Gautam Sen
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
An examination is made of the relationship between the US and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and its successor, the World Trade Organization, addressing the crucial question of ...
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An examination is made of the relationship between the US and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and its successor, the World Trade Organization, addressing the crucial question of the likelihood that the US will exit, or through its behaviour undermine, the multilateral trade organization in favour of regional or bilateral alternatives. It is concluded that the probability of a US‐inspired weakening of the WTO is low, although the incentives for protectionism in the US are strong and growing as a result of globalization and the changing international division of labour. The US domestic political system gives voice to such protectionist interests in international trade policy through a set of administrative and legal remedies that are reinforced by principles such as reciprocity and ‘fair trade’. Countervailing factors to this situation include the growing power of US export interests, the effectiveness of the Executive in deflecting the protectionist tendencies in the US Congress, and the exceptional power and influence of the US over the multilateral regime, in which it is a rule maker rather than a rule taker, enjoying the power to bend the rules selectively to serve its interests. As such, the WTO tends to reflect and reinforce US economic interests, and the US is, therefore, likely to continue in overall terms its efforts to comply with and generally strengthen the multilateral organization, rather than to break away from it.Less
An examination is made of the relationship between the US and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and its successor, the World Trade Organization, addressing the crucial question of the likelihood that the US will exit, or through its behaviour undermine, the multilateral trade organization in favour of regional or bilateral alternatives. It is concluded that the probability of a US‐inspired weakening of the WTO is low, although the incentives for protectionism in the US are strong and growing as a result of globalization and the changing international division of labour. The US domestic political system gives voice to such protectionist interests in international trade policy through a set of administrative and legal remedies that are reinforced by principles such as reciprocity and ‘fair trade’. Countervailing factors to this situation include the growing power of US export interests, the effectiveness of the Executive in deflecting the protectionist tendencies in the US Congress, and the exceptional power and influence of the US over the multilateral regime, in which it is a rule maker rather than a rule taker, enjoying the power to bend the rules selectively to serve its interests. As such, the WTO tends to reflect and reinforce US economic interests, and the US is, therefore, likely to continue in overall terms its efforts to comply with and generally strengthen the multilateral organization, rather than to break away from it.
Ngaire Woods
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Examines the role of the US in international financial institutions with particular reference to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Describes the extraordinary influence of the ...
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Examines the role of the US in international financial institutions with particular reference to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Describes the extraordinary influence of the US on these institutions as a function of both formal means (e.g., US financial contributions) and informal practices and conventions that have developed over time, with the informal mechanisms of influence often being more important than the formal ones. However, it is also argued that, notwithstanding the weight of US influence, it would be inaccurate to consider the World Bank and the IMF as mere instruments of US power and policy, and that their remaining credibility and legitimacy rest in part on their ability to create some political distance between themselves and their most powerful state patron. US domestic political conditions are also important. Within the country, the division of authority between Executive and Congress sometimes enhances and at other times constrains US influence; the effective exercise of US power also requires interlocutors in host governments who share the technical mind‐set and ideological predispositions of the US and international financial institutions. The different sections of the chapter: analyse the formal and informal structures of power in the World Bank and IMF; look at the US in relation to the financing, lending decisions, staffing and management of these institutions; and discuss formal power structures and informal exercises of influence.Less
Examines the role of the US in international financial institutions with particular reference to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Describes the extraordinary influence of the US on these institutions as a function of both formal means (e.g., US financial contributions) and informal practices and conventions that have developed over time, with the informal mechanisms of influence often being more important than the formal ones. However, it is also argued that, notwithstanding the weight of US influence, it would be inaccurate to consider the World Bank and the IMF as mere instruments of US power and policy, and that their remaining credibility and legitimacy rest in part on their ability to create some political distance between themselves and their most powerful state patron. US domestic political conditions are also important. Within the country, the division of authority between Executive and Congress sometimes enhances and at other times constrains US influence; the effective exercise of US power also requires interlocutors in host governments who share the technical mind‐set and ideological predispositions of the US and international financial institutions. The different sections of the chapter: analyse the formal and informal structures of power in the World Bank and IMF; look at the US in relation to the financing, lending decisions, staffing and management of these institutions; and discuss formal power structures and informal exercises of influence.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
An examination is made of the evolution of US behaviour in the United Nations Security Council since the 1990s; this behaviour shows an inconsistency born out of a general suspicion of the ...
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An examination is made of the evolution of US behaviour in the United Nations Security Council since the 1990s; this behaviour shows an inconsistency born out of a general suspicion of the organization, particularly of its General Assembly, and the author demonstrates that US historical experience of the UN largely explains that suspicion. First provides some evidence of this US inconsistency of behaviour, with reference both to conflict resolution and humanitarian issues. Then goes on to explain the primary influences on this behaviour, arguing that US ambivalence towards the UN has been more affected by struggles over a New International Economic Order in the 1970s and US perceptions of unbalanced UN approaches to the Arab–Israeli dispute than by the end of the cold war. Having made special reference to America's chequered historical experience of the UN, the chapter examines the ways in which negative perceptions of the UN have played out in US domestic politics, particularly since the late 1990s. Finally, America's experience of the UN's expanded post‐cold‐war security agenda is reviewed, noting that the inherent tensions between the promotion of values and the promotion of interests, and the difficulties of relating means to ends, have come sharply to the fore during this period.Less
An examination is made of the evolution of US behaviour in the United Nations Security Council since the 1990s; this behaviour shows an inconsistency born out of a general suspicion of the organization, particularly of its General Assembly, and the author demonstrates that US historical experience of the UN largely explains that suspicion. First provides some evidence of this US inconsistency of behaviour, with reference both to conflict resolution and humanitarian issues. Then goes on to explain the primary influences on this behaviour, arguing that US ambivalence towards the UN has been more affected by struggles over a New International Economic Order in the 1970s and US perceptions of unbalanced UN approaches to the Arab–Israeli dispute than by the end of the cold war. Having made special reference to America's chequered historical experience of the UN, the chapter examines the ways in which negative perceptions of the UN have played out in US domestic politics, particularly since the late 1990s. Finally, America's experience of the UN's expanded post‐cold‐war security agenda is reviewed, noting that the inherent tensions between the promotion of values and the promotion of interests, and the difficulties of relating means to ends, have come sharply to the fore during this period.
Stefanie Korte and Helge Jörgens
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199656646
- eISBN:
- 9780191746000
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656646.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter analyses the attempts of the Bush Administration in the United States (2001-2009) to dismantle the New Source Review (NSR), a programme to control air pollution from large and stationary ...
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This chapter analyses the attempts of the Bush Administration in the United States (2001-2009) to dismantle the New Source Review (NSR), a programme to control air pollution from large and stationary sources. After a short introduction to US environmental politics, it first identifies potential drivers affecting decision makers' perceptions of dismantling costs and benefits. Attention is paid to motivational factors (i.e. economic considerations and ideology) as well as the institutional setting of environmental policy. After formulating tentative expectations regarding actors' behaviour, it describes and analyses the Bush Administration's dismantling attempts and strategies. By considering motivations, constraints, effects, and outputs it reveals how the dismantling of the NSR ultimately failed. This case study demonstrates the need to disentangle unintended and intended effects of dismantling attempts in order to identify the underlying dismantling strategies; it also suggests the need for a closer analysis of the circumstances under which institutional aspects influence actors' choice of dismantling strategies.Less
This chapter analyses the attempts of the Bush Administration in the United States (2001-2009) to dismantle the New Source Review (NSR), a programme to control air pollution from large and stationary sources. After a short introduction to US environmental politics, it first identifies potential drivers affecting decision makers' perceptions of dismantling costs and benefits. Attention is paid to motivational factors (i.e. economic considerations and ideology) as well as the institutional setting of environmental policy. After formulating tentative expectations regarding actors' behaviour, it describes and analyses the Bush Administration's dismantling attempts and strategies. By considering motivations, constraints, effects, and outputs it reveals how the dismantling of the NSR ultimately failed. This case study demonstrates the need to disentangle unintended and intended effects of dismantling attempts in order to identify the underlying dismantling strategies; it also suggests the need for a closer analysis of the circumstances under which institutional aspects influence actors' choice of dismantling strategies.
Joel R. Paul
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198298922
- eISBN:
- 9780191685545
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198298922.003.0023
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter considers a second major structural feature of the American system potentially affected by transatlantic regulatory cooperation: the separation of powers. It focuses on the central role ...
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This chapter considers a second major structural feature of the American system potentially affected by transatlantic regulatory cooperation: the separation of powers. It focuses on the central role that the US President has historically played in advancing forms of international cooperation via the use of executive agreements, i.e. international compacts signed by the President without the advice and consent of two-thirds of the Senate, as is constitutionally required for treaties. Nearly all trade-related agreements entered into by the United States in fact take the form of executive agreements. This chapter questions the ‘discourse of executive expediency’ that has been used to justify deviation from constitutionally mandated treaty procedures, and concludes that executive agreements, in light of serious questions as to their legal effect, are in fact a poor instrument for implementing regulatory cooperation.Less
This chapter considers a second major structural feature of the American system potentially affected by transatlantic regulatory cooperation: the separation of powers. It focuses on the central role that the US President has historically played in advancing forms of international cooperation via the use of executive agreements, i.e. international compacts signed by the President without the advice and consent of two-thirds of the Senate, as is constitutionally required for treaties. Nearly all trade-related agreements entered into by the United States in fact take the form of executive agreements. This chapter questions the ‘discourse of executive expediency’ that has been used to justify deviation from constitutionally mandated treaty procedures, and concludes that executive agreements, in light of serious questions as to their legal effect, are in fact a poor instrument for implementing regulatory cooperation.
Corey D. Fields
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520291898
- eISBN:
- 9780520965508
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520291898.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
What do people think of when they hear about an African American Republican? Are they heroes fighting against the expectation that all blacks must vote democratic? Are they Uncle Toms or sellouts, ...
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What do people think of when they hear about an African American Republican? Are they heroes fighting against the expectation that all blacks must vote democratic? Are they Uncle Toms or sellouts, serving as traitors to their race? What is it really like to be a black person in the Republican Party? This book considers how race structures the political behavior of African American Republicans and discusses the dynamic relationship between race and political behavior in the purported “post-racial” context of US politics. Drawing on vivid first-person accounts, the book sheds light on the different ways black identity structures African Americans' membership in the Republican Party. Moving past rhetoric and politics, the everyday people working to reconcile their commitment to black identity with their belief in Republican principles can be seen. And at the end, the importance of understanding both the meanings African Americans attach to racial identity and the political contexts in which those meanings are developed and expressed is illuminated.Less
What do people think of when they hear about an African American Republican? Are they heroes fighting against the expectation that all blacks must vote democratic? Are they Uncle Toms or sellouts, serving as traitors to their race? What is it really like to be a black person in the Republican Party? This book considers how race structures the political behavior of African American Republicans and discusses the dynamic relationship between race and political behavior in the purported “post-racial” context of US politics. Drawing on vivid first-person accounts, the book sheds light on the different ways black identity structures African Americans' membership in the Republican Party. Moving past rhetoric and politics, the everyday people working to reconcile their commitment to black identity with their belief in Republican principles can be seen. And at the end, the importance of understanding both the meanings African Americans attach to racial identity and the political contexts in which those meanings are developed and expressed is illuminated.
Winnifred Fallers Sullivan
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226248479
- eISBN:
- 9780226248646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226248646.003.0023
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This essay argues that the decision in Employment Division v. Smith has shaped the contemporary politics of religious freedom in the United States. Sullivan describes the diversity of religious ...
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This essay argues that the decision in Employment Division v. Smith has shaped the contemporary politics of religious freedom in the United States. Sullivan describes the diversity of religious communities and organizations that came together in opposition to the Smith decision, which was widely perceived as a threat to religion. Post-Smith, a new accommodation between the religion clauses of the First Amendment favors the rights of religions communities over those of individuals.Less
This essay argues that the decision in Employment Division v. Smith has shaped the contemporary politics of religious freedom in the United States. Sullivan describes the diversity of religious communities and organizations that came together in opposition to the Smith decision, which was widely perceived as a threat to religion. Post-Smith, a new accommodation between the religion clauses of the First Amendment favors the rights of religions communities over those of individuals.
Martin Halliwell and Catherine Morley (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748626014
- eISBN:
- 9780748670673
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748626014.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This volume considers the changing patterns of American thought and culture in its transition into the early twenty-first century. One of the questions this book tackles is whether the twenty-first ...
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This volume considers the changing patterns of American thought and culture in its transition into the early twenty-first century. One of the questions this book tackles is whether the twenty-first century will prove to be ‘the next American century’, or one in which challenges to the structure of nation-states will radically transform the status, prestige and global role of the United States. The study is stimulated by two perceived turning points in American life: the political swing back towards the right represented by the election of George W. Bush in November 2000 and the attacks of 11 September 2001. The 18 chapters address domestic American issues, but also the place of the United States within a broader global narrative of commerce, cultural exchange, international diplomacy, ideological conflict, terrorism and war. The contributors to this volume take both long and short historical views of shifting intellectual trends and cultural patterns: comparing contemporary issues with the climate of the 1990s, but also looking back to earlier twentieth-century moments and concerns. In addition to assessing specific challenges arising in recent years, contributors address emerging issues and points of intensification that are likely to take effect in future years. The book has a thematic structure and is divided into three sections, dealing in turn with Politics, Society and Culture, and covering a wide span of topics that address issues of nationhood, globalization, ideology and cultural representation.Less
This volume considers the changing patterns of American thought and culture in its transition into the early twenty-first century. One of the questions this book tackles is whether the twenty-first century will prove to be ‘the next American century’, or one in which challenges to the structure of nation-states will radically transform the status, prestige and global role of the United States. The study is stimulated by two perceived turning points in American life: the political swing back towards the right represented by the election of George W. Bush in November 2000 and the attacks of 11 September 2001. The 18 chapters address domestic American issues, but also the place of the United States within a broader global narrative of commerce, cultural exchange, international diplomacy, ideological conflict, terrorism and war. The contributors to this volume take both long and short historical views of shifting intellectual trends and cultural patterns: comparing contemporary issues with the climate of the 1990s, but also looking back to earlier twentieth-century moments and concerns. In addition to assessing specific challenges arising in recent years, contributors address emerging issues and points of intensification that are likely to take effect in future years. The book has a thematic structure and is divided into three sections, dealing in turn with Politics, Society and Culture, and covering a wide span of topics that address issues of nationhood, globalization, ideology and cultural representation.
Kevin J. Harty
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748684021
- eISBN:
- 9780748697069
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748684021.003.0003
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
The founding fathers of the American Republic intentionally looked to Ancient Rome rather than to Ancient Greece as a guide for their shining new cities on the hill. More recently, screeds lamenting ...
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The founding fathers of the American Republic intentionally looked to Ancient Rome rather than to Ancient Greece as a guide for their shining new cities on the hill. More recently, screeds lamenting the downfall of America—politically, socially, morally, culturally—have once again used Ancient Rome to show that those who do not understand history are condemned to repeat it. Films since the Second World War have forged a similar link, reading events surrounding the fall of Rome against contemporary events in American history. This chapter looks at three pairs of films to show how they do so: Douglas Sirk’s Sign of the Pagan (1954) and Pietro Francisci’s Attila (also 1954); Anthony Mann’s Fall of the Roman Empire (1964) and Ridley Scott’s Gladiator (2000); and Neil Marshall’s Centurion (2010) and Kevin Macdonald’s The Eagle (2011). Collectively, these films reflect key moments in post-war American history such as the Red Scare and McCarthyism, the war in Vietnam, the triumph of Reaganism, and the rise of the Tea Party, and further fuel debates that continue to link the fortunes of contemporary America with those of its ancient ancestor on the banks of the Tiber.Less
The founding fathers of the American Republic intentionally looked to Ancient Rome rather than to Ancient Greece as a guide for their shining new cities on the hill. More recently, screeds lamenting the downfall of America—politically, socially, morally, culturally—have once again used Ancient Rome to show that those who do not understand history are condemned to repeat it. Films since the Second World War have forged a similar link, reading events surrounding the fall of Rome against contemporary events in American history. This chapter looks at three pairs of films to show how they do so: Douglas Sirk’s Sign of the Pagan (1954) and Pietro Francisci’s Attila (also 1954); Anthony Mann’s Fall of the Roman Empire (1964) and Ridley Scott’s Gladiator (2000); and Neil Marshall’s Centurion (2010) and Kevin Macdonald’s The Eagle (2011). Collectively, these films reflect key moments in post-war American history such as the Red Scare and McCarthyism, the war in Vietnam, the triumph of Reaganism, and the rise of the Tea Party, and further fuel debates that continue to link the fortunes of contemporary America with those of its ancient ancestor on the banks of the Tiber.
Amanda Porterfield
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199372690
- eISBN:
- 9780199372737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199372690.003.0018
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The final chapter revisits the chapters in this volume, identifying elements in each chapter that illumine one of three conclusions. The chapters illustrate, first, that religion has long been an ...
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The final chapter revisits the chapters in this volume, identifying elements in each chapter that illumine one of three conclusions. The chapters illustrate, first, that religion has long been an active force in American politics, and the more one looks for religion in the political events of the past, the more religion one finds. They show, second, that practices derived from religious contexts may have affected American political life as much or more profoundly than any theological belief. Third and finally, the chapters show that the meanings attached to “religion” and “politics” have changed over time, and that religion and politics are socially constructed categories with definitions that shift from one historical moment to the next.Less
The final chapter revisits the chapters in this volume, identifying elements in each chapter that illumine one of three conclusions. The chapters illustrate, first, that religion has long been an active force in American politics, and the more one looks for religion in the political events of the past, the more religion one finds. They show, second, that practices derived from religious contexts may have affected American political life as much or more profoundly than any theological belief. Third and finally, the chapters show that the meanings attached to “religion” and “politics” have changed over time, and that religion and politics are socially constructed categories with definitions that shift from one historical moment to the next.
Sangay K. Mishra
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816681150
- eISBN:
- 9781452954271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816681150.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 5 presents evidence from quantitative and qualitative data to argue that higher level of South Asian engagements with the issues concerning home countries do not lead to depressed political ...
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Chapter 5 presents evidence from quantitative and qualitative data to argue that higher level of South Asian engagements with the issues concerning home countries do not lead to depressed political participation in U.S. politics and demonstrates the linkages between the two spheres of political engagements.Less
Chapter 5 presents evidence from quantitative and qualitative data to argue that higher level of South Asian engagements with the issues concerning home countries do not lead to depressed political participation in U.S. politics and demonstrates the linkages between the two spheres of political engagements.
Omar G. Encarnación
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199356645
- eISBN:
- 9780199356669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199356645.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter closes the study with an overview of the implications of the Latin American experience for the comparative study of gay rights politics. The chapter begins with a discussion of how ...
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This chapter closes the study with an overview of the implications of the Latin American experience for the comparative study of gay rights politics. The chapter begins with a discussion of how “decentering” gay politics contributes to our understanding of the global spread of gay rights. It continues with a discussion of the need to go beyond the “resource mobilization” paradigm for understanding what makes for a successful gay rights movement. Of particular significance is the ability of gay activists to craft campaigns that resonate with society and the culture at large. This discussion also contrasts gay politics in the United States and in Latin America, especially around the issue of same-sex marriage, to understand why gay rights appear to have had an easier time emerging in Latin countries. The chapter concludes with a broad discussion of what the advent of gay rights means for Latin American democracy.Less
This chapter closes the study with an overview of the implications of the Latin American experience for the comparative study of gay rights politics. The chapter begins with a discussion of how “decentering” gay politics contributes to our understanding of the global spread of gay rights. It continues with a discussion of the need to go beyond the “resource mobilization” paradigm for understanding what makes for a successful gay rights movement. Of particular significance is the ability of gay activists to craft campaigns that resonate with society and the culture at large. This discussion also contrasts gay politics in the United States and in Latin America, especially around the issue of same-sex marriage, to understand why gay rights appear to have had an easier time emerging in Latin countries. The chapter concludes with a broad discussion of what the advent of gay rights means for Latin American democracy.
Angelica Maria Bernal
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- July 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190494223
- eISBN:
- 9780190494247
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190494223.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Democratization
From classical stories of divine lawgivers to contemporary ones of Founding Fathers and constitutional beginnings, foundings have long been synonymous with singular, extraordinary moments of ...
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From classical stories of divine lawgivers to contemporary ones of Founding Fathers and constitutional beginnings, foundings have long been synonymous with singular, extraordinary moments of political origin and creation. In constitutional democracies, this common view is particularly attractive, with original founding events, actors, and ideals invoked time and again in everyday politics as well as in times of crisis to remake the state and unify citizens. Beyond Origins challenges this view of foundings, explaining how it is ultimately dangerous, misguided, and unsustainable. Engaging with cases of founding through a series of “travels” across political traditions and historical time, this book evaluates the uses and abuses of this view to expose in its links among foundings, origins, and authority a troubling political foundationalism. It argues that by ascribing to foundings a universally binding, unifying, and transcendent authority, the common view works to obscure the fraught political struggles involved in actual foundings and refoundings. In the wake of this challenge, the book develops an alternate approach. Centered on a political view of foundings, this framework recasts foundations as far from authoritatively settled or grounded and redefines foundings as contentious, uncertain, and incomplete. It looks to actors whose complicated relations to pure origins both reveal and capitalize on the underauthorized and contingent nature of foundations to enact foundational change. By examining such actors—from Haitian revolutionaries to Latin American presidents and social movements—the book prods a reconsideration of foundings on different terms: as a contestatory, ongoing dimension of political life.Less
From classical stories of divine lawgivers to contemporary ones of Founding Fathers and constitutional beginnings, foundings have long been synonymous with singular, extraordinary moments of political origin and creation. In constitutional democracies, this common view is particularly attractive, with original founding events, actors, and ideals invoked time and again in everyday politics as well as in times of crisis to remake the state and unify citizens. Beyond Origins challenges this view of foundings, explaining how it is ultimately dangerous, misguided, and unsustainable. Engaging with cases of founding through a series of “travels” across political traditions and historical time, this book evaluates the uses and abuses of this view to expose in its links among foundings, origins, and authority a troubling political foundationalism. It argues that by ascribing to foundings a universally binding, unifying, and transcendent authority, the common view works to obscure the fraught political struggles involved in actual foundings and refoundings. In the wake of this challenge, the book develops an alternate approach. Centered on a political view of foundings, this framework recasts foundations as far from authoritatively settled or grounded and redefines foundings as contentious, uncertain, and incomplete. It looks to actors whose complicated relations to pure origins both reveal and capitalize on the underauthorized and contingent nature of foundations to enact foundational change. By examining such actors—from Haitian revolutionaries to Latin American presidents and social movements—the book prods a reconsideration of foundings on different terms: as a contestatory, ongoing dimension of political life.
Micaela di Leonardo
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190870195
- eISBN:
- 9780190870225
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190870195.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity, Culture
This chapter introduces The Tom Joyner Morning Show and describes its origin, format, audience, music, progressive politics, wit, growth, and longevity. I lay out my discovery of the show, my ...
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This chapter introduces The Tom Joyner Morning Show and describes its origin, format, audience, music, progressive politics, wit, growth, and longevity. I lay out my discovery of the show, my increasing fandom, and the unintentionally lengthy research period that ensued. I also lay out the meanings of the public sphere and counterpublics, and identify The Tom Joyner Morning Show as constituting a black working-class counterpublic. I consider the issues of celebrity culture, generational divides, neoliberal shift, and the recession of 2008. I document the show’s neglect in the larger public sphere and speculate on the reasons, including “saints or sinners” framings and high-tech snobbery.Less
This chapter introduces The Tom Joyner Morning Show and describes its origin, format, audience, music, progressive politics, wit, growth, and longevity. I lay out my discovery of the show, my increasing fandom, and the unintentionally lengthy research period that ensued. I also lay out the meanings of the public sphere and counterpublics, and identify The Tom Joyner Morning Show as constituting a black working-class counterpublic. I consider the issues of celebrity culture, generational divides, neoliberal shift, and the recession of 2008. I document the show’s neglect in the larger public sphere and speculate on the reasons, including “saints or sinners” framings and high-tech snobbery.
Nicole Nguyen
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816698264
- eISBN:
- 9781452955209
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816698264.003.0002
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
The first chapter locates Milton High School within national efforts to install militarized regimes of discipline in public education through the corporate takeover of schools, wage war under the ...
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The first chapter locates Milton High School within national efforts to install militarized regimes of discipline in public education through the corporate takeover of schools, wage war under the banner of national security, and draw young people into the war-making business through fear by examining the genealogies of neoliberal school reform, zero-tolerance school policies, school militarization, and fear in U.S. politics. Knitting these strands together lends itself to an understanding of how the Milton school staff thought about the shifting purposes of education, the needs of their students, and the role of national security in their daily lives.Less
The first chapter locates Milton High School within national efforts to install militarized regimes of discipline in public education through the corporate takeover of schools, wage war under the banner of national security, and draw young people into the war-making business through fear by examining the genealogies of neoliberal school reform, zero-tolerance school policies, school militarization, and fear in U.S. politics. Knitting these strands together lends itself to an understanding of how the Milton school staff thought about the shifting purposes of education, the needs of their students, and the role of national security in their daily lives.
