Colin Dueck
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190079369
- eISBN:
- 9780190079390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190079369.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter provides the framework for understanding American nationalism, liberal internationalism, and conservative foreign policy approaches in their various forms. The history, premises, and ...
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This chapter provides the framework for understanding American nationalism, liberal internationalism, and conservative foreign policy approaches in their various forms. The history, premises, and practices of American nationalism are recounted, from the American founding to the beginning of the twentieth century. Then the key elements of liberal internationalism are discussed, including their incorporation into American foreign policy beginning with Woodrow Wilson. Conservative American reactions to liberal internationalist policies are described and delineated into their own distinct categories as well. The context is thus set for a discussion of conservative American nationalism in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.Less
This chapter provides the framework for understanding American nationalism, liberal internationalism, and conservative foreign policy approaches in their various forms. The history, premises, and practices of American nationalism are recounted, from the American founding to the beginning of the twentieth century. Then the key elements of liberal internationalism are discussed, including their incorporation into American foreign policy beginning with Woodrow Wilson. Conservative American reactions to liberal internationalist policies are described and delineated into their own distinct categories as well. The context is thus set for a discussion of conservative American nationalism in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.
Colin Dueck
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190079369
- eISBN:
- 9780190079390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190079369.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to balance nationalist with global foreign policy priorities between 1901 and 1960. Theodore Roosevelt ...
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This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to balance nationalist with global foreign policy priorities between 1901 and 1960. Theodore Roosevelt was quite effective in doing so, within the context of his time. GOP conservatives struggled to respond to Woodrow Wilson, splintering into factional disputes, but agreeing that Wilson’s League of Nations could not be supported unrevised. Republican presidents from Warren Harding to Herbert Hoover then tried to cultivate a pacified international system while promoting US national interests, but were unwilling to sustain the necessary costs. Fierce debates over foreign policy characterized internal GOP politics during 1939–1941. Finally, in the mid-1950s, President Eisenhower hit upon a reasonable balance of national and global priorities, internationalizing the Republican Party.Less
This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to balance nationalist with global foreign policy priorities between 1901 and 1960. Theodore Roosevelt was quite effective in doing so, within the context of his time. GOP conservatives struggled to respond to Woodrow Wilson, splintering into factional disputes, but agreeing that Wilson’s League of Nations could not be supported unrevised. Republican presidents from Warren Harding to Herbert Hoover then tried to cultivate a pacified international system while promoting US national interests, but were unwilling to sustain the necessary costs. Fierce debates over foreign policy characterized internal GOP politics during 1939–1941. Finally, in the mid-1950s, President Eisenhower hit upon a reasonable balance of national and global priorities, internationalizing the Republican Party.
Colin Dueck
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190079369
- eISBN:
- 9780190079390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190079369.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to strike balances between nationalist and internationalist priorities between the 1960s and 2015. Barry ...
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This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to strike balances between nationalist and internationalist priorities between the 1960s and 2015. Barry Goldwater championed a hawkish Sunbelt conservatism that in the long run helped remake the Republican Party. President Nixon pursued a foreign policy based upon assumptions of great-power politics and realpolitik. President Reagan led an ideologically charged effort at anti-Communist rollback, although he was careful not to overextend the United States in any large-scale wars on the ground. Republicans during the Clinton presidency struggled to reformulate conservative foreign policy assumptions in the wake of the Soviet Union’s collapse. George W. Bush remade conservative foreign policy into a war on terror, aiming at the democratization of the Greater Middle East. Finally, during the presidency of Barack Obama, Republican foreign policy factions once again splintered, paving the way for a conservative nationalist resurgence.Less
This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to strike balances between nationalist and internationalist priorities between the 1960s and 2015. Barry Goldwater championed a hawkish Sunbelt conservatism that in the long run helped remake the Republican Party. President Nixon pursued a foreign policy based upon assumptions of great-power politics and realpolitik. President Reagan led an ideologically charged effort at anti-Communist rollback, although he was careful not to overextend the United States in any large-scale wars on the ground. Republicans during the Clinton presidency struggled to reformulate conservative foreign policy assumptions in the wake of the Soviet Union’s collapse. George W. Bush remade conservative foreign policy into a war on terror, aiming at the democratization of the Greater Middle East. Finally, during the presidency of Barack Obama, Republican foreign policy factions once again splintered, paving the way for a conservative nationalist resurgence.
David P. Fields
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813177199
- eISBN:
- 9780813177250
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813177199.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book examines how Syngman Rhee and the Korean independence movement used the rhetoric of American exceptionalism to lobby the U.S. government and the American public for support between 1905 and ...
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This book examines how Syngman Rhee and the Korean independence movement used the rhetoric of American exceptionalism to lobby the U.S. government and the American public for support between 1905 and 1945. Alleging that Theodore Roosevelt violated the 1882 Korean-American Treaty when he tacitly supported the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1905, Rhee argued that Germany was not the only nation guilty of regarding treaties as “mere scraps of paper” and exhorted Americans to right this historical wrong by supporting Korean independence. He argued that doing so would prove Americans were the exceptional people many of them believed themselves to be.
Rhee’s message gained credibility, not only because the concept of American exceptionalism resonated with Americans, but also because at various junctures certain Americans found the Korean cause useful. During the fight over the Versailles Treaty, the so-called Irreconcilable senators used the Korean issue to criticize President Wilson and to deflect the charge that they were isolationists. During the denouement of World War II, anticommunist politicians and civic organizations argued that Korea must not be abandoned to communism and that the United States’ treatment of Korea would be a test of American resolve in establishing a new rules-based order. The publicity Korea received from these and other episodes transformed Korea into an issue that could not be ignored in the postwar period. The irony and tragedy of Rhee’s efforts is that not only did they fail to regain Korea’s independence, but they directly contributed to the decision to divide Korea—an outcome he never foresaw or supported.Less
This book examines how Syngman Rhee and the Korean independence movement used the rhetoric of American exceptionalism to lobby the U.S. government and the American public for support between 1905 and 1945. Alleging that Theodore Roosevelt violated the 1882 Korean-American Treaty when he tacitly supported the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1905, Rhee argued that Germany was not the only nation guilty of regarding treaties as “mere scraps of paper” and exhorted Americans to right this historical wrong by supporting Korean independence. He argued that doing so would prove Americans were the exceptional people many of them believed themselves to be.
Rhee’s message gained credibility, not only because the concept of American exceptionalism resonated with Americans, but also because at various junctures certain Americans found the Korean cause useful. During the fight over the Versailles Treaty, the so-called Irreconcilable senators used the Korean issue to criticize President Wilson and to deflect the charge that they were isolationists. During the denouement of World War II, anticommunist politicians and civic organizations argued that Korea must not be abandoned to communism and that the United States’ treatment of Korea would be a test of American resolve in establishing a new rules-based order. The publicity Korea received from these and other episodes transformed Korea into an issue that could not be ignored in the postwar period. The irony and tragedy of Rhee’s efforts is that not only did they fail to regain Korea’s independence, but they directly contributed to the decision to divide Korea—an outcome he never foresaw or supported.
Colin Dueck
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190079369
- eISBN:
- 9780190079390
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190079369.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Age of Iron attempts to describe the past, present, and possible future of conservative nationalism in American foreign policy. It argues that a kind of conservative US nationalism long predates the ...
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Age of Iron attempts to describe the past, present, and possible future of conservative nationalism in American foreign policy. It argues that a kind of conservative US nationalism long predates the Trump presidency, and goes back to the American founding. Different aspects of conservative American nationalism have been incorporated into the Republican Party from its creation. Every Republican president since Theodore Roosevelt has tried to balance elements of this tradition with global US foreign policy priorities. Donald Trump was able to win his party’s nomination and rise to the presidency in part by challenging liberal internationalist assumptions. Yet in practice, he too has combined nationalist assumptions with global US foreign policy priorities. The long-term trend within the Republican party, predating Trump, is toward political populism, cultural conservatism, and white working-class voters—and this has international implications. Republican foreign policy nationalism is not about to disappear. The book concludes with recommendations for US foreign policy, based upon an understanding that the optimism of the post–Cold War quarter-century is over.Less
Age of Iron attempts to describe the past, present, and possible future of conservative nationalism in American foreign policy. It argues that a kind of conservative US nationalism long predates the Trump presidency, and goes back to the American founding. Different aspects of conservative American nationalism have been incorporated into the Republican Party from its creation. Every Republican president since Theodore Roosevelt has tried to balance elements of this tradition with global US foreign policy priorities. Donald Trump was able to win his party’s nomination and rise to the presidency in part by challenging liberal internationalist assumptions. Yet in practice, he too has combined nationalist assumptions with global US foreign policy priorities. The long-term trend within the Republican party, predating Trump, is toward political populism, cultural conservatism, and white working-class voters—and this has international implications. Republican foreign policy nationalism is not about to disappear. The book concludes with recommendations for US foreign policy, based upon an understanding that the optimism of the post–Cold War quarter-century is over.
Colin Dueck
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190079369
- eISBN:
- 9780190079390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190079369.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter summarizes the entire book. It argues that a kind of conservative American nationalism long predates the Trump presidency, and goes back to the American founding. Different aspects of ...
More
This chapter summarizes the entire book. It argues that a kind of conservative American nationalism long predates the Trump presidency, and goes back to the American founding. Different aspects of conservative American nationalism have been incorporated into the Republican Party from its creation. Every Republican president since Theodore Roosevelt has tried to balance elements of this tradition with global US foreign policy priorities. Donald Trump was able to win his party’s nomination and rise to the presidency in part by challenging liberal internationalist assumptions. Yet in practice, he too has combined nationalist assumptions with global US foreign policy priorities. The long-term trend within the Republican party—predating Trump—is toward political populism, cultural conservatism, and white working-class voters, and this has international implications. Republican foreign policy nationalism is not about to disappear.Less
This chapter summarizes the entire book. It argues that a kind of conservative American nationalism long predates the Trump presidency, and goes back to the American founding. Different aspects of conservative American nationalism have been incorporated into the Republican Party from its creation. Every Republican president since Theodore Roosevelt has tried to balance elements of this tradition with global US foreign policy priorities. Donald Trump was able to win his party’s nomination and rise to the presidency in part by challenging liberal internationalist assumptions. Yet in practice, he too has combined nationalist assumptions with global US foreign policy priorities. The long-term trend within the Republican party—predating Trump—is toward political populism, cultural conservatism, and white working-class voters, and this has international implications. Republican foreign policy nationalism is not about to disappear.
