Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
As evidenced in US government responses to humanitarian emergencies over the past decade, humanitarian considerations are often not taken into account sufficiently in military and political planning ...
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As evidenced in US government responses to humanitarian emergencies over the past decade, humanitarian considerations are often not taken into account sufficiently in military and political planning processes. Kosovo was a prime example. The status quo is not an optimal basis for promoting US humanitarian interests. Bureaucratic turf wars and a long‐standing debate between the developed and developing countries on questions of intervention and national sovereignty have politicized and slowed effective humanitarian action, causing donor countries to turn away from formal multi‐lateral structures. To more effectively discharge US government functions in the humanitarian field and to more effectively coordinate policy, a new separate civilian agency —an Agency for Humanitarian Action (AHA)—is proposed.Less
As evidenced in US government responses to humanitarian emergencies over the past decade, humanitarian considerations are often not taken into account sufficiently in military and political planning processes. Kosovo was a prime example. The status quo is not an optimal basis for promoting US humanitarian interests. Bureaucratic turf wars and a long‐standing debate between the developed and developing countries on questions of intervention and national sovereignty have politicized and slowed effective humanitarian action, causing donor countries to turn away from formal multi‐lateral structures. To more effectively discharge US government functions in the humanitarian field and to more effectively coordinate policy, a new separate civilian agency —an Agency for Humanitarian Action (AHA)—is proposed.
Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered ...
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During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered much of the recent past and remain a continuing problem. Following Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti, a 1995 lessons‐learned report noted that there is no US government doctrine integrating the military component of a complex humanitarian operation with the civilian agencies responsible for recovery. As for East Timor, while quite limited as a policy precedent, it will probably be considered the paradigmatic test case for international state building.Refugee policy needs to be more proactive, and a greater degree of international cooperation and a preventive orientation should animate humanitarian responses.Less
During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered much of the recent past and remain a continuing problem. Following Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti, a 1995 lessons‐learned report noted that there is no US government doctrine integrating the military component of a complex humanitarian operation with the civilian agencies responsible for recovery. As for East Timor, while quite limited as a policy precedent, it will probably be considered the paradigmatic test case for international state building.
Refugee policy needs to be more proactive, and a greater degree of international cooperation and a preventive orientation should animate humanitarian responses.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195165869
- eISBN:
- 9780199868025
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195165869.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to ...
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This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to the public sector, examining how computers have fundamentally changed the nature of work in government and education. This book goes far beyond generalizations about the Information Age to the specifics of how industries have functioned, now function, and will function in the years to come. The book provides a broad overview of computing's and telecommunications' role in the entire public sector, including federal, state, and local governments, and in K-12 and higher education. Beginning in 1950, when commercial applications of digital technology began to appear, the book examines the unique ways different public sector industries adopted new technologies, showcasing the manner in which their innovative applications influenced other industries, as well as the US economy as a whole. The book builds on the surveys presented in the first volume, which examined sixteen manufacturing, process, transportation, wholesale and retail industries, and the second volume, which examined over a dozen financial, telecommunications, media, and entertainment industries. This book completes the trilogy and provides a picture of what the infrastructure of the Information Age really looks like and how we got there.Less
This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to the public sector, examining how computers have fundamentally changed the nature of work in government and education. This book goes far beyond generalizations about the Information Age to the specifics of how industries have functioned, now function, and will function in the years to come. The book provides a broad overview of computing's and telecommunications' role in the entire public sector, including federal, state, and local governments, and in K-12 and higher education. Beginning in 1950, when commercial applications of digital technology began to appear, the book examines the unique ways different public sector industries adopted new technologies, showcasing the manner in which their innovative applications influenced other industries, as well as the US economy as a whole. The book builds on the surveys presented in the first volume, which examined sixteen manufacturing, process, transportation, wholesale and retail industries, and the second volume, which examined over a dozen financial, telecommunications, media, and entertainment industries. This book completes the trilogy and provides a picture of what the infrastructure of the Information Age really looks like and how we got there.
Louis T. Wells
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195310627
- eISBN:
- 9780199783847
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195310627.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
In September 1994, a ceremony marked the official start of the construction of Paiton I. Attending were the US ambassador and representatives of some institutions that might put up money, along with ...
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In September 1994, a ceremony marked the official start of the construction of Paiton I. Attending were the US ambassador and representatives of some institutions that might put up money, along with the secretary general of the Ministry of Finance. One might have expected higher level Indonesian officials for such a large project, but this was really only a ceremony. No contract for construction had been executed and the all-important financing was still missing. The US government were to become much more deeply involved before the project could proceed. This chapter will show that the involvement was so deep that one must question the meaning of “turning to the private sector” for infrastructure.Less
In September 1994, a ceremony marked the official start of the construction of Paiton I. Attending were the US ambassador and representatives of some institutions that might put up money, along with the secretary general of the Ministry of Finance. One might have expected higher level Indonesian officials for such a large project, but this was really only a ceremony. No contract for construction had been executed and the all-important financing was still missing. The US government were to become much more deeply involved before the project could proceed. This chapter will show that the involvement was so deep that one must question the meaning of “turning to the private sector” for infrastructure.
Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
To prevent or mitigate refugee catastrophes, more effective international cooperation is needed in advance of crises. In this connection, new mechanisms are needed to marshal resources to promote the ...
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To prevent or mitigate refugee catastrophes, more effective international cooperation is needed in advance of crises. In this connection, new mechanisms are needed to marshal resources to promote the sustainable return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and successfully undertake post‐conflict recovery.Where prevention fails, more can be done to protect the displaced and help them find new homes. A greater degree of concerted action is needed among governments, international organizations, and NGOs in order to ensure the human security of the uprooted.Based on the experience of the last decade, institutional reform is a key determinant of effective cooperation. In particular, the author urges the consolidation of humanitarian functions within the U.N., and the creation of a single U.S. government Agency for Humanitarian Action, or AHA. As a first step in that direction, a proposal is made to establish Strategic Humanitarian Action and Research (SHARE), an operations‐oriented think tank designed to promote coherent responses and make humanitarian action more effective.Whether it is called humanitarian diplomacy or something else, a new form of statecraft is clearly needed in order to conduct effective humanitarian action in today's world. Success in this humanitarian management endeavour would surely mitigate the refugee problem and help us to avoid paying the high human, economic, political, and security costs –— the price of indifference.Less
To prevent or mitigate refugee catastrophes, more effective international cooperation is needed in advance of crises. In this connection, new mechanisms are needed to marshal resources to promote the sustainable return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and successfully undertake post‐conflict recovery.
Where prevention fails, more can be done to protect the displaced and help them find new homes. A greater degree of concerted action is needed among governments, international organizations, and NGOs in order to ensure the human security of the uprooted.
Based on the experience of the last decade, institutional reform is a key determinant of effective cooperation. In particular, the author urges the consolidation of humanitarian functions within the U.N., and the creation of a single U.S. government Agency for Humanitarian Action, or AHA. As a first step in that direction, a proposal is made to establish Strategic Humanitarian Action and Research (SHARE), an operations‐oriented think tank designed to promote coherent responses and make humanitarian action more effective.
Whether it is called humanitarian diplomacy or something else, a new form of statecraft is clearly needed in order to conduct effective humanitarian action in today's world. Success in this humanitarian management endeavour would surely mitigate the refugee problem and help us to avoid paying the high human, economic, political, and security costs –— the price of indifference.
Christopher M.D. Wilkie
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199606467
- eISBN:
- 9780191731648
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606467.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
Delving further into US policy determination provides other clues as to why SDRs became marginalized in the late 1970s and 1980s. For instance, US international monetary policy determination was ...
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Delving further into US policy determination provides other clues as to why SDRs became marginalized in the late 1970s and 1980s. For instance, US international monetary policy determination was affected by increased Congressional interest in the asset—with the Watergate scandal providing the dramatic backdrop for changing dynamics between the legislative and executive branches of government. These changing dynamics continue to characterize international economic policy determination in the US today, as does the role of the Federal Reserve. Not surprisingly, they also adversely affected prospects for the SDR.Less
Delving further into US policy determination provides other clues as to why SDRs became marginalized in the late 1970s and 1980s. For instance, US international monetary policy determination was affected by increased Congressional interest in the asset—with the Watergate scandal providing the dramatic backdrop for changing dynamics between the legislative and executive branches of government. These changing dynamics continue to characterize international economic policy determination in the US today, as does the role of the Federal Reserve. Not surprisingly, they also adversely affected prospects for the SDR.
David Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599240
- eISBN:
- 9780191725692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599240.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter compares and contrast two Gulf Wars, 1990–1 and 2003. It concludes that the First Gulf War, on the whole, met the just‐war criteria. It assesses the different reasons for the Second Gulf ...
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This chapter compares and contrast two Gulf Wars, 1990–1 and 2003. It concludes that the First Gulf War, on the whole, met the just‐war criteria. It assesses the different reasons for the Second Gulf War adduced by the US and UK governments (and at different times by Mr Blair); and whether and why the governments believed Iraq had Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). It concludes that the Second Gulf War, although fought, in the main, for honourable motives, failed fully to meet any of the just‐war criteria. These individual failures built up cumulatively to support the conclusion that the war was unjust, undertaken without sufficient just cause and without adequate planning to ensure a just outcome. The political leaders exercised insufficient practical wisdom. Coalition forces should not, however, now be precipitately withdrawn regardless of the consequences. Those who broke the peace have a responsibility to restore it.Less
This chapter compares and contrast two Gulf Wars, 1990–1 and 2003. It concludes that the First Gulf War, on the whole, met the just‐war criteria. It assesses the different reasons for the Second Gulf War adduced by the US and UK governments (and at different times by Mr Blair); and whether and why the governments believed Iraq had Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). It concludes that the Second Gulf War, although fought, in the main, for honourable motives, failed fully to meet any of the just‐war criteria. These individual failures built up cumulatively to support the conclusion that the war was unjust, undertaken without sufficient just cause and without adequate planning to ensure a just outcome. The political leaders exercised insufficient practical wisdom. Coalition forces should not, however, now be precipitately withdrawn regardless of the consequences. Those who broke the peace have a responsibility to restore it.
Charles R. Geisst
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195130867
- eISBN:
- 9780199871155
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195130863.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History, Financial Economics
A history of Wall Street beginning in 1791 and ending in the present, the book traces the development of the major financial markets from the New York Stock Exchange's origins in the outdoor curb ...
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A history of Wall Street beginning in 1791 and ending in the present, the book traces the development of the major financial markets from the New York Stock Exchange's origins in the outdoor curb market through developments in the 1990s. The history is divided into four main periods – 1791 through the Civil War, the Civil War to 1929, 1929 to 1954, and the late 1950s to the present. In each period, the book traces the development of Wall Street by examining how it issued new securities and traded existing ones on the exchanges. It also examines the role of major personalities such as Jay Gould, J. P. Morgan, and Michael Milken in new developments in finance. A major area of focus is the securities and banking laws initiated in the 1930s and their impact upon the Street's future role in raising and trading securities. Also discussed are the major milestone deals in each period and how they affected future trends. The major theme throughout is the often uneasy relationship between Wall Street and Washington, especially during the 1930s and again in the 1990s when several major scandals erupted.Less
A history of Wall Street beginning in 1791 and ending in the present, the book traces the development of the major financial markets from the New York Stock Exchange's origins in the outdoor curb market through developments in the 1990s. The history is divided into four main periods – 1791 through the Civil War, the Civil War to 1929, 1929 to 1954, and the late 1950s to the present. In each period, the book traces the development of Wall Street by examining how it issued new securities and traded existing ones on the exchanges. It also examines the role of major personalities such as Jay Gould, J. P. Morgan, and Michael Milken in new developments in finance. A major area of focus is the securities and banking laws initiated in the 1930s and their impact upon the Street's future role in raising and trading securities. Also discussed are the major milestone deals in each period and how they affected future trends. The major theme throughout is the often uneasy relationship between Wall Street and Washington, especially during the 1930s and again in the 1990s when several major scandals erupted.
Daniel P. Erikson
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479818761
- eISBN:
- 9781479811786
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479818761.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter provides a history of the Haitian diaspora's relations with the US government, focusing on two separate but interrelated foreign policy concerns: US relations with the government of ...
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This chapter provides a history of the Haitian diaspora's relations with the US government, focusing on two separate but interrelated foreign policy concerns: US relations with the government of Haiti and with Haitian migrants. To ensure stability, the United States has made promoting democracy and economic sustainability the core of its foreign policy. However, it has done so only reactively and intermittently, thereby undermining its policies' effectiveness. This is because Haiti has offered little economic or political strategic value to the United States as an ally since the end of the Cold War. With regard to policies toward Haitian migrants, US policy makers have made refugee crisis prevention a top priority—a goal that has led the government to seek control over irregular flows of boat people and others seeking asylum and residence in the United States.Less
This chapter provides a history of the Haitian diaspora's relations with the US government, focusing on two separate but interrelated foreign policy concerns: US relations with the government of Haiti and with Haitian migrants. To ensure stability, the United States has made promoting democracy and economic sustainability the core of its foreign policy. However, it has done so only reactively and intermittently, thereby undermining its policies' effectiveness. This is because Haiti has offered little economic or political strategic value to the United States as an ally since the end of the Cold War. With regard to policies toward Haitian migrants, US policy makers have made refugee crisis prevention a top priority—a goal that has led the government to seek control over irregular flows of boat people and others seeking asylum and residence in the United States.
Julia Gaffield
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625621
- eISBN:
- 9781469625645
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625621.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Chapter 4 systematically examines the debates in the United States in light of Haiti’s interactions with France and Britain. For the two years after Haitian independence trade with Haiti was legal in ...
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Chapter 4 systematically examines the debates in the United States in light of Haiti’s interactions with France and Britain. For the two years after Haitian independence trade with Haiti was legal in the United States. This chapter focuses on the trajectory of American policy toward Haiti in the first years after Haitian independence and emphasizes the resistance to the prohibition on trade with Haiti that passed in February 1806. The debates in the US Congress in 1805 and 1806 reveal that the prohibition on trade was not the first measure taken by the US Government and, when it was, it was not universally supported. Furthermore, the bill that prohibited trade with Haiti was only in effect for two years. After that, trade fell under two other acts that prohibited foreign trade more generally and then limited this prohibition to the French and British Empires. Even then, however, it was not clear whether Haiti should be considered within the limits of the second act. When the question arose in the American court system, the US Supreme Court ruled that the previous prohibition on trade implied that the US government did not intend to recognize Haitian independence.Less
Chapter 4 systematically examines the debates in the United States in light of Haiti’s interactions with France and Britain. For the two years after Haitian independence trade with Haiti was legal in the United States. This chapter focuses on the trajectory of American policy toward Haiti in the first years after Haitian independence and emphasizes the resistance to the prohibition on trade with Haiti that passed in February 1806. The debates in the US Congress in 1805 and 1806 reveal that the prohibition on trade was not the first measure taken by the US Government and, when it was, it was not universally supported. Furthermore, the bill that prohibited trade with Haiti was only in effect for two years. After that, trade fell under two other acts that prohibited foreign trade more generally and then limited this prohibition to the French and British Empires. Even then, however, it was not clear whether Haiti should be considered within the limits of the second act. When the question arose in the American court system, the US Supreme Court ruled that the previous prohibition on trade implied that the US government did not intend to recognize Haitian independence.
Tony Shaw
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625239
- eISBN:
- 9780748670918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625239.003.0007
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter demonstrates how American domestic affairs could influence the nation's Cold War policies and image overseas. It emphasises the subtle skills that Washington used to develop cinematic ...
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This chapter demonstrates how American domestic affairs could influence the nation's Cold War policies and image overseas. It emphasises the subtle skills that Washington used to develop cinematic counter-propaganda during the Cold War. Nine from Little Rock confined US government efforts to manage foreigners' perceptions of the race issue during the Cold War. When it came to the presentation of the ‘Negro problem’ on the big screen, there was plenty of room for official agencies to correct impressions, fill gaps or engage explicitly with communist accusations of racism. George Stevens, Jr. persuaded the most capable of America's young producers into making films for the United States Information Agency (USIA). Nine from Little Rock revealed America to be an economically mature and technologically exciting country. It set the high watermark of the USIA Motion Picture Service's attempts to foster a positive image of American race relations during the Cold War.Less
This chapter demonstrates how American domestic affairs could influence the nation's Cold War policies and image overseas. It emphasises the subtle skills that Washington used to develop cinematic counter-propaganda during the Cold War. Nine from Little Rock confined US government efforts to manage foreigners' perceptions of the race issue during the Cold War. When it came to the presentation of the ‘Negro problem’ on the big screen, there was plenty of room for official agencies to correct impressions, fill gaps or engage explicitly with communist accusations of racism. George Stevens, Jr. persuaded the most capable of America's young producers into making films for the United States Information Agency (USIA). Nine from Little Rock revealed America to be an economically mature and technologically exciting country. It set the high watermark of the USIA Motion Picture Service's attempts to foster a positive image of American race relations during the Cold War.
Thomas H. Conner
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176314
- eISBN:
- 9780813176345
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176314.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter looks at the establishment of the ABMC and the history of American cemeteries and monuments in Europe. During the First World War, in a span of about seven months, America left more than ...
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This chapter looks at the establishment of the ABMC and the history of American cemeteries and monuments in Europe. During the First World War, in a span of about seven months, America left more than 75,000 American soldiers dead in Europe. Torn between bringing the soldiers home and the expense of doing so, the U.S. government allowed the families to decide the fates of their fallen loved ones. Two parties arose from the controversy over whether the fallen soldiers should be brought home or left in American cemeteries abroad. The “Bring Home the Soldier Dead League” wanted the former, and the “Field of Honor Association” wanted the latter. Most of the soldiers’ bodies were shipped home to America, but in 1920-1921, eight permanent cemetery sites were designated in Europe: Suresnes, Romagne, Belleau Wood, Bony, Brookwood, Fère-en-Tardenois, Thiaucourt, and Waregem. In addition to the American cemeteries, it was also decided that American monuments would be erected in Europe. General Pershing emerged as the “chief of national remembrance” for the United States, and the first chairman of the ABMC.Less
This chapter looks at the establishment of the ABMC and the history of American cemeteries and monuments in Europe. During the First World War, in a span of about seven months, America left more than 75,000 American soldiers dead in Europe. Torn between bringing the soldiers home and the expense of doing so, the U.S. government allowed the families to decide the fates of their fallen loved ones. Two parties arose from the controversy over whether the fallen soldiers should be brought home or left in American cemeteries abroad. The “Bring Home the Soldier Dead League” wanted the former, and the “Field of Honor Association” wanted the latter. Most of the soldiers’ bodies were shipped home to America, but in 1920-1921, eight permanent cemetery sites were designated in Europe: Suresnes, Romagne, Belleau Wood, Bony, Brookwood, Fère-en-Tardenois, Thiaucourt, and Waregem. In addition to the American cemeteries, it was also decided that American monuments would be erected in Europe. General Pershing emerged as the “chief of national remembrance” for the United States, and the first chairman of the ABMC.
Peter Knight
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624102
- eISBN:
- 9780748671199
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624102.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the battle lines that have been drawn up since the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in November 1963, critics of many different stripes have challenged what has become known as the ...
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In the battle lines that have been drawn up since the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in November 1963, critics of many different stripes have challenged what has become known as the ‘establishment version’ or the ‘official version’. That version is in fact made up of a number of monumental investigations and reports commissioned and conducted by various branches of the federal government, not all of which are in agreement. This chapter recounts the history of the political manoeuvres that led to the establishment of each of the inquiries, before going on to analyse their main findings as well as their strategies of representation.Less
In the battle lines that have been drawn up since the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in November 1963, critics of many different stripes have challenged what has become known as the ‘establishment version’ or the ‘official version’. That version is in fact made up of a number of monumental investigations and reports commissioned and conducted by various branches of the federal government, not all of which are in agreement. This chapter recounts the history of the political manoeuvres that led to the establishment of each of the inquiries, before going on to analyse their main findings as well as their strategies of representation.
Terrence Lyons
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479818761
- eISBN:
- 9781479811786
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479818761.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the relations between the Ethiopian diaspora and the US government. Diaspora lobby organizations in the United States have tended to be dominated by adherents to Ethiopian ...
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This chapter examines the relations between the Ethiopian diaspora and the US government. Diaspora lobby organizations in the United States have tended to be dominated by adherents to Ethiopian political parties opposed to the party currently controlling the Ethiopian government. Pointing to US values and the need for long-term stability in Ethiopia in order to gain leverage with US administrations, leaders of diaspora organizations have promoted US policies of democratization and respect for human rights in Ethiopia. However, since the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power in 1991, the executive branch has viewed the exile diaspora groups as extremist and out of date in refusing to seek incremental changes through collaboration with the Ethiopian government.Less
This chapter examines the relations between the Ethiopian diaspora and the US government. Diaspora lobby organizations in the United States have tended to be dominated by adherents to Ethiopian political parties opposed to the party currently controlling the Ethiopian government. Pointing to US values and the need for long-term stability in Ethiopia in order to gain leverage with US administrations, leaders of diaspora organizations have promoted US policies of democratization and respect for human rights in Ethiopia. However, since the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power in 1991, the executive branch has viewed the exile diaspora groups as extremist and out of date in refusing to seek incremental changes through collaboration with the Ethiopian government.
Tony Shaw
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625239
- eISBN:
- 9780748670918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625239.003.0006
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter investigates The Day the Earth Stood Still, Storm Centre and On the Beach. Each stresses an issue that caused the US government considerable political discomfort, and which filmmakers ...
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This chapter investigates The Day the Earth Stood Still, Storm Centre and On the Beach. Each stresses an issue that caused the US government considerable political discomfort, and which filmmakers would continue to probe throughout the Cold War. The Day the Earth Stood Still was the first ‘A’ treatment given to a science-fiction theme by a major studio. Storm Centre missed an opportunity to show that during the Red Scare anticommunists were often driven by ulterior motives — economic, personal and racial. On the Beach certainly developed a politically intriguing afterlife. Movies like The Day the Earth Stood Still, Storm Centre and On the Beach reveal the non-monolithic nature of the US state-film network, and prove that even during American Cold War cinema's most conservative phase, the US film industry was never officially straitjacketed in the way that Soviet cinema was.Less
This chapter investigates The Day the Earth Stood Still, Storm Centre and On the Beach. Each stresses an issue that caused the US government considerable political discomfort, and which filmmakers would continue to probe throughout the Cold War. The Day the Earth Stood Still was the first ‘A’ treatment given to a science-fiction theme by a major studio. Storm Centre missed an opportunity to show that during the Red Scare anticommunists were often driven by ulterior motives — economic, personal and racial. On the Beach certainly developed a politically intriguing afterlife. Movies like The Day the Earth Stood Still, Storm Centre and On the Beach reveal the non-monolithic nature of the US state-film network, and prove that even during American Cold War cinema's most conservative phase, the US film industry was never officially straitjacketed in the way that Soviet cinema was.
Odie B. Faulk
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195083514
- eISBN:
- 9780199854141
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195083514.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
On August 25 1886, the Apache chief, Geronimo, surrendered to the US army, ending a long and bloody struggle. This book draws on fresh evidence to examine the ironies, dangers, and vicissitudes of ...
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On August 25 1886, the Apache chief, Geronimo, surrendered to the US army, ending a long and bloody struggle. This book draws on fresh evidence to examine the ironies, dangers, and vicissitudes of that campaign. Based on the papers collected by Lt. Charles B. Gatewood—the one white man Geronimo trusted—including depositions from old soldiers and scouts, official documents, articles, letters, and photographs, the book shows that it was essentially a war no one won—the Apaches (like the Sioux, Comanche, and Nez Perce before them), losing their land and lifestyle, the Americans losing all that the tribes might have contributed to the union and more than a measure of national self-respect. The author is especially concerned with the campaign's wider historical setting and significance, and with the sad record of betrayal of the Native American by the US Government.Less
On August 25 1886, the Apache chief, Geronimo, surrendered to the US army, ending a long and bloody struggle. This book draws on fresh evidence to examine the ironies, dangers, and vicissitudes of that campaign. Based on the papers collected by Lt. Charles B. Gatewood—the one white man Geronimo trusted—including depositions from old soldiers and scouts, official documents, articles, letters, and photographs, the book shows that it was essentially a war no one won—the Apaches (like the Sioux, Comanche, and Nez Perce before them), losing their land and lifestyle, the Americans losing all that the tribes might have contributed to the union and more than a measure of national self-respect. The author is especially concerned with the campaign's wider historical setting and significance, and with the sad record of betrayal of the Native American by the US Government.
Elizabeth Popp Berman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691147086
- eISBN:
- 9781400840472
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691147086.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Higher Education
American universities today serve as economic engines, performing the scientific research that will create new industries, drive economic growth, and keep the United States globally competitive. But ...
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American universities today serve as economic engines, performing the scientific research that will create new industries, drive economic growth, and keep the United States globally competitive. But only a few decades ago, these same universities self-consciously held themselves apart from the world of commerce. This is the first book to systematically examine why academic science made such a dramatic move toward the market. Drawing on extensive historical research, the book shows how the government—influenced by the argument that innovation drives the economy—brought about this transformation. Americans have a long tradition of making heroes out of their inventors. But before the 1960s and 1970s neither policymakers nor economists paid much attention to the critical economic role played by innovation. However, during the late 1970s, a confluence of events—industry concern with the perceived deterioration of innovation in the United States, a growing body of economic research on innovation's importance, and the stagnation of the larger economy—led to a broad political interest in fostering invention. The policy decisions shaped by this change were diverse, influencing arenas from patents and taxes to pensions and science policy, and encouraged practices that would focus specifically on the economic value of academic science. By the early 1980s, universities were nurturing the rapid growth of areas such as biotech entrepreneurship, patenting, and university–industry research centers. Contributing to debates about the relationship between universities, government, and industry, the book sheds light on how knowledge and politics intersect to structure the economy.Less
American universities today serve as economic engines, performing the scientific research that will create new industries, drive economic growth, and keep the United States globally competitive. But only a few decades ago, these same universities self-consciously held themselves apart from the world of commerce. This is the first book to systematically examine why academic science made such a dramatic move toward the market. Drawing on extensive historical research, the book shows how the government—influenced by the argument that innovation drives the economy—brought about this transformation. Americans have a long tradition of making heroes out of their inventors. But before the 1960s and 1970s neither policymakers nor economists paid much attention to the critical economic role played by innovation. However, during the late 1970s, a confluence of events—industry concern with the perceived deterioration of innovation in the United States, a growing body of economic research on innovation's importance, and the stagnation of the larger economy—led to a broad political interest in fostering invention. The policy decisions shaped by this change were diverse, influencing arenas from patents and taxes to pensions and science policy, and encouraged practices that would focus specifically on the economic value of academic science. By the early 1980s, universities were nurturing the rapid growth of areas such as biotech entrepreneurship, patenting, and university–industry research centers. Contributing to debates about the relationship between universities, government, and industry, the book sheds light on how knowledge and politics intersect to structure the economy.
Tony Shaw
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625239
- eISBN:
- 9780748670918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625239.003.0011
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Hollywood exploited the Cold War, plundering the conflict for profit and propaganda from beginning to end. American Cold War film propaganda was not simply the expression of official ideology but ...
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Hollywood exploited the Cold War, plundering the conflict for profit and propaganda from beginning to end. American Cold War film propaganda was not simply the expression of official ideology but involved a range of different ideologies, discourses and institutions, all of which had some influence on the representation of the United States at war. The harmonious relationship between Hollywood and the US government during the Cold War helped provide a platform for consistently high-quality propaganda. Since the end of the Cold War, the state-film network has still operated. Hollywood's most visually striking contribution to the War on Terror came along before the rubble at New York's Ground Zero had been cleared. The Spirit of America was a fitting tribute to Hollywood's intimate relationship with the American nation throughout the twentieth century.Less
Hollywood exploited the Cold War, plundering the conflict for profit and propaganda from beginning to end. American Cold War film propaganda was not simply the expression of official ideology but involved a range of different ideologies, discourses and institutions, all of which had some influence on the representation of the United States at war. The harmonious relationship between Hollywood and the US government during the Cold War helped provide a platform for consistently high-quality propaganda. Since the end of the Cold War, the state-film network has still operated. Hollywood's most visually striking contribution to the War on Terror came along before the rubble at New York's Ground Zero had been cleared. The Spirit of America was a fitting tribute to Hollywood's intimate relationship with the American nation throughout the twentieth century.
Danielle L. Wigins
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496813657
- eISBN:
- 9781496813695
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496813657.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter considers the diversity that characterizes the African American intellectual community, focusing on black conservative thinkers' attacks on liberalism and their efforts to offer ...
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This chapter considers the diversity that characterizes the African American intellectual community, focusing on black conservative thinkers' attacks on liberalism and their efforts to offer conservative alternatives. It shows that their critique of the U.S. government's efforts to intervene on behalf of African Americans and to assist black individuals and communities was a peculiar amalgam of black intellectual traditions and the ideology of the New Right that emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. Conservatives of color tapped into a reservoir of black conservative thought that dates back to the nineteenth century but merged it with the anti-civil rights impetus of white conservatives who welcomed their contributions but marginalized them within organizations of the New Right.Less
This chapter considers the diversity that characterizes the African American intellectual community, focusing on black conservative thinkers' attacks on liberalism and their efforts to offer conservative alternatives. It shows that their critique of the U.S. government's efforts to intervene on behalf of African Americans and to assist black individuals and communities was a peculiar amalgam of black intellectual traditions and the ideology of the New Right that emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. Conservatives of color tapped into a reservoir of black conservative thought that dates back to the nineteenth century but merged it with the anti-civil rights impetus of white conservatives who welcomed their contributions but marginalized them within organizations of the New Right.
Shayla C. Nunnally
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814758656
- eISBN:
- 9780814759301
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814758656.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The more citizens trust their government, the better democracy functions. However, African Americans have long suffered from the lack of equal protection by their government, and the racial ...
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The more citizens trust their government, the better democracy functions. However, African Americans have long suffered from the lack of equal protection by their government, and the racial discrimination they have faced breaks down their trust in democracy. Rather than promoting democracy, the United States government has, from its inception, racially discriminated against African American citizens and other racial groups, denying them equal access to citizenship and to protection of the law. Civil rights violations by ordinary citizens have also tainted social relationships between racial groups—social relationships that should be meaningful for enhancing relations between citizens and the government at large. Thus, trust and democracy do not function in American politics the way they should, in part because trust is not color blind. Based on the premise that racial discrimination breaks down trust in a democracy, this book examines the effect of race on African Americans' lives. It analyzes public opinion data from two national surveys to provide an updated and contemporary analysis of African Americans' political socialization, and to explore how African Americans learn about race. The book argues that the uncertainty, risk, and unfairness of institutionalized racial discrimination has led African Americans to have a fundamentally different understanding of American race relations, so much so that distrust has been the basis for which race relations have been understood by African Americans. It demonstrates that race and racial discrimination have broken down trust in American democracy.Less
The more citizens trust their government, the better democracy functions. However, African Americans have long suffered from the lack of equal protection by their government, and the racial discrimination they have faced breaks down their trust in democracy. Rather than promoting democracy, the United States government has, from its inception, racially discriminated against African American citizens and other racial groups, denying them equal access to citizenship and to protection of the law. Civil rights violations by ordinary citizens have also tainted social relationships between racial groups—social relationships that should be meaningful for enhancing relations between citizens and the government at large. Thus, trust and democracy do not function in American politics the way they should, in part because trust is not color blind. Based on the premise that racial discrimination breaks down trust in a democracy, this book examines the effect of race on African Americans' lives. It analyzes public opinion data from two national surveys to provide an updated and contemporary analysis of African Americans' political socialization, and to explore how African Americans learn about race. The book argues that the uncertainty, risk, and unfairness of institutionalized racial discrimination has led African Americans to have a fundamentally different understanding of American race relations, so much so that distrust has been the basis for which race relations have been understood by African Americans. It demonstrates that race and racial discrimination have broken down trust in American democracy.
