the Vichy regime would not have taken the form that it did.Less
This chapter restores the notion of discontinuity by examining the impact of the defeat of May 1940. Without defeat there would have been no Vichy regime, but without the trends examined in the previous chapters, the Vichy regime would not have taken the form that it did.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the National Revolution, which defined itself first and foremost in opposition to liberal individualism that uprooted ...
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This chapter discusses the National Revolution, which defined itself first and foremost in opposition to liberal individualism that uprooted people from the ‘natural’ communities of family, workplace, and region. It discusses the doctrine and inspiration behind the National Revolution, and how it conflicted with education, and social and economic policy.Less
This chapter discusses the National Revolution, which defined itself first and foremost in opposition to liberal individualism that uprooted people from the ‘natural’ communities of family, workplace, and region. It discusses the doctrine and inspiration behind the National Revolution, and how it conflicted with education, and social and economic policy.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the realities of collaboration between France and Germany from 1940–1944. It identifies three different motives behind ...
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This chapter discusses the realities of collaboration between France and Germany from 1940–1944. It identifies three different motives behind voluntary collaboration. First, there was what might be called the politico-administrative motive which aimed to protect French sovereignty. The second motive behind collaboration might be described as politico-diplomatic: to prepare a favourable outcome for France in the peace treaty which was believed to be imminent. The third motive was the need to alleviate the impact of the Armistice on daily life in France.Less
This chapter discusses the realities of collaboration between France and Germany from 1940–1944. It identifies three different motives behind voluntary collaboration. First, there was what might be called the politico-administrative motive which aimed to protect French sovereignty. The second motive behind collaboration might be described as politico-diplomatic: to prepare a favourable outcome for France in the peace treaty which was believed to be imminent. The third motive was the need to alleviate the impact of the Armistice on daily life in France.
Julie Fette
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450211
- eISBN:
- 9780801463990
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450211.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In the 1930s, the French Third Republic banned naturalized citizens from careers in law and medicine for up to ten years after they had obtained French nationality. In 1940, the Vichy regime ...
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In the 1930s, the French Third Republic banned naturalized citizens from careers in law and medicine for up to ten years after they had obtained French nationality. In 1940, the Vichy regime permanently expelled all lawyers and physicians born of foreign fathers and imposed a two percent quota on Jews in both professions. On the basis of extensive archival research, this book finds that doctors and lawyers themselves, despite their claims to embody republican virtues, persuaded the French state to enact this exclusionary legislation. At the crossroads of knowledge and power, lawyers and doctors had long been dominant forces in French society: they ran hospitals and courts, doubled as university professors, held posts in parliament and government, and administered justice and public health for the nation. Their social and political influence was crucial in spreading xenophobic attitudes and rendering them more socially acceptable in France. The book traces the origins of this professional protectionism to the late nineteenth century, when the democratization of higher education sparked efforts by doctors and lawyers to close ranks against women and the lower classes in addition to foreigners. The legislatively imposed delays on the right to practice law and medicine remained in force until the 1970s, and only in 1997 did French lawyers and doctors formally recognize their complicity in the anti-Semitic policies of the Vichy regime.Less
In the 1930s, the French Third Republic banned naturalized citizens from careers in law and medicine for up to ten years after they had obtained French nationality. In 1940, the Vichy regime permanently expelled all lawyers and physicians born of foreign fathers and imposed a two percent quota on Jews in both professions. On the basis of extensive archival research, this book finds that doctors and lawyers themselves, despite their claims to embody republican virtues, persuaded the French state to enact this exclusionary legislation. At the crossroads of knowledge and power, lawyers and doctors had long been dominant forces in French society: they ran hospitals and courts, doubled as university professors, held posts in parliament and government, and administered justice and public health for the nation. Their social and political influence was crucial in spreading xenophobic attitudes and rendering them more socially acceptable in France. The book traces the origins of this professional protectionism to the late nineteenth century, when the democratization of higher education sparked efforts by doctors and lawyers to close ranks against women and the lower classes in addition to foreigners. The legislatively imposed delays on the right to practice law and medicine remained in force until the 1970s, and only in 1997 did French lawyers and doctors formally recognize their complicity in the anti-Semitic policies of the Vichy regime.
H. R. Kedward
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205784
- eISBN:
- 9780191676796
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205784.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Military History
The early history of Resistance can point to many individuals who moved from one hiding-place to another, and includes several others who were not themselves pioneers of Resistance but were ...
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The early history of Resistance can point to many individuals who moved from one hiding-place to another, and includes several others who were not themselves pioneers of Resistance but were nevertheless sought by the police for political reasons, were forced to hide, and found themselves part of the disparate opposition to Vichy. Finding, offering, and running such places was a central part of the infrastructure of Resistance. A safety in urban numbers had also allowed considerable scope for public demonstrations of protest and assertiveness, which continued even after the occupation of the south. These explanations are presented and analysed in the detailed study of the area, published as Cévennes, terre de refuge 1940–1944, a powerful documentation of the welcome and assistance extended by the Cévenols to Jews and anti-fascist immigrants, refugees, and escapees.Less
The early history of Resistance can point to many individuals who moved from one hiding-place to another, and includes several others who were not themselves pioneers of Resistance but were nevertheless sought by the police for political reasons, were forced to hide, and found themselves part of the disparate opposition to Vichy. Finding, offering, and running such places was a central part of the infrastructure of Resistance. A safety in urban numbers had also allowed considerable scope for public demonstrations of protest and assertiveness, which continued even after the occupation of the south. These explanations are presented and analysed in the detailed study of the area, published as Cévennes, terre de refuge 1940–1944, a powerful documentation of the welcome and assistance extended by the Cévenols to Jews and anti-fascist immigrants, refugees, and escapees.
