Christian Koch
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249589
- eISBN:
- 9780191600029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924958X.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
As no national elections and referendums have been held in the United Arab Emirates, the chapter gives an overview of the political institutions and history of the Emirates. The legal provisions ...
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As no national elections and referendums have been held in the United Arab Emirates, the chapter gives an overview of the political institutions and history of the Emirates. The legal provisions governing the activities of the appointed Federal National Council are presented in detail.Less
As no national elections and referendums have been held in the United Arab Emirates, the chapter gives an overview of the political institutions and history of the Emirates. The legal provisions governing the activities of the appointed Federal National Council are presented in detail.
Kishwar Rizvi
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469621166
- eISBN:
- 9781469624952
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469621166.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The United Arab Emirates, the focus of the fourth chapter, provides an important contrast and counterpoint to the other examples. Established in 1971, the federation of seven emirates needed to ...
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The United Arab Emirates, the focus of the fourth chapter, provides an important contrast and counterpoint to the other examples. Established in 1971, the federation of seven emirates needed to create its national identity through a different set of paradigms than those at hand for their older neighbors. In the early years of the UAE’s existence, British and Egyptian firms played an important role in setting up institutions and government bureaucracies. The Egyptian connection also provided an intellectual armature through its deep history of Arab Islamic monarchial rule, from the Fatimids to the Mamluks. The first monumental national mosque was the Jumeirah Mosque in Dubai, built by a Cairene firm and completed in 1998. Almost a decade later, the majestic Sheikh Zayed Grand Mosque was completed in the capital, Abu Dhabi. Both mosques also serve as cultural centers aimed at non-Muslim expatriates and tourists. Like the other powerful nations studied in this book, the UAE aims to increase its influence abroad through the sponsorship of ideologically powerful projects, such as the Khalifa bin Zayed al-Nahyan Mosque in Jerusalem.Less
The United Arab Emirates, the focus of the fourth chapter, provides an important contrast and counterpoint to the other examples. Established in 1971, the federation of seven emirates needed to create its national identity through a different set of paradigms than those at hand for their older neighbors. In the early years of the UAE’s existence, British and Egyptian firms played an important role in setting up institutions and government bureaucracies. The Egyptian connection also provided an intellectual armature through its deep history of Arab Islamic monarchial rule, from the Fatimids to the Mamluks. The first monumental national mosque was the Jumeirah Mosque in Dubai, built by a Cairene firm and completed in 1998. Almost a decade later, the majestic Sheikh Zayed Grand Mosque was completed in the capital, Abu Dhabi. Both mosques also serve as cultural centers aimed at non-Muslim expatriates and tourists. Like the other powerful nations studied in this book, the UAE aims to increase its influence abroad through the sponsorship of ideologically powerful projects, such as the Khalifa bin Zayed al-Nahyan Mosque in Jerusalem.
Rolf Schwarz
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037929
- eISBN:
- 9780813042138
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037929.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter deals with the history of state making without war making, looking at the small oil states of the Gulf region and including a detailed study of the United Arab Emirates. Oil discoveries ...
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This chapter deals with the history of state making without war making, looking at the small oil states of the Gulf region and including a detailed study of the United Arab Emirates. Oil discoveries after World War II first put the UAE and its oil-producing neighbors on the international map and served as a bridge for contacts with the rest of the world. Territorial control of the tribal hinterland, the establishment of a state administration, and the fixing of land and sea boundaries became important issues. Since then, oil wealth has enabled the creation of infrastructure and ongoing development, as well as the creation of an extensive state apparatus. Oil revenues thereby consolidated state structures in the absence of war making, which was never employed as a strategy of state making. Welfare provision in the UAE has today become sustainable enough that even during periods of declining natural resources (as in the case of Dubai) or during fiscal crisis (as in the 1980s or 2007), the state is able to fulfill its welfare commitments. In creating a sustainable rentier structure, the UAE managed to break the linkage between declining resources and rising demand for political participation.Less
This chapter deals with the history of state making without war making, looking at the small oil states of the Gulf region and including a detailed study of the United Arab Emirates. Oil discoveries after World War II first put the UAE and its oil-producing neighbors on the international map and served as a bridge for contacts with the rest of the world. Territorial control of the tribal hinterland, the establishment of a state administration, and the fixing of land and sea boundaries became important issues. Since then, oil wealth has enabled the creation of infrastructure and ongoing development, as well as the creation of an extensive state apparatus. Oil revenues thereby consolidated state structures in the absence of war making, which was never employed as a strategy of state making. Welfare provision in the UAE has today become sustainable enough that even during periods of declining natural resources (as in the case of Dubai) or during fiscal crisis (as in the 1980s or 2007), the state is able to fulfill its welfare commitments. In creating a sustainable rentier structure, the UAE managed to break the linkage between declining resources and rising demand for political participation.
Faysal Bibi, Andrew Hill, Mark Beech, and Walid Yasin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231150125
- eISBN:
- 9780231520829
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231150125.003.0027
- Subject:
- Biology, Paleontology: Biology
This chapter summarizes the latest findings on late Miocene fossils from the Baynunah Formation in the United Arab Emirates. Since 1999, fossil discoveries have continued to be made in the late ...
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This chapter summarizes the latest findings on late Miocene fossils from the Baynunah Formation in the United Arab Emirates. Since 1999, fossil discoveries have continued to be made in the late Miocene Baynunah Formation in Al Gharbia, Abu Dhabi Emirates. By way of biochronology, the Baynunah fossil fauna is estimated to be between 8 Ma and 6 Ma. No other terrestrial fossil sites of late Miocene age are known from the remainder of the Arabian Peninsula. Hence, the Baynunah fauna represents the sole sample available to chart the biotic continuity between late Miocene Arabia and neighboring contemporaneous fossil sites in Asia. This chapter first describes the paleoenvironments and paleobiogeography of the Baynunah Formation before turning to a discussion of its fossil biota.Less
This chapter summarizes the latest findings on late Miocene fossils from the Baynunah Formation in the United Arab Emirates. Since 1999, fossil discoveries have continued to be made in the late Miocene Baynunah Formation in Al Gharbia, Abu Dhabi Emirates. By way of biochronology, the Baynunah fossil fauna is estimated to be between 8 Ma and 6 Ma. No other terrestrial fossil sites of late Miocene age are known from the remainder of the Arabian Peninsula. Hence, the Baynunah fauna represents the sole sample available to chart the biotic continuity between late Miocene Arabia and neighboring contemporaneous fossil sites in Asia. This chapter first describes the paleoenvironments and paleobiogeography of the Baynunah Formation before turning to a discussion of its fossil biota.
Mari Luomi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199387526
- eISBN:
- 9780190214142
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199387526.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
At the heart of this book is whether oil- and natural gas-dependent rentier monarchies can keep their natural resource use and the environment in balance. By examining the cases of Abu Dhabi and ...
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At the heart of this book is whether oil- and natural gas-dependent rentier monarchies can keep their natural resource use and the environment in balance. By examining the cases of Abu Dhabi and Qatar, it argues that the Gulf monarchies have already reached their limits of “natural sustainability”. As a result of their booming economies, the Gulf Cooperation Council states’ surging electricity and water demand have exerted unexpected pressures on domestic energy supply. Several of them are now dependent on natural gas imports. Groundwater resources are dwindling, food import dependence is high and rising, and the environmental impacts of the past decade’s economic growth are undeniable. Qatar’s per capita emissions of carbon dioxide, for example, are ten times the global average. Simultaneously, the consolidation of climate change on the international agenda has created a new uncertainty for local rulers whose survival is largely underpinned by a ruling bargain that is sustained by export revenues from fossil fuels. Domestic natural resource consumption, together with climate change, are putting unprecedented pressure on the region. Not only is the fragile desert environment of the Gulf under stress, but so too are its states’ power, wealth and stability. This book reveals how Abu Dhabi, the leading emirate of the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar have responded to these new natural resource-related pressures, particularly climate change, and how their responses are inextricably linked with elite legitimacy strategies and the “natural unsustainability” of their political economies.Less
At the heart of this book is whether oil- and natural gas-dependent rentier monarchies can keep their natural resource use and the environment in balance. By examining the cases of Abu Dhabi and Qatar, it argues that the Gulf monarchies have already reached their limits of “natural sustainability”. As a result of their booming economies, the Gulf Cooperation Council states’ surging electricity and water demand have exerted unexpected pressures on domestic energy supply. Several of them are now dependent on natural gas imports. Groundwater resources are dwindling, food import dependence is high and rising, and the environmental impacts of the past decade’s economic growth are undeniable. Qatar’s per capita emissions of carbon dioxide, for example, are ten times the global average. Simultaneously, the consolidation of climate change on the international agenda has created a new uncertainty for local rulers whose survival is largely underpinned by a ruling bargain that is sustained by export revenues from fossil fuels. Domestic natural resource consumption, together with climate change, are putting unprecedented pressure on the region. Not only is the fragile desert environment of the Gulf under stress, but so too are its states’ power, wealth and stability. This book reveals how Abu Dhabi, the leading emirate of the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar have responded to these new natural resource-related pressures, particularly climate change, and how their responses are inextricably linked with elite legitimacy strategies and the “natural unsustainability” of their political economies.
Kishwar Rizvi
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469621166
- eISBN:
- 9781469624952
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469621166.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The Transnational Mosque is the first book-length study to provide a nuanced understanding of the role of mosques in the construction of Muslim identity through the lens of their political, ...
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The Transnational Mosque is the first book-length study to provide a nuanced understanding of the role of mosques in the construction of Muslim identity through the lens of their political, religious, and architectural history. The primary subject in current debates on Islam is the reinterpretation of history, which is often linked to an idealized age of Caliphal rule, the painful legacy of colonialism, or an imagined regional identity. The debates hinge upon what might the future hold for Muslim nations and their subjects. This discussion concerns not simply a monolithic transformation of ideology, but a contested space where governments and communities of belief compete for the dissemination of their own version of Islamic identity. This book is a study in which the built environment is a critical resource for understanding culture and politics in the contemporary Middle East and the Islamic world. By concentrating on the epitomes of Islamic architecture, mosques, especially those built at the turn of the twenty-first century, the study elucidates their significance as sites for both the validation of religious praxis and the construction of national and religious ideology.Less
The Transnational Mosque is the first book-length study to provide a nuanced understanding of the role of mosques in the construction of Muslim identity through the lens of their political, religious, and architectural history. The primary subject in current debates on Islam is the reinterpretation of history, which is often linked to an idealized age of Caliphal rule, the painful legacy of colonialism, or an imagined regional identity. The debates hinge upon what might the future hold for Muslim nations and their subjects. This discussion concerns not simply a monolithic transformation of ideology, but a contested space where governments and communities of belief compete for the dissemination of their own version of Islamic identity. This book is a study in which the built environment is a critical resource for understanding culture and politics in the contemporary Middle East and the Islamic world. By concentrating on the epitomes of Islamic architecture, mosques, especially those built at the turn of the twenty-first century, the study elucidates their significance as sites for both the validation of religious praxis and the construction of national and religious ideology.
Vânia Carvalho Pinto
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774164989
- eISBN:
- 9781617971266
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774164989.003.0011
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter looks at the expansion of women's rights in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) through the lenses of a movement 'by implication.' Departing from the ideational support leant by the Emirati ...
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This chapter looks at the expansion of women's rights in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) through the lenses of a movement 'by implication.' Departing from the ideational support leant by the Emirati state to the promotion of the policies of education, professional insertion, and political participation for females, it is argued that women felt encouraged to step into new roles, thus becoming examples to others. Their actions and the multiplier effects they generated have given rise to a movement that is here described as one that is 'by implication.' It is further argued that by taking this approach, it is possible to sketch the main lines of the UAE state's gender policy since its 1971 independence, as well as understand its successes and failures.Less
This chapter looks at the expansion of women's rights in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) through the lenses of a movement 'by implication.' Departing from the ideational support leant by the Emirati state to the promotion of the policies of education, professional insertion, and political participation for females, it is argued that women felt encouraged to step into new roles, thus becoming examples to others. Their actions and the multiplier effects they generated have given rise to a movement that is here described as one that is 'by implication.' It is further argued that by taking this approach, it is possible to sketch the main lines of the UAE state's gender policy since its 1971 independence, as well as understand its successes and failures.
Barbara Lethem Ibrahim and Dina H. Sherif
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162077
- eISBN:
- 9781617970283
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162077.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses philanthropy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Gulf states like the UAE are notable for the ways in which people have revamped and invigorated traditional channels of giving, ...
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This chapter discusses philanthropy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Gulf states like the UAE are notable for the ways in which people have revamped and invigorated traditional channels of giving, such as waqf and charitable associations, while also launching large-scale and strategic foundations like the Mohamed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation and the Emirates Foundation. As with technology, sometimes the benefits of being a so-called latecomer can be great in terms of capitalizing on the accumulated knowledge and lessons learned from those who already have been in the practice for years. One thing is certain: If the accumulation of wealth and private equity has dominated the mindset of Emiratis for the past several decades, how to use that wealth for public benefit now seems to be high on their list of priorities as they determine the regional role they wish to play in the decades to come.Less
This chapter discusses philanthropy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Gulf states like the UAE are notable for the ways in which people have revamped and invigorated traditional channels of giving, such as waqf and charitable associations, while also launching large-scale and strategic foundations like the Mohamed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation and the Emirates Foundation. As with technology, sometimes the benefits of being a so-called latecomer can be great in terms of capitalizing on the accumulated knowledge and lessons learned from those who already have been in the practice for years. One thing is certain: If the accumulation of wealth and private equity has dominated the mindset of Emiratis for the past several decades, how to use that wealth for public benefit now seems to be high on their list of priorities as they determine the regional role they wish to play in the decades to come.
Mehran Kamrava
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501720352
- eISBN:
- 9781501720369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501720352.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter examines the foreign policies of six key actors in the Persian Gulf in light of middle power rivalries and sectarian tensions. The actors include Iran and Saudi Arabia, which the chapter ...
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This chapter examines the foreign policies of six key actors in the Persian Gulf in light of middle power rivalries and sectarian tensions. The actors include Iran and Saudi Arabia, which the chapter argues are today perhaps the Middle East’s most significant middle powers, in addition to Turkey of course. There are two other states in the area with aspirations of being middle powers, namely Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, despite their small geographic size and equally small populations.Less
This chapter examines the foreign policies of six key actors in the Persian Gulf in light of middle power rivalries and sectarian tensions. The actors include Iran and Saudi Arabia, which the chapter argues are today perhaps the Middle East’s most significant middle powers, in addition to Turkey of course. There are two other states in the area with aspirations of being middle powers, namely Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, despite their small geographic size and equally small populations.
Ahmed Mustafa Elhussein Mansour
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190211394
- eISBN:
- 9780190270100
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190211394.003.0014
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
The objective of this chapter is twofold. First, the chapter explains the factors that have led to the present population imbalance in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In 2014, just 12 percent of the ...
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The objective of this chapter is twofold. First, the chapter explains the factors that have led to the present population imbalance in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In 2014, just 12 percent of the UAE’s population was born there, an extreme example of population imbalance. This population imbalance has resulted from three interrelated factors: a small-size UAE-born population with sizable wealth, an incessant drive for rapid economic development, and a severe shortage of skilled and unskilled labor. Second, the chapter examines the possible policy options available to the government to address this complex problem and the painful trade-offs associated with them. Currently population imbalance occupies a high priority status on the UAE government’s agenda because it is considered a potential threat to national security, political stability, and national identity.Less
The objective of this chapter is twofold. First, the chapter explains the factors that have led to the present population imbalance in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In 2014, just 12 percent of the UAE’s population was born there, an extreme example of population imbalance. This population imbalance has resulted from three interrelated factors: a small-size UAE-born population with sizable wealth, an incessant drive for rapid economic development, and a severe shortage of skilled and unskilled labor. Second, the chapter examines the possible policy options available to the government to address this complex problem and the painful trade-offs associated with them. Currently population imbalance occupies a high priority status on the UAE government’s agenda because it is considered a potential threat to national security, political stability, and national identity.
Peter Sluglett
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205661
- eISBN:
- 9780191676741
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205661.003.0027
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter deals with the historiography of the rise, consolidation, decline, and ending of British Imperial interests in the Middle East over some 200 years, from the late 18th to the late 20th ...
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This chapter deals with the historiography of the rise, consolidation, decline, and ending of British Imperial interests in the Middle East over some 200 years, from the late 18th to the late 20th centuries. Naturally, during this long period the circumstances of, and the rationale for, Britain’s acquisition of influence or territories in this extensive region varied substantially. Chronologically, the chapter starts with the development of Britain’s interest in Iran and Afghanistan at the end of the 18th century, and ends in the third quarter of the 20th century, with the independence of South Yemen (Aden) in 1967 and the creation of the United Arab Emirates in 1972. After this, apart from its continuing lease on the Dhekelia air base in Cyprus, Britain ceased to control any of the physical surface of the region. It is probably fair to say that the last twenty-five years have been the most productive in the historiography of the British Empire in the Middle East, although, increasingly, some of the best work has tended to treat the connection as secondary to some other narrative scheme.Less
This chapter deals with the historiography of the rise, consolidation, decline, and ending of British Imperial interests in the Middle East over some 200 years, from the late 18th to the late 20th centuries. Naturally, during this long period the circumstances of, and the rationale for, Britain’s acquisition of influence or territories in this extensive region varied substantially. Chronologically, the chapter starts with the development of Britain’s interest in Iran and Afghanistan at the end of the 18th century, and ends in the third quarter of the 20th century, with the independence of South Yemen (Aden) in 1967 and the creation of the United Arab Emirates in 1972. After this, apart from its continuing lease on the Dhekelia air base in Cyprus, Britain ceased to control any of the physical surface of the region. It is probably fair to say that the last twenty-five years have been the most productive in the historiography of the British Empire in the Middle East, although, increasingly, some of the best work has tended to treat the connection as secondary to some other narrative scheme.
Mari Luomi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199387526
- eISBN:
- 9780190214142
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199387526.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
The chapter provides a broad analysis of the so-called “natural sustainability complex”, or Abu Dhabi’s general context of political economy of natural resources, top decision-makers, and structures ...
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The chapter provides a broad analysis of the so-called “natural sustainability complex”, or Abu Dhabi’s general context of political economy of natural resources, top decision-makers, and structures and dynamics of environmental and climate change-related governance. Together with chapter 5, this chapter explores how the multiple natural resource-related pressures have affected Abu Dhabi, and how the government is responding to them. The chapter examines the drivers and motives of change and divergence in Abu Dhabi’s responses to the challenges of energy insecurity, climate change and environmental unsustainability.Less
The chapter provides a broad analysis of the so-called “natural sustainability complex”, or Abu Dhabi’s general context of political economy of natural resources, top decision-makers, and structures and dynamics of environmental and climate change-related governance. Together with chapter 5, this chapter explores how the multiple natural resource-related pressures have affected Abu Dhabi, and how the government is responding to them. The chapter examines the drivers and motives of change and divergence in Abu Dhabi’s responses to the challenges of energy insecurity, climate change and environmental unsustainability.
Islam Hassan
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197521885
- eISBN:
- 9780197554609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197521885.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Middle powers rise at times of instability in the international or regional orders. Two sets of middle powers, namely the traditional and the so-called “emerging” middle powers, came to being during ...
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Middle powers rise at times of instability in the international or regional orders. Two sets of middle powers, namely the traditional and the so-called “emerging” middle powers, came to being during and after the Cold War, respectively. On the one hand, traditional middle powers, such as Australia and Canada, emerged during the Cold War. On the other hand, emerging middle powers ascended after the Cold War, and are not the traditional “good citizens” but controversial reformists with independent foreign policy portfolios, and they are becoming increasingly vocal in world affairs.Less
Middle powers rise at times of instability in the international or regional orders. Two sets of middle powers, namely the traditional and the so-called “emerging” middle powers, came to being during and after the Cold War, respectively. On the one hand, traditional middle powers, such as Australia and Canada, emerged during the Cold War. On the other hand, emerging middle powers ascended after the Cold War, and are not the traditional “good citizens” but controversial reformists with independent foreign policy portfolios, and they are becoming increasingly vocal in world affairs.
Michael Herb
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453366
- eISBN:
- 9780801454691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453366.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter examines the consequences of absolutism when it is combined with extreme rentierism by focusing on the political economy of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It first traces the origins of ...
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This chapter examines the consequences of absolutism when it is combined with extreme rentierism by focusing on the political economy of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It first traces the origins of Dubai's economic growth before discussing the citizens' responses to the Dubai model of growth. It then explores the following arguments: in the absence of a strong parliament in the UAE, the ruling families become, at least potentially, the dominant local capitalists in their emirates; Dubai's ruling family had a particularly strong incentive to pursue economic growth; Dubai's success was later imitated by the ruling families of other UAE emirates; citizens of extreme rentiers benefit less than their rulers from unrestrained economic growth and bear more of its costs. The chapter concludes by drawing some brief comparisons with the other Gulf absolutisms. It shows that the Gulf absolutisms have diverse approaches to the opportunities and challenges of rentier labor markets.Less
This chapter examines the consequences of absolutism when it is combined with extreme rentierism by focusing on the political economy of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It first traces the origins of Dubai's economic growth before discussing the citizens' responses to the Dubai model of growth. It then explores the following arguments: in the absence of a strong parliament in the UAE, the ruling families become, at least potentially, the dominant local capitalists in their emirates; Dubai's ruling family had a particularly strong incentive to pursue economic growth; Dubai's success was later imitated by the ruling families of other UAE emirates; citizens of extreme rentiers benefit less than their rulers from unrestrained economic growth and bear more of its costs. The chapter concludes by drawing some brief comparisons with the other Gulf absolutisms. It shows that the Gulf absolutisms have diverse approaches to the opportunities and challenges of rentier labor markets.
Nael Shama and Islam Hassan
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197552636
- eISBN:
- 9780197554616
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197552636.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Chapter 8 focuses on the United Arab Emirates (UAE), led by Mohamed bin Zayed, and its newly assertive power projection strategy that includes establishment naval and military bases on the Red Sea, ...
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Chapter 8 focuses on the United Arab Emirates (UAE), led by Mohamed bin Zayed, and its newly assertive power projection strategy that includes establishment naval and military bases on the Red Sea, in the chokepoints of the Bab al-Mandab one of the most important global shipping lanes and the Gulf of Aden and its littoral territory—the arid nations of Djibouti, Eritrea, and Somalia to achieve dual geostrategic and economic goals including the acquisition of operational and management rights over ports and economic zones. The theoretical framework used in this chapter to asses foreign policy change employs simultaneous levels of inquiry taking into account regional and systemic effects, domestic influences, and the role of leadership adding to the literature on international relations and the Middle East in two distinct ways (1) by addressing understudied theoretical questions concerning foreign policy change in small states and (2) exploring the nature and motivations of the emerging trend of securitizing waterspace and shipping lanes in the Middle East.Less
Chapter 8 focuses on the United Arab Emirates (UAE), led by Mohamed bin Zayed, and its newly assertive power projection strategy that includes establishment naval and military bases on the Red Sea, in the chokepoints of the Bab al-Mandab one of the most important global shipping lanes and the Gulf of Aden and its littoral territory—the arid nations of Djibouti, Eritrea, and Somalia to achieve dual geostrategic and economic goals including the acquisition of operational and management rights over ports and economic zones. The theoretical framework used in this chapter to asses foreign policy change employs simultaneous levels of inquiry taking into account regional and systemic effects, domestic influences, and the role of leadership adding to the literature on international relations and the Middle East in two distinct ways (1) by addressing understudied theoretical questions concerning foreign policy change in small states and (2) exploring the nature and motivations of the emerging trend of securitizing waterspace and shipping lanes in the Middle East.
Rogers M. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300229394
- eISBN:
- 9780300252897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300229394.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Most scholars agree that modern populists tell nationalist stories promising to protect “the people” against malignant elites. They appeal to economic and cultural anxieties stirred by many forms of ...
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Most scholars agree that modern populists tell nationalist stories promising to protect “the people” against malignant elites. They appeal to economic and cultural anxieties stirred by many forms of globalization. They also respond, however, to the multiplicity of competing narratives of political identity that have proliferated globally since the end of the Cold War. These have created a cacophony of identity stories that often heightens the appeal of familiar nationalist ones. Examples are drawn from the three great waves of modern nation-building, including Wisconsin in the U.S. and Ulster-Scots in the U.K.’s Northern Ireland; the United Arab Emirates and the Philippines; and the Czech Republic and Slovakia.Less
Most scholars agree that modern populists tell nationalist stories promising to protect “the people” against malignant elites. They appeal to economic and cultural anxieties stirred by many forms of globalization. They also respond, however, to the multiplicity of competing narratives of political identity that have proliferated globally since the end of the Cold War. These have created a cacophony of identity stories that often heightens the appeal of familiar nationalist ones. Examples are drawn from the three great waves of modern nation-building, including Wisconsin in the U.S. and Ulster-Scots in the U.K.’s Northern Ireland; the United Arab Emirates and the Philippines; and the Czech Republic and Slovakia.
Stephen J. Ramos
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190499372
- eISBN:
- 9780190638504
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190499372.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
During the past two decades, the Persian Gulf has received considerable international attention for its architecture and urbanism. Through empirical and historical analysis, this chapter aims to ...
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During the past two decades, the Persian Gulf has received considerable international attention for its architecture and urbanism. Through empirical and historical analysis, this chapter aims to provide a larger theorizing of territory, urbanization, and post-colonial nation formation. It incorporates historical examination of the period when the Trucial States under the larger British Empire moved to independence and the formation of the United Arab Emirates in 1971 to explore the changing significance of territory, and dynamic territorial configuration, in this process. In addition, it considers the role of infrastructure, and how it served as a territorial medium that also moved from designating tribal influence to serving as signifiers for territorial fixity and demarcation.Less
During the past two decades, the Persian Gulf has received considerable international attention for its architecture and urbanism. Through empirical and historical analysis, this chapter aims to provide a larger theorizing of territory, urbanization, and post-colonial nation formation. It incorporates historical examination of the period when the Trucial States under the larger British Empire moved to independence and the formation of the United Arab Emirates in 1971 to explore the changing significance of territory, and dynamic territorial configuration, in this process. In addition, it considers the role of infrastructure, and how it served as a territorial medium that also moved from designating tribal influence to serving as signifiers for territorial fixity and demarcation.
Shohei Sato
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719099687
- eISBN:
- 9781526109781
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099687.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter looks into the final stage of the implementation of the British withdrawal. After Harold Wilson’s withdrawal announcement in January 1968 up until the first half of 1971, the ...
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This chapter looks into the final stage of the implementation of the British withdrawal. After Harold Wilson’s withdrawal announcement in January 1968 up until the first half of 1971, the negotiations remained fraught and contested. In Britain, the Conservatives took over government but did not help by attempting to reverse Labour’s plan. It was only after the British diplomats on the ground and the Gulf rulers made feasible compromises to come together very late in the day that the nine Protected States became independent in the form of three sovereign states: Bahrain, Qatar and the UAE. Investigation of some newly discovered sources reveals that a secret agreement, signed by Abu Dhabi and Dubai and then handed over to Britain, marked a crucial turning point in deciding the fate of the three states.Less
This chapter looks into the final stage of the implementation of the British withdrawal. After Harold Wilson’s withdrawal announcement in January 1968 up until the first half of 1971, the negotiations remained fraught and contested. In Britain, the Conservatives took over government but did not help by attempting to reverse Labour’s plan. It was only after the British diplomats on the ground and the Gulf rulers made feasible compromises to come together very late in the day that the nine Protected States became independent in the form of three sovereign states: Bahrain, Qatar and the UAE. Investigation of some newly discovered sources reveals that a secret agreement, signed by Abu Dhabi and Dubai and then handed over to Britain, marked a crucial turning point in deciding the fate of the three states.
Abdulrazak Al Faris and Raimundo Soto (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198758389
- eISBN:
- 9780191818325
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198758389.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Over the last fifty years, Dubai has transformed itself from a small fishing and trading village into an integrated, modern, and vibrant economy. The development process was initiated by oil riches ...
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Over the last fifty years, Dubai has transformed itself from a small fishing and trading village into an integrated, modern, and vibrant economy. The development process was initiated by oil riches but, unlike most other oil exporters, it has successfully diversified from hydrocarbons with the creation of world-class clusters of financial services, tourism, and trading activities. Understandably, Dubai has become a model of economic development not only for the other six emirates that comprise the UAE, but also for most regional economies. Indeed, its success in diversifying its economic base makes Dubai an interesting case study for any resource-dependent economy wishing to achieve sustainable prosperity by engaging in better-balanced growth paths than those typically induced by the exploitation of natural resources. This book provides a comprehensive economic and historical account of the evolution of the economy of Dubai since the foundation of the United Arab Emirates in 1971. It focuses on its transformations and experiences and the roles played by government policies and private sector initiatives. Based on solid analysis, it provides perspective and policy recommendations on the way forward in an intensely increasingly competitive global economy.Less
Over the last fifty years, Dubai has transformed itself from a small fishing and trading village into an integrated, modern, and vibrant economy. The development process was initiated by oil riches but, unlike most other oil exporters, it has successfully diversified from hydrocarbons with the creation of world-class clusters of financial services, tourism, and trading activities. Understandably, Dubai has become a model of economic development not only for the other six emirates that comprise the UAE, but also for most regional economies. Indeed, its success in diversifying its economic base makes Dubai an interesting case study for any resource-dependent economy wishing to achieve sustainable prosperity by engaging in better-balanced growth paths than those typically induced by the exploitation of natural resources. This book provides a comprehensive economic and historical account of the evolution of the economy of Dubai since the foundation of the United Arab Emirates in 1971. It focuses on its transformations and experiences and the roles played by government policies and private sector initiatives. Based on solid analysis, it provides perspective and policy recommendations on the way forward in an intensely increasingly competitive global economy.
Noor Al-Qasimi
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814737309
- eISBN:
- 9780814744680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814737309.003.0016
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter focuses on questions of governmentality and the regulation of queer subjectivities in cyberspace. For the “post-oil” generation in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the use of social ...
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This chapter focuses on questions of governmentality and the regulation of queer subjectivities in cyberspace. For the “post-oil” generation in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the use of social networking websites has led to the creation of a transnational pan-Gulfian queer imaginary that unsettles notions of sovereignty and territoriality. Indeed, in recent years, the UAE has witnessed multiple transgressive discourses pertaining to heteronormative structures of sexuality, with cybertechnology serving as a primary platform for the enactments of subaltern sexual subjectivities. However, the question remains to what extent cyberspace displaces the governance of gender that is embedded within the framework of the state's preoccupation with its global image and the preservation of an authentic, regional cultural identity.Less
This chapter focuses on questions of governmentality and the regulation of queer subjectivities in cyberspace. For the “post-oil” generation in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the use of social networking websites has led to the creation of a transnational pan-Gulfian queer imaginary that unsettles notions of sovereignty and territoriality. Indeed, in recent years, the UAE has witnessed multiple transgressive discourses pertaining to heteronormative structures of sexuality, with cybertechnology serving as a primary platform for the enactments of subaltern sexual subjectivities. However, the question remains to what extent cyberspace displaces the governance of gender that is embedded within the framework of the state's preoccupation with its global image and the preservation of an authentic, regional cultural identity.
